ttOOrwBOOwBOpn] €i^«t3' rrSKKSOSr^fSm The Robert E. Gross Collection A Memorial to the Founder of the J^ocKneed SQiii^t^li> Business Administration Library Los Angeles I- ^#^#C*#€*^O^#^^^^C^0 ^€*#€-'#^^0 A N ESSAY O N TRADE. [Price Two Shillings.] ^*^i0^Oi LL Commerce is founded upon the Wants, natural or artificial, real or: imaginary , which the Peo- ple of different Countries, or the different Claffes of Inhabitants of the fame Country, are defirous, in defed: of their own fingle Abilities, to fupply by mti- tual Intercourle. If this Commerce be car- ried on between the Inhabitants of the fame Country, with the Growth or Manufacture of that Country only, it is called Home Con- sumption: which is fo far ferviceable, as it preferves the feveral Profeffions and Stations of Life in their due Order^ as it promotes Arts and Sciences, with a Rotation of Indus- try, Wealth, and mutual Good Offices be- tween the Members of any Community. For thefe Reafons, Traffick, merely of this kind, is of great Importance, though it neither in- creajes nor diminipjes the Publick Stock of Gold and Silver. B But ii INTRO DUCT I OK. But Providence having intended that there fliould be a mutual Dependance and Connec- tion between Mankind in general, we find it almoft impoHible for any particular People to live, with tolerable Comfort, and in a civilized State, independant of all their Neighbours. Befides, it is natural for Men to extend their Views, and their Wifhes, beyond the Limits of a fingle Community, and to be defirous of enjoying the Produce or Manufa(ftures of other Countries, which they muft purchafe by fome Exchange. Now this Intercourfe with other Nations is called Foreign Trade. And in the Exchange of Commodities^ if one Na- tion pays the other a Quantity of Gold or Sil- ver over and above its Property of other Kinds, this is called a Balance againll that Nation m favour of the other. Aiid the Science of gain- ful Commerce priitci-pally con/i/ls in the bring- ing this fingle Point to bear *. Now there can be but one general Method for putting it ia Pradice ;, * This is fpoken with refpe£^ to the ultimate Balance of Trade. For in reference to the intermediate Balance, it doth not always hold true. A Trade may be beneficial to the Nation, where the Imports exceed the Exports y and confequently the Balance paid in Specie^ if that Trade, direftly or indirectly, is necejary for the carrying on of another more profitable and advantageous. But tlien it is to be obferved, This Trade is not beneficial, confidered in itfelf^ but only as it is relative and fuhfervient to the carrying on of another. This is the Cafe, with refpedl to the greateft Part of our Trade to the Baltick, and the Eaji- Indies : They are injlrumental in procuring a Balance INTRODUCTION. iii Practice; and that is, fince Gold and Silver are beconne the common Meafure for computing the Value^ and regulating the Trice of the Commodities or Manufactures of both Coun- tries, To export larger ^lajitities of our own, and import less of theirs -y fo that what is wa?tting in the Value of their Merchandife, compared with ours^ may be paid in Gold and Silver. The Confequence of which will be. That thefe Metals will be continually increaf- ing with Us, as far as relates to that particular Trade and Nation, and decreafiig with them. And in what Proportion foever their Money comes into our Country, in that Proportion it may truly be affirmed, That our Sailors^ Freighters^ Merchants^ T^radefmen^ Manufac- turers^ tenants. Landlords^ Duties, Taxes^ ExciJeSy &c. &c. are paid at their Expence. O R to put the Matter in another Light ; when two Countries are exchanging their Produce or Manufadiures with each other, that Nation which has the greateft Number employed in this reciprocal Trade, is faid to receive a Ba- lance from the other ; becaufe the Price of the Overplus Labour muft be paid in Gold and Silver. For Example j If there are only ten thoufand Perfons employed in E72gland in mak- B 2 ing Balance elfewherey though, properly fpeaking, dlfadvan- tageous in thcmfelves. Which brings the Matter to the Point from whence we fet out ; viz.. " That the " Science of gainful Commerce conlifts, ultimately ^ in *' procuring a Balance of Gold or Silver to Ouifelves ** from other Nations." iv INTRODUCTION. ing Goods or railing fome kind of Produce for the Market of Frafice ; ^nd forty thoufand in France for the Market of England. — Then we muft pay thefe additional 30,000 French- 7?ien in Gold and Silver j that is, be at the Charge of maintaining them. This is the cleareft and juftefh Method of determining the Balance between Nation and Nation ; For though a Difference in the Value of the re- fpediive Commodities may make fome Differ- ence in the Sum ad:ually paid to balance Ac- counts, yet the general Principle, That Labour (not Money) is the Riches of a People, will always prove, That the Advantage is on the fide of that Nation, which has mofl hands employed in Labour. The Principles of Trade therefore ho^ m2,^o clear d^ndcer I ain'm themfelves, and with- al fo olroious to any Man of common Capacity and Application^ it is a very furprizing Matter how it comes to pafs, that both Men of good Underftanding are many times totally ignorant of them, and Merchants themfelves io divided in their Sentiments about them. As to ihtjir/l Cafe, perhaps it may be ac- counted for, if we confider what difadvanta- geous Notions Men of a liberal and learned Education have imbibed of this noble and inte- rejling Science; on which the Riches, the Strength, the Glory, and I may add, the Morals and Freedom of our Country, fo effentially de- pend. Yet it has been reprefented as a dry un- enter- INTRODUCTION. v entertaining Siibjed:, dark and crabbed, per- plexed witii endiefs Difficulties, not reducible to any fixed and certain Principles ; and there- fore fit for none, but the Mercantile Part of the World, to give themfelves any Trouble concerning it. But upon a fair Examination it will perhaps appear, that this Reprefenta- tion is \tTy falfe and injurious. As to the Second, it mufl be indeed confef- fed. That Merchants themfelves are very often divided in their Sentiments concerning Trade. Sir * Jofiah Child, MxGee, Mr Gary ofBrif- tolj and almoft all Commercial Writers, have long ago taken Notice of this Difference of B 3 Opinions. * The Words of Sir 'Jofiah Child ftrongly corroborate what is here alledged. " Merchants, lays he, while ** they are in the bufy and eager Profecution of their " particular Trades, although they be very wife and *' good Men, are not always the beft Judges of Trade, ** ai it relates to the Pozuer and Profit of a Kingdom. ** The Reafon may be, becaufe their Eyes arc fo con- ** tinually fixed upon what makes for their peculiar Gain *' or Lofs, that they have no Leifure to expatiate or *' turn their Thoughts to what is moft advantagt^ous to " the Kingdom in general."^— *' The like may be faid of all Shop-keepers^ Artifcers^ *' Clothiers, and other Manufaf^urers, until they have *' left off their Trades, and being Rich, become by the ** Purchafe of Lands of the fame common Intereji witli ** inoft of their Countrymen." This juftly celebrated Writer was himfelf an Inftance of the Truth of this Obfervation. For, if I am not greatly miftaken, he did not write this very Treattfe, Till he had left off" Trade, and being Rich, became by the Pur- chafe of Lands of the fame common Intereji with the Reji of his Countrymen, vi INTRODUCTION. Opinions. But how tvt^ fir ange and unaccount- able it may appear to Perfons not converfant in thefe Matters, there is a very ftrong and convincing Reafon, when the Affair is fearch- ed to the Bottom, for the difagreeing Opinions of different Merchants purfuing their refpeBive Interefts. The leading Idea, or the Point aim- ed at by every Merchant mufl be, in the Na- ture of Things, and in every Country, a Balance in favour of himfelf. But it doth not always follow. That this Balance is likewife in favour of the ISlation ; much lefs of other Merchants, whofe Interefts may be oppofite to his own. While therefore each Perfon fees in a favour- able Light his 011071 Branch of Commerce, and defires to procure all pojjible Advantages to that Traffick, on which the Prcfperity of himfelf and his Family, perhaps totally^ depends^ it is but reafonable to exped: their Sentiments fhould claPo. Hence therefore fome have thought. That a Perlon of a liberal and learned Education, not concerned in Trade, is better qualified to engage in the Study of it as a S ci e n c e, than a Merchant himfelf: becaufe, fay they, his Mind IS freer from the Prejudice of Self-In~ tere/l, and therefore more open to ConviSlton in Th ings relating to the General Good. They add, Ihat though he may not underfland the Buying and Selling of particular Commodities, or the fittefl Time to bring them to a profit- able Market, (which is the proper Province of INTRODUCTION. vVi of a Merchant) yet he may underfland, in wbat rcfpeBs the Nature of that Trade con- tributes to the Lofs or Gain of the Publick, with a Degi-ee of Evidence, which perhaps the Merchant never thought of: as being- in- deed not concerned, merely as a Merchant ^ in Jhch kinds of Difqulfitions. But without pretending to determine id^ are the beft qualified to engage in the Study of this«moft ufeful and extenfive Science, let Us rather humbly recommend it to the Atten^ tion of them both. For undoubtedly both have their Advantages ; and perhaps the Ap- plication of both together, might be more fuc- cefsful than either of them feparately. \i the One fhould happen to be lefs felf-interefted, by means of his Situation in Life, and more open to Convidion in Cafes relating to the ge- neral Good^ the Other, for the very fame Reafon, is more fkilful in the Prailice of Tirade ^ and a better Judge ^ whether the Project, perhaps fo fair in Theory^ \^ feafible mFaB. As to the Private Inter ejl of Merchants^ which is here fuppofed to be a Biafs upon their Minds, this, mofl certainly, coincides, for the mofl Part, with the General Intereil: of their Country: and fofar it can be no Argu- ment in their Disfavour. But neverthelefs. Truth obliges Us to acknowledge, That in certain Cafes, * " A Merchant may have a B 4 " diftina * Britijh Merchant, Vol. II. page 141. %V6 Edition, 1721. Sec likcwife the Inllance^ there given toconium this Ob/ervatioa. viii INTRODUCTION. " dijlinB Intereft from that of his Country. " He may thrive by a Trade which may prove ** her Ruin." Nay more, He may be impo- 'verified by a Trade that is beneficial to her. But undoubtedly, the Moment he perceives he is carrying on a lofing Trade, he will quit it, and employ his Thoughts and his Subftance in the Proiecution of fome other. Moreover, as it is a Balance \n favour of himfelf, which is the principal Objed: of his Aims and Endea- vours, it cannot be expecfted, but of two Trades, both advantageous to the Communi- ty, he will embrace that which is mofl: pro- fitable to himfelf, though it fhould happen to be lefs gainful to the Publick. It is a Max- im with Traders, and ajuftifiable one. To get all that can be got in a legal and honefi Way, And if the Laws of their Country do give them the Pertnijjion of carrying on any particular gainfulTrnde^ itistheirBufinefs, as Merchants, to engage in the Profecution of it. — As to the great Point of National Adva.nt2igey or Difad-- vantage, this is properly the Concern of others, who fit at the Helm of Government, and con- fequently whofe Province it is. To frame the Laws and Regulations relating to Trade infuch a Manner, as may caufe the Private Inter efl of the Merchant to fall in with the General Good of his Country, For thefe Reafons therefore the Appoint-, ment of the Board of Trade, muft cer- tainly appear a very wife and necefjary Inftitu- tion. INTRODUCTION. Ix tion. The Intent and Defign being, as I hum- bly conceive, to anfwer this very End. And the Honourable Members of it may be looked upon in this Light, as the Guar dians of the PuBLiCK Welfare. In prefiding over the General Commercial Interefts of the Kingdom, they are to inJpeB\ht feveral Branch- es of Traffick, that are carried on, and to give Notice to the Legijlatiire^ whether the Frojit of the Kifigdoniy or of the Merchant^ is moft promoted', that the proper Remedies^ or E«- coiiragements may be applied, according as the Cafe requ ires , by flopping u p the former Chan- nels of a dijadvantageom Trade, opening new ones, which may enrich the Publick and the Adventurer together; encouraging him ioper- fevere, and to enlarge his Dealings in every Branch, which is beneficial to the Community; and in one Word, by enabling the Merchant to find his own private Advantage in labour- ing for the Good of his Country. Self andyi- n'rt/ Happinefs, in this Cafe, muft be made to unite: otherwife it will happen in this, as in moft other Affairs, that focial Happinefs will not be promoted at all. An D as the Affairs of Commerce muft for thefe Reafons ultimately come under the Cog- nizance of the hegijlaturey it were greatly to be wiflied, That Men of Eminence and Dif- tinHion^ whofe Birth and Fortunes procure them an Admiffion into the Britiflo Senate^ would employ a little more of their Time in the Cultivation of a Science, fo ivorthv of their X INTRODUCTION. their greatefi Regard and Attention. The Interefl of their Country, and their own, do both concur in requiring fuch a Conducft from them. I beg Leave to mention not only the Interefl: of their Country, but their onion : For it is a mofl: certain Fad:, though not fuffi- ciently attended to, That the handed Gentle- ma?i is more deeply concerned in the National EffeBs of an Advantageous or Dijadvantage- ous Commerce, than the Merchant himfelf. If this AfTertion (liould appear a Paradox to any one, I hope a few Lines will convince him of the Truth of it. Suppose then fome General Calamity to befal the Trade of the Kingdom : — Or, to put a more ftriking Cafe, Suppofe the Mouth of the Thames to be choked up with Sajtds and Marfhes, (as that fine River in France^ the Rhone, really is) fo as to afford no Port worth mentioning tor the Purpofes of Commerce : In fuch a melancholy Cafe, the Merchants, ManufaSiurers, Owners oi Ships, Sailors, and all the Multitudes of Tradefmen dependant up- on this Commerce, would indeed be xhtjirji afFe(fted j but they would not be the great- est Losers. For after thejirjl Shock, they would eajily remove with thebefl: of their Ef- fects, and try their Fortunes elfewhere. But the Landed Gentleman, what muft he do ? he is bound down to the Soil, and cannot remove his Eftate, though the Perfons are gone, who iifed to confume the Product of it. Thus the Evil INTRODUCTION. xi Evil becomes incurable^ and perpetual with regard to him, and every Day increafingi whereas with refpe(5t to the Merchant, it was only a Shock at firfl:, which he has the Chance of getting the better of, by removing to a more advantageous Situation. . I T is fervently to be wifhed, That Provi- dence may never vifit Us with fo terrible a Judgment, as the choking up the Mouth of our Principal River leading to the Metropolis of the Kingdom. But the bare Suppofal of fuch a Cafe is fufficient to prove, I humbly prefume, with irreiillible Evidence, That the Landed Gentlemen in the Counties adjacent to London, are more deeply inter eft ed in theCon- fequences of the Trade of London, than the Merchants themfelves: And therefore, That tho^Q fuppofed Diftin(5tions of Landed Intereft, and T'rading Intereft, in the Senfe they are commonly ufed, are the moft idle and filly, as well as falfe and injurious, that ever divided Mankind. But above all, we muft beg Leave to ob- ferve, by way of Inducement to the Landed Gentleman to turn his Thoughts to this Study, That his very private Interefl is ratlier a Help, than a Detriment to him in the Pmfccution of it. It puts no wrong Biafs r.pon his Mind, but dircdts him to the true Point of Light, from whence to fee, and to judge of thefe Affairs: which is a Circumflancc in fome re^ fped: peculiar to his Situation. For, xu INTRODUCTION. For, if we fuppofe the Scene ft ill to con- tinue in and about London, (though the fame would hold true of any other Part of the Kingdom) as the private Inter e/i of the Lianded Gentleman arifes from the General Commerce of the Place, he can have no par- tial Views in relation to Trade, nor can reap any Advantage from Monopolies, Excluftve Companies, or fuch like deftrudiive Artifices. The more Perfons there are employed in every Branch of Bufinels, the more there will be to confume the Produce of his Eftate : fo that he will have no Temptations to complain, That the Trade is over flocked, or wifh the Pro- motion of this Trade, in order to the Declen- Jion of that. In fliort, his own Intereji is con- nedied with the Good of the Whole ; fo that he cannot but be extremely nioell qualified to un- derfiandy and to promote it, if he will pleafe to make Ufe of the Advantages he is happily poffefTed of. A BRIEF ESSAY on TRADE. ^##fS#*3>^#C4^#/C^#^C^##€*^##€*^ 11)6 principal Advantages of France with refpeB to Trade. I. 9^,§^i^j| H E Natural Produce and Com- j^^M^A fnodities of the Country — Thefe ^T? are chiefly Wines, Brandies, ¥|^<^^ Silk, Linen, Hemp, and Oil. S%K^^(^ I do not mention Corn, for for though they raife a great Deal, yet, as they are great Bread-Eaters^ they conjiwie a great Deal, and have little to fpare for Exportation. Their Har veils alfo are more precarious than Ours, and often fail, II. The 14 An ES S A Y ON TR A D E. II. The Subordination of the Common Pco* pie is an unfpeakable Advantage to them in re- JpeB to Trade. ~~Sty this means, the Manufac- turers are always kept induflrious : They dare not run into fhocking Lewdnefs and Debau- chery ; to Drunkennefs they are not inclined. They * are obliged to enter into the married State J whereby they raife up large Families to Labour^ and keep down the Price of it : and confequently, by working cheaper, enable the Merchant to 7^// the cheaper. III. The Rules and Regulations they are obliged to obferve in ManufaSluring their Goods, and Expofmg them to Sale, is a great Advan- tage to the Credit of their Manufadlures, and confequently to Trade. »A11 Sorts of Goods for Exportation, muft undergo an Infpedlion of the proper Officer in the Publick Hall : there they are compared with the Patterns or Sam- ples delivered in before. The Bad, and fuch as do not anfwer to their Samples, are confif- cated, with a Fine levied upon the Offender. By theie means, the fraudulent Defigns of private Traders, who would get rich at the publick Expence, are prevented, and the Na- tional Manufadtury conftantly kept up in high Credit. IV. Their excellent Roads, their navigable Rivers and Canals^ are ofjingular Advantage to their * The Law of Franccy obliges all unmarried Men to ferve as Common Soldiers in the Militia and the Army» unlefs they have particular Exemptions on Account ot their Stations and ProfeJJions. An ESS AY ON TRADE. 15 their Trade.— ^Th&ii great Roads are always in good Orde?', and always carried on in a Jiraight Line, where the Nature of the Ground will permit J and made at a moft prodigious Expence ; each Province being obliged to make and repair their own Roads. And yet there is no Expence for Turnpikes from one End of the Kingdom to the other. Their Rivers are indeed, for the moll- Part, the Work of Nature : the Seine^ the Loire ^ the Garonne^ and the Rhone, with all the Rivers which fall into them, help to carry on a Com- munication with moft of the great Cities of the Kingdom. But their Canals are their own proper Praife ; and equally deferving Admiration on Account of their Grandeur and Coyitrivance^ 23 for their Ufefulnefs to Trade, in lowering the Price of Carriage, Among thefe, that of Languedoc^ and the two Canals of Orleans and Briarey are worthy to be particularly mention- ed. By means of the former, a Communica- tion is opened between Bourdeaux and Mar- feilleSj between the Ocean and tlie Mediterra- nean^ without paffing through the Streights of Gibraltar^ and furroiinding all the Coafls of Portugal and Spain : and by Virtue of tlie two latter, an eafy Intercourfe is maintained be- tween all the great Towns fituated on \h'Z Seine and the Loire. Many other Canals there are, and more ftill inteiided to be madi\ greatly advantageous to their Commerce. V. The j6 An essay on trade. V. The French enjoy a great Advantage in the Goodfiefs of their Sugar Colonies. -^It is not owing to any fuperior Skill in thenij or wrong ConduB in us^ nor yet any greater Oeconomy in their Planters, or Proftifenefi in ours, (for upon the ftrideft Enquiry, both will be found to be very culpable) that they exceed Us in the Cheapncfs or Goodnefs of their Commodi- ties ; but iDecaufe our Leeivard Ijlands are worn outy being originally of 7io Depth of Soil j and the Ground is more upon a Le-vel^ confe- quently more fubje^t to be bur?it up ; where- as their Iflands are ftill very good. In Mar- tinico particularly the Ground is richy the Soil deep, diverfified with high Hills, affording co- pious Streams of Water, and refrefhing Shades, Another great Advantage which the French have over the EngUpj in their Sugar Colonies, is their Agrarian Law, whereby Monopolifts are prevented from engrofling too much Land. So that the Number of Whites are greatly en- creafcd, the Lands improved, more Commo- dities raifed, the Planters obliged to a more frugal manner of Living, and all things ren- dred cheaper. By thefe Means Martinico can mufter 16,000 fighting Men j hut Jamaica, which is near three times as large, only 4,000. Add to this, that the Inhabitants of old France do not ufe the tenth Part of the Sugars for Home Confumption, which the EngliJJj do ; and there- fore have that Commodity to expert again to Foreign Markets, and with it to encreafe the National Wcdikh, VI. The An E S S A Y ON T R A D E. 17 VI. I'he French Colonies receive all their Luxuries and Refinements of Living from their Mother Country j which is a very great Ad- vantage to it.— They are noifuffered^ nor in- deed doth it appear, that they are much /;;- clitied to go to any other Shop or Market for thefe l^hings. Neither have they fet up any Manufactures of their own, to the Prejudice of their Mother Country. Indeed, as to the Ne^ cejfaries of Life, they fupply themfelves with them where they caji ; and frequently buy of the Englifij. But this is a Cafe of Necejity, which camiot be fubjedt to Refiraints. As to hxt\c\ts,oi Luxury^ Pa?'ade, 2ind Pie afure, we very feldom hear that they buy any of them from Us. VII. ^he Manfier of Co Hewing their Duties on fever a I Sorts of Goods imported^ is of greater Advantage to Trade, than can eafily be ima- gined.— In the Port o£ Bourdeaux (and I take it for granted fo good a Regulation obtains in other Places) there are Publick Warehoufes, very proper and convenient^ adjoining to the Cuftom-houfe. And all Provifions and Goods neceffary for the Ufe of their Sugar Colonies, are there depofited by the Merchant, till the Ship fails. Duty free, paying only a moderate Price for Cellerage. When {lie returns, the Sugars, &c. are landed in the King's Ware- houfes, where they remain, till the Importer has found a Purchafer for a proper Quantity : Then he pays the Duty for that, and has it C taken i8 An ESS A Y ON TR A DE. taken away, letting the Reft continue. Or if he intends thefe Goods for Exportation^ there they lie ready and convenient. By this means he is never driven to Streights on Account of the King's Dutyj and is enabled to carry on a very extenjive Trade with ^.fmall Stock. The Confequence of which is, That many Perfons are hereby capacitated to enter conjiderably into Commerce, who could not otherwife have done it. For One Thoufand Pounds Sterling in France^ will go near as far as Two Thou- fand Pounds in England. — Not to mention. That as there is no Money immediately ad- vanced on Account of the King's Duty, the whole Gains of the Merchant will arife only from the Money aSiually in Trade : Now as this is lefs by near one half to what it would have been, had the Duty been all paid at once J confequently he can afford to fell one half lefs than he muft have demanded in the other Cafe. VIII. Their Neighbourhood to S^dXuy a?id pre*» fent Connexion nvith it, is of fo great Advan- tage, as to be worth all their Trade befides. — For it is certain. They get more from the Spaniards than all the Trading Nations in Eii- rope. Their Foor from Perigord, Limofin, and other Places, come yearly into Spain to reap their Corn, and gather in their Vintage; and carry back what they have earned to fpend in France, The Fifiermen from Bayonne^ and the neighbouring Places, fupply them witk great An ESSAY ON TRADE. 19 great Quantities both oifrejh 2LX\Afak Fifli to cat on Fafl-DaySj and to keep Lent. The Pedlars and Shop-keepers in Spain are moftly French^ who retire into their own Country, when they have made their Fortunes, The Towns in Languedoc fupply them with Cloth, Silks, and Stockings; Rouen with Hats, and coarfe Linen Stuffs ; Abbeville, with fuperfine Cloths; Amiens and Arras, with Worfted and Camblet Stuffs ; and hions, with all Sorts of rich Silks, Gold and Silver Lace, ^c. for their Confumption both in Fur ope and America. In fhort, the greateft Part of the Produce of the Mines of Potoji is brought into France, Hence it is, that their Payments are all in Silver : and Gold is more fcarce in France, in the Currency of Coin, than Silver is in Eng" land, A plain Proof, that they have the great Trade to Spain, as ijoe have to Portugal. IX. T^heir Addrefs in drawing raw Mate^ rials from other Countries to work up in their own, ferves greatly to enlarge and extend their Trade. — France produces fome Wool 2ind Silk', but not 2i fourth Part of what xhtymanufac^ titre. Wool they import from Barbary, the Levant, and Spain, They alfo bring Wool from Switzerland, Some little perhaps is run from England', but, I have good Reafon to believe, not much. The Quantity from /r^- land is very confiderable -, which is owing to our own wrong Policy. The beft of their raw Silk tbey draw from Piemont, the Le^ C 2 vant^ 20 An ESS AY ON TRADE. vanf, Italyy and Spain. Their Cotton is brought from the Levant, and from their Sugar Colonies. And the AJhes for making Soap at Marfeilks, are chiefly imported from X. They reap unfpeakable Advantage, by the Permiffion and Encouragement given to Foreign Merchants and Manufadlurers to fet- tle among them By this good Policy the Price of Labour is always kept fufficiently low. A Competition and Emulation are raifed, who fliall work, and fell the cheapeft\ which muft turn out greatly to the National Advan- tage, though it may not be fo favourable to the private Inter ejl of Individuals. For thefe Reafons, the Government is particularly gen- tle and indulgent to Foreigners. And the Situation of the Country is greatly affiftant to this Difpofition of the Government. — France is furrounded with populous, that is, prolijick Nations, who have no Trade and Manufadures of their own to employ their Poor. Flanders, all Germany on the Side of the Rhine, Switzerland, Savoy, and fome Parts of Italy, pour their fupernumerary Hands every Tear into France-, where they are carejjed, and received into the Army, or the Manufadlure, according to their Inclina- tions. The Phone is fo eafy and cheap a Conveyance, for the Swarms of Inhabitants bordering on the Lake of Geneva, that fo fmall a Sum as One Shilling, or Eighteen Pence each An ESSAY ON TRADE. 21 each Perfon, will bring them to the chief Manufacturing Town in the Kingdom, njiz. Lions. And there are faid to be no lefs than Ten Thoufand Swifs and Germans employed in that City. The Numbers alfo in all the other Commercial Towns are very great, and daily increafing. XI. T^he Englifh Mo72opolies, which are fo deftrtiBive to the Interejis of Great, Britain, become y for the very fame Reafon, of the greats efl Benefit and Advantage to France. — Mar- feilles is a flagrant, and a melancholy Proof of this AlTertion. For the Trade of this Place hath fouriflocd and increafed juft in the fame Proportion, as that of our Turky Company funk and declined. All the fine Streets and new Buildings of the City, date their Original from this Period. So that we may truly fay, They were built, and are now fupportedj by the exclufive I'lirky Company of England. Moreover, the EngliJJj Hudfon's- Bay Company is the only Caufe, which can make the French Settlements in fo wretched a Country as the Northern Parts of Catiaday to flourilh ; with fo difficult and dangerous a Navigation, as that up the Bay of St Laiv^ rence. It is this, and no other, is the Caufe that enables them to extend their Colonies, and to underfell the Englifij in all the Articles gf Furr -, which they apparently do in Times of Peace. C 3 XII. The 22 AnESSAY ON TRADE, XII. 'The publick Stock of Wealth is gi-eatly encreqfedy by Foreigners of all Countries travel- ling among them.-^The Advantages from hence accruing have not been fo much at- tended to, as, i humbly think, they juftly deferve. For while thefe Foreigners refide in the Countrv, they not only pay for their Food and Board at an high Rate, but they alfo death themfelves with the ManufaBures of it, and buy many Curiofities. But this is not all : For having contracted a hiking to the Produce and Manuf allures of the Country they travel- led in, they continue to ufe them when they are returned to their own; and fo introduce them to the Knowledge, Efieem, and Appro- bation of others: This begets a Demand -, and a Demand for them draws on a Correfpond- ence, and n fettled Commerce, Thefe are the Advantages which the French enjoy by fuch Numbers of Foreigners travelling among themj whereas they fcarce ever travel themfelves; and by that Means circulate the Money in their own Country. XIII. France enjoys nofmall Advantage, as it doth not lofe much by the Article of Smug- gling, in comparifon to v^h.2it England doih. — This is owing to the Stridnefs of their Govern- ment, the many Spies they have upon every Man's Adlions, and being able to punifli the llightefl Offence more feverely, and in a more fummary Way than we can, or is confident with a free Conftitution to do. ^he An E S S A Y o N T R A D E. 23 'The Principal Disadvantages of France with regard to Tka-de. I. ' ■ ^ HE firjl Difadvanfage to a free J^ Tirade is the Goven2me?2ty which is arbitrary and defpctick j and therefore fuch as a Merchant would not chufe to live under, if he knows the Sweets of Liberty in another Country, and has no Attachment of Family, or Intereft to keep him ftill in Fra?tce, .— It muft be acknowledged, his Property, generally fpeaking, is fecure enough, but his Ferfon is not fo. To explain this, we muft beg Leave to obferve. That though there are fixed and Jiated Laws in France to decide all Cafes of Property, and criminal Caufes, as here in Fngland j fo that a Man may know the Rules he is to be governed by in thofe Refpe6ls, and can have an open Trial for his Life and For- tune: yet there are no Laws to afcertain the Nature of Political Offences, or to circufn- fcribe the Power of the Judge: So that he mull: be entirely at the Mercy of the Liieiitenant de Police, and his Deputies ; who can hnprifon him at nsill, without affigning any Reafon, or bringing any Evidence to confront him. And therefore hiscw/y Security confifls, in being con- C 4 tin u ally 24 An E S S A Y ON T R A D E. tinually lavifh in the Praife of the King and the Mini/iry, and in faying nothing which may afford the leaft Pretence to the Spies, who fwarm all over the Kingdom, to itiform againfl him. II. I'he fecond Difadvajitage to the Freedom cf Trade, is the Romiili Religion-, which has added to its many other Abfardities, a Spirit of Cruelty and Ferfecution, fo repugna?it to the Scope and TeJidency of the Gofpel. — There- fore a Froteflant Merchant, if at the fame Time a cofifcientious Man, will find himfelf very often reduced to great Difficulties, in order to avoid on the one Hand the Sin oiHypocrify, by Com- pliances againfl his Confciencc, or on the other, the Danger attending the Exercife of his Re- ligion, and the Educating of his Children in the Protc/Iant Way. This, I fay, will often hap- pen, even at prefent; though the Bigotry of the Court of France is not near fo gr^at, as it was informer times. III. Another great Burden, and confe- quentiy 3. Difadvantage to the Trade of France, is. The great Niwtber of Religious of both Sexes. — The loweft Computation of thefe amounts to near Three Hundred Thoufand Perfons : a great Part of which Number might, and would be employed in Trade and Manufadiures ; and the Reft might be ufeful to Society in other Spheres. But that is not all j They are a very heavy Weight upon the Publick. Vafl Eftates are appropriated for the Support of fome of thefe Religious An E S S A Y ON T R A D E. 25 Religious Orders, whofe Fund is continually accumulating^ not only by Legacies and Z)o- nations, but alfo by whatever Fortune each Perfon ispofefjed of, at the Time o^ taking the Vow, And others, who are of the Mendtcaiit Orders, and are allowed to have no Propertyy become a continual ^ax upon the Indufiry and Charity of the People ; and thefe moftly of the middling and lower Sort. Not to men- tion the increafing Riches and dead Wealth in all their Churches. IV. A fourth great Difadvantage to the Trade of France^ is their numerous and poor Nobility, — The Nature and Conftitution of that Government require the Notion of Birth and Family to be kept up very high^ as it will always create an indigent Nobility, and con- fequently dependant upon the Court for fuch Preferments as may not derogc; or bring a Stai7i M^on their Family. Moreover, the farne refined Policy induces the Court to make the Military Service be efteemed the moft Hon-r our able-, as it muft render the whole Body of the Nobility Soldiers to fight their Battles; the Richer ferving for Glory^ and the Poorer for an ho?2our able Support. The Confequence of all this is. That they heartily defpife the Bourgeois* i that is, the Mercha?2t ^nd^'rades- 7nan : * In France, the Inhabitants are ufually dijl'ingui/h- ed by three Ranks, or Orders ; The Noblejfe, the Bourgeois, and the Paifam. Each of thefe are totally diftind from the other. The Pojierity of the NobleJJc are all Noblefic, though ever To poor, and though npt honoured 26 An ES SAY ON TRADE. man : and he, when he gets rich, is as defir- ous of quitting fo dijhonourable an Employ, wherein his Riches cannot fecure him from Infult ^vAContempt, Being therefore ambitious of railing his own Family to be of the A^<7- hkffe, he leaves off Trade as foon as he can, and breeds up his Sons to the Military Pro- feffion, or purchafes ibme Office in the Law or Civil Government, which may en7ioble\kvt\x\, V. The Trade of France fuffers another Inconveniency by the Nature of its Taxes, — Some of thefe, in certain Provinces, are very arbitrary-, as the Taille, which is levied moftly upon the poor Peafants and Manufac- iurers in the Country Villages, Others are very heavy-, as the Duty upon Salt, which is Jhockingly "honoured with the Titles of County Marquis, &c. as Noblemen arc here m England. The Pojlerityol a Bour- geois^ though ever fo rich, and though the Family have left 0^ Trade a Hundred Years ago, are ftill but Bour^ geoisy until they are ennobled by Patent, or have wiped ofF the Difgrace of having been Merchants, by fome fignal Military Service, or have purchajed fome honour- able Employ. Therefore when the Noblejfe call the Merchants Bourgeois, Bargefles, they mean it as a Term Ci^ Infamy and Reproach, anfwcring to that oi pitiful low Mechanick in EngliJ}). Indeed, by fome Ordinances, the Noblefle are permitted to engage in certain Branches of foreign and wholefale Trade, without bringing any Stain upon their Family. But thefe Permiflions will have very little Efficacy to induce the Nobility to turn Merchants, as long as the Military Service is fo highly exalted in Credit and Reputation above Merchandize. The very Genius of the Government, makes it a Scan- dal not to be a Soldier: Laws will have little Force againA this. An E SS AY ON TRADE. 27 fiockingly oppreffive. Others again, though not quite fo oppreffive, are yet equally impro- perly laid ; becaufe they are upon the Necejja- ries of Life, which are to feed the Tirade fman^ and to viBual the Shipping, Thus, for E?:- ample, all Sorts of ProvifeonSy Corn, Wine, Butchers Meat, Poultry, Eggs, Fifh, Gar- den-Stuff, and Fruit, pay a Duty at the En- trance of fome of their great Cities. There are Duties alfo lately laid upon Soap and Can- dles. And in the Pais des E^tatSy where the rnoji grievous of thefe Impofts are not levied, they lay a Provincial Duty upon all Things going in or out of that Pronjince-, which makes the Merchandize fo puffing through, become the dearer at 2^ foreign Market. VI. The MaitrifeSy which fo generally prevail in France^ is a Clog to the Trade of the Country,— 'Tht^Q Maitriles are much the fame as our Companies in Towns Corporate 5 only we have this Advantage, That in Efjgland their pernicious Effects can be more eafily eluded by having Shops, &c. within Glafs Windows. Befides, our beji Manufa(fturing Towns, fuch as Brimingham^ Manchefter, Leeds^ and even four fifths oi London itfelf, viz. JVeJimin/ler^ Southwarkj and all the Suburbs, have no Com- panies at all. Whereas in France all Trades- men are oblia^d to be free of their proper Maitrife,. before they can fet up. The Fine for this, in fome Trades, is very confiderable. And there is alio in Time of War, an annual Demand 28 An ES 8 A Y ON T R ADE. Demand of a certain Proportion of Men out of each Maitrife ; which is underftood to ini' ply a Sum of Money by way of equivalent. Thus, the more thefe Maitrifes become ufeful to fupply the Exigencies of the Government at a Pinch, the more Privileges they will ac- quire J and the greater the Privilege is of any particular Company, the lefs will be the gene^ ral Trade of the Country. VII. The French fuftain fome Difadvan- tage by their Monopolies and exclufive Charters, — They have an Eaji-Lidia Company at Port V Orient : Marfeilles is a free Port for the Lc- vant and Barbary Trade j whereas there is a Duty of 20 per Cent, upon all Merchandize of thofe Countries, if imported into zny other Port of France in the Mediterranean. And even at Marfeilles^ there is a particular exclu- five Company for importing Corn and Wool from Africa. Lions is free for all Silk entring, or going out ; whereas there is an heavy Duty in the neighbouring Towns ; by which means^ Liions may be faid to have an exclufive Char- ter. And there is good Reafon to conclude, there is fomething of the fame Nature for the 'Turky Cloth at Carcaffonne, the Silk and Wor- ked Stockings at Nifmes, the Clothing for the Soldiery at Lodeve, the Superfine Cloth at Abbeville, the Stuffs at Amiens^ the Camblets at Arras, the painted Linens and Cottons at Roiien, &c. VIIL An E S S A Y ON T R A D E. zg VIII. The French labour under no fmall Difad vantage on Account of the Expence they are at in the Article of Shipping. They have more Men to navigate their Ships than the Englifld^ becaufe they are not fo expert Sailors. They mull carry fome fupernume- rary Landmen, by the King's Orders : They muft have many Officers to govern thefe Men, becaufe the Merchant is to be refponfible for them when the Ship returns. Thefe Officers will have a grand Table, a Cook, and new Bread every Day. The Ship lies long in Port, if fent to the Wefl-Indies to difpofe of the Cargo : Becaufe their Creolians are faid to be fo dijhonejiy that they do not care to truft them with Commiffions. And fo the Ex- pences of the Officers and of the Crew run very high. Add to this, that the Officer be- longing to the Marine in France^ will find Ways and Means to give great Trouble to the Merchant, both as to the Choice of Sailors, and of Officers, unlefs he is properly confider- ed: Which is generally done by buying fome Ship Stores of himfelf, or Friends, at an exor- bitant Price. IX. The ivfo National Vices o^ iht French, Gaming and Fine Clothes, is a great Hurt to their Trade. — Thefe Expences cannot be fupported but by a large Profit ; and that will always leJJ'en the Demand at a foreign Mar- ket, if their Neighbours can afford to fell cheaper. Not to mention the fivift Ruin which 30 An ESS AY ON TRADE. wliich Gaming fometimes brings on, and the Lofs of Time occafioned by it. X. The Situation of the French Ports, are a great Difadvantage to them, with refped: to the Hamburg and Northern Trade : And in regard to the Southern and Wejl-Indtes^ they are not better fituated j and are not near fo many^ nor fo good as ours, efpecially if we take Ireland into the Account. They have only an Advantage with r^fpedt to the Medi- terranean. XI. The Farming of the Revenue is ano- ther great Difadvantage to the Commerce of France. For thefe Farmers have moft immo- derate Profits, and live in all the Splendor and Expence of the firfl: Princes of the Blood. And as they adt by tlie King's Authority, they tyrannife over the Subjed:s with Impunity.— Yet I cannot fee how the French Govern- ment can be without fuch a Set of People. For when Money is wanted, they are ready to lend, while the Subjedl is afraid : There- fore they borrow of the Subjedt, giving their own Securities, and then lend to the Govern- ment at an advanced Price, paying themfelves, as the Duties are collefted. T o thefe Difadvantages, it has been inti- mated, I ought to have mentioned their many Holidays^ on which they muft not work, and their pompous ProceJJions^ which draw the Peo- ple a gazing after them. — The Tjiought did occur to me before, at the Time of writing the An E S S A Y ON T k A D E. 31 x\iQ Jirji Edition: Bat I fupprejjed it then, and now beg Leave to affign the Reafons 5 viz. In the firfl Place, thefe Things are grcariy wearing off'm France every Day; fo that the Lofs of Time is not fo confiderable^, as one may imagine. Secondly, Allowing xhsxfome Time is idled di'W2Ly during thefe Holidays, and in feeing Proceffions, &c. Hill, if we caft up. the Account of the nne and Money which are fpent here in England by all forts of Mamtfdc^ turers in Horfe-Races, Cock-fightings^ Cricket- Matches^ Bull-baitings^ but more efpecially in Mobbing and EleSiioneering^ (all which arQ not in France) I am perfvvaded, we {hall find the Advantage gained over them, on the Score of their Holidays and Proceffions, to be none at all ; and that upon comparing both Articles together, the Amount of the Difadvantages will be found to be greater on our Side, than on theirs. 7h 32 An ESSAY ON TR ADE. Tloe principal Advantages of Great Britain with refpeB to Trade. I.' ' I ^ H E natural Produce and Commodities \_ of the Country ; Corn, Wool, Lead, Tin, Copper, Coal, Butter, Cheefe, Tallow, Leather.— All which are not to be found in France y in that Plenty and Abundance they are in "England, H. T'he Number^ Goodnefs, and Situation of our Por^j.— -Thofe on the JVeftern Side of Great Britain (efpecially if we reckon Ire^ land a Part of ourfehesy and include both Iflands under ONE General Interest, as in Reafon and Policy we ought to do) are almoft as vftW Jituated for the Southern Trade, as the French : They are four times as many in Number, and much better for Safety, and Depth of Water, And as to the 'North and Baltick Trade, the French can come into no Comparifon with ours. III. Nature has been very bountiful, in be- fiomng on us fuch excellent Fijlieries -, particu- larly An essay on TRADE. 33 iarly the Hcrriitg-FiJJjery, en the Northern Coafts of Scotlaiid^ and the Cod on the South Wefi of Ireland. — Thefe great Advantages are always in our Pov/er to ctdtiiafe and iwpro'-ce -, and it is our Fault, and our Reproach,^ that we do 72ot. IV. England enjoys another Advantage by means of \ls free Government. — A Mer- chant can go to Law with the Crown, as ea- fily as with a private Subjed:. The fudges are for the hife of the Prince on the Throne, and confcquently not under the immediate In- fluence of the Court. No Man's Perfon can be detained, but a Rcafon muft be given, and the Matter brought to an open Trial, where his Equals are to be his fudges, and to decide between him and the Crown, whether he hath committed an Offence againft the State, or not. V. Another inefiimable Blefling, and a great Advantage, conlidered merely in a Com^ mercial View, is the Liberty of Confcience we enjoy in thefe Kingdojns. —^ Every Man is per- mitted to worfhip G o D in the Way he thinks the right and true, without Fear or Referve ; and may educate his Children in his own Reli^ gion. The Roman Catholicks indeed are under Ibme A^^^?/ Difcouragements : But it is plain, the Legiflature conlidered them rather as a Political, than a Religious Seel, when thofe Laws were f;M^t'^. And iheprefent Govern- ment, by its Condu(5l towards them, has given D them 34 AnESSAYonTRADE, them fufficiently to underftand, That they (hall 720t be difturbed in the free Exercife of their Religion, provided they will give no Dif- turhance to the State in CiviUffain, by fiding with its Enemies, This, furely, is but a rea- finable Demand : And here the Matter feems to reft. VI. England has always enjoy'd an Ad- vantage in Trade, ai its ManvfaBurers have ever been in high "Refute for their Skill and Ingenuity. ^"Our Locks, Chains, Clock-work, Mathematical Inftruments, and all Sorts of Cutlery Ware, far exceed all others at this Day, and are defervedly preferred by foreign Nations. And our Sailors are confiderably fu per ior to the French ^ in their Art and Dex- terity. VII. England enjoys a very vifible Ad- vantage over France, as the whole Bulk of our People may be concerned ifi Trade, if they pleafe, without any Dijreputation to their Families. — ? The Profeflion of a Merchant is efteemed full as honourable as that of an Officer, And no Man need leave off Trade, when he finds himfelf rich, in order to be relpecfled as a Gentleman. It is likewife no Scandal for younger Brothers of the moft antient Families to be bred np to Trade and Bu/inefs, VIII. We enjoy a fingular Advantage by our vafl Colonies on the Cojitinent c/' America. — » From Newfoundland ioGeorgia, is an immenfe Country i where all the Inhabitants do ufe more An E S S A Y ON T R A D E. 35 more or lefs of the Growth of their Mother Country i and England again receives the Produce and Growth of theirs. This is a mutual Benefit, and ftill improveable. IX. The IJland of Jamaica has fome Ad- vantages over any of the French Iflands, on Account of its Situation, to carry on a bene* ficial Trade with the Spanifi Main ; the Sweets of which have been fo fufficiently felt during the late War, as to need no further Illuftration. And this Ifland is capable of great Improvements in many other Refpedts. X. T H E very Wants of Great Britain^ in one Refpe(3:, might be turned into a Angular Advantage over the French in another. — — It js certain, France cannot carry on a Tirade to mojl Countries with that Advantage to the Country it trades with^ as the Englifh can.^^m For Example J The EngliJJj can trade with the Spaniards to mutual Advantage: If the Englijh export Cloth and Stuffs to Spain, they can take off Fruits, Oil and Wine, by way of Barter. Whereas the French can make no ufe of thefe Commodities, having fo much of ^tirown Growth both to ufe, and to fpare.^- A Confideration of this Nature, well timedy 2xAJlrongly urged, might have a good Effecfl upon the Spanifh Court, to induce them to favour the Engltjh Commerce, and difcounte- nance the French. It is owing to thtfuccefs^ ful Application of Sir Paul Methuen on this very Head, when Envoy to the Court cf D 2 Fortugal^ 36 AnESSAY ON TRADE. Portugal, that the EngUJJj at this Day enjoy the whole Trade of Portugal^ and that the Fre72ch, in a Manner, are excluded, XL The low Interejl of Money, and the eafy and expeditious T^ramfers in the Funds^ give to Great Britain a manifeft Advantage in the Affairs of Commerce. For were the Interefl as high as in France^ the Exportation of our Manufadtures would be much dearer, as every Exporter would exped: to get a Profit fuperior to the Interefl of Money ; The fure Confe- quence of which would be, a Leffening of the Quantity exported. -- Befides, the Merchants oi London^ by means o^ Eafi -India Bonds, and the quick Transfers of Stocks, are enabled to make a Profit of their Money, when not em- ployed in Trade ; by which Means they can afford to buy and fell for l?fs Gains. The principal Disadvantages of Great Britain with regard to Trade. I. ^ I '^HE firftand capital Difadvantage, \_ is the JVa?it of Subordination in the Lwer Clafs of People This is attended with dreadjul Confequences, both in a Co?nmerci(il and An E S SAY ON TRADE. 37 and a Moral View. If they are fubjeEi to little or no Cojitroll, they will run into Vice : Vice is attended with ExpencCy which muft htfiipported either by an high Price for their Labour y or by Methods 7?/// more deJiruBi've, The EW of all is Poverty and Difeafe ; and fo they become a loathfome Burden to the Piiblick, Nothing is more vifible, than the great Difference bet'ween the Morals and Induf- try of the 7nanufa6luring Poor in France, and in England. In the former, they are fober^ frugal^ and laborious: They marry ^ and have Flocks of Children^ whom they bring up to Labour. In the latter, they are given up to Drunkennefs and Debauchery: The Streets fwarm with 'Projiitutes, who fpread the In- feBion^ till they are carried to an Hofpital, or their Grave. The Men are as bad as can be defcribedj who become more vitious, more indigent and idle, in Proportion to the Advance of Wages, and the Cheapnefs of Provifionsi Great Numbers of both Sexes never working at all, while they have any thing to fpend upon their Vices. II. The prodigious Expe?ice of EleBioneer- ing, is another fatal Stab to Trade and Induf- try. It is not only fo much M.oney fpent^ but it is fpent moftly upon ManufaBurers-i and fo it gives them a Tafte for Idle?2efs, and brings on an Habit of Drunkennefs, and F,x- travagance. The Want alfo of Subordination, juft now complained of, is moftly to be im- D 3 putcd 38 An E S S A Y ON T R A D £. puted to the fame Caufe, as it fets them abaue ControU, frees them from all Refirainty and brings down the Rich to pay their Court to them^ contrary to \hQJuJi and proper Order of Society. III. Another very great Burden on the Englijh Commerce, is the vafl Numbers of Poor ; and thofe every Day increafing. — If we trace the Matter to its Fountain-heady we fhall find it to be owing principally to the fame Caufesy viz. EleBioneeringy and the JVant of Subordi^ nation. And if a Calculation was made of the Expences of EleSlioneeringy and the ruinous Confequences of it, together with the annual Poor Tax, I am very fure it would exceed, in the Proportion, what France expends in main- taining Three Hundred Thousand Religious of both Sexes : So that we gain no Advantage over France in this Refped:, through our own Dif folutenefs and /// Managemefit, IV. Our Trade is greatly burthened by the Nature of moji of our ^axes, and the Manner of ColleBing them. ■ The Cujioms on the Goods imported^ make thofe Goods come much dearer to the Confumer, than they would do, if the Confumer bimfelfvf2iS to pay the Duty: And this becomes a ftrong Temptation to our People to Smuggle. The Taxes upon tlie Ne- cefjdries of htfe^ are in Fad fo many Taxes upon Trade and Indufiry : And fuch mufl be accounted the Duties upon Soap, Coaly Candles^ Salt and Leather. Like wife the Duties upon ?he Importation of Foreign raw Materials, to be An E S S A Y ON T R A D E. 39 be employed in our own Manufa fequence ? A general Dearnefs among one another, which mufl light at lajl upon the Foreign Trade, and therefore diminijh the ^antity to be exported, VII. O u R ^ Imprudence and Narrow-fpirit- ednefs in not inviting Foreigners to fettle among Us^ is another material Difadvantage to the EngliJJj Trade. — Foreigners can never get rich in a ftrange Country, but by working cheaper or better than the Natives, And if they do fo, though Individuals may fuffer, the Publick is certainly a Gainer; as there is fo much Merchandize to be exported upon cheaper TermSy or fo much faved to the Mer- chant, whereby he may a^ord to export the cheaper. Not to mention. That by this means the Price of Labour is continually beat down. Combinations of Jcurneymefi againft their jMaJlers are prevented, Induftry is encouraged, and an Emulation excited. All which are greatly for the Publick Good. Besides, An E S S A Y ON T R A D E. 43 Besides, a Foreigner juil efcaped from Slavery and OppreJJiofiy when he gets rich in a Land of Liberty and Plenty, is not likely to return home, but will fettle among Us, and become one of ourfelves, with his whole Fa- mily. And what are all Englijhmen but the Defcendants of Foreigners ? In fhort, it is the fame weak Policy to prevent Foreigners fettle- ing among us, as it is in the Poor about London, to oppofe the Wel/Jj and Irijb coming up to work in the Gardens, and carry in the Harveji'^ not confidering, that if the Gardener or Farmer cannot have his Work done cheap, he cannot afford to fell the Garden-StufF, Bread, Gfr. cheap to them. So that they themfelves find their Account in the Cheap- nefs of the Labour of thefe Perfons. I ndeed the EngUp fhould give more Encouragement, if poffible, to Strangers than France doth; as for many other Reafons, (o pjarticularly for this. That tht Flemijb, Germans, Swifs, Piedmontife^ Italians, &c. can arrive at moft of the Manu- fadhiring Towns in France at a trifling Ex- pence ; whereas the long Journey from their own Country, and the Pajfage over into Efig- la?id, are a very great Difcouragement to Fo- reign Manufadlurers to come to fettle here. Vin.OuR ill judged Policy, and unnatural yealoiify in cramping the Commerce and Mann- faBures o/'Ireland, is another very great Bar againfl extending our Trade. — This is a moft unaccountable Infatuation^ which has not 44 An E S S A Y ON T R ADE. not the Shadow oi^ipublick and Jiational Rea- fon to defend it. For if Ireland gets rich, what is the Confequence ? England will be rich too^ and France will be the poorer, The Wool which is now Smuggled from * Ireland into France, and manufadlured there, zv\d.fro7n thence fent to oppofe our own Commodities at foreign Markets, would be manufad:ured in Ireland ; the French would lofe the Benefit of it, the IrifJj would^^/ it : The Rents of the Eftates in Ireland would rife j and then the Money would foonfind its way into England, Befides, the Irijlj might be incorporated into \h& Englijh Parliament, and make one Na- tion with ourfelveb, bearing an equal Share of Taxes, and fo ealing England, at the fame Time that Ireland is enriched. — But more of this hereafter. IX. WAHTofalefs expenfiye Way of Re- pairing our Roads ; Want of jjjore Navigable Rivers and Canals ; are a very great Difadvan- tage to E?igland, inComparifon oi France.^ — Every one muft be fenfible of the heavy Tax, * A Clergyman, whofe Living is in the JFeJi of Ire- land, afiurcd me. That juft after the Peace, the JFool Smugglers of his Parifli, got upwards of 50 per Cent, hy the Wool they fold to the French. — As long as this is the Cafe, Lawi dnd Rejiri^liom will fignify nothing. If we have a Mind to prevent the Irijh fending their Wool to France, we muft make it their Interest , to keep it at heme ; which can never be done, but by permitting them to manufanure it thetnjelves, and export it to any Market tbey can. which An ESSAY ON TRADE. 45 which fo many Turnpikes lay upon Trade; and how bad even the Turnpike Roads are in many Parts of the Country, diftant from hon- don. We have no Canals to open a Commu- nication between City and City, River and River, though our Country is much better adapted for them than France. X. We labour under a very great Difad- vantage, a^ mojl of our Leeward IJlands are now worn out, and indeed were 7jever fo fer- tile, or of (o lulling a Soil as the French -, there- fore they require a greater Expence to culti- vate them: So that our Sugars mufl: come the dearer to Europe. Beiides, as we ufe fo much for Home Confumption, we have the Lefs to fpare for foreign Markets. But the greateft Misfortune is. That the Planters in thefe fmall Illands are fuffered to monopolize as much Land as they pleafej by which Means the Plantations are engroffed in a few Hands, and the Number of Whites is daily decreaiing ; fo that the Sugar Colonies now confume much lefs of the Produce of the Mother Country; and yet in Time of Danger, England is oblig- ed to be at the Expence of a greater Force to proted: them, as they are lefs able to de- fend themfelves. XI. England labours under a peculiar Diiiidvantage in Comparifon to France, as its Colonies are not fo much under the Command of their Mother Country, nor fo Jludious of her Welfare. — In many of thefe Colonies feveral Manu- 46 An E S S A Y ON T R A D E. Manufactures are fet up, and more intended to be erefted, which will greatly interfere with the Trade of England. And we muft expedt that this Evil will not decreafe^ but increafe by Time, unlefs an effe<5lual Method can fpeedily be put in Pradiice, to divert the Thoughts of our American Colonies from thefe Purfuits, to fome others, equallyy^rw^- able to them, and Lefs detrimental to us. Be- fides, they not only fet up Manufactures of their own in Oppofition to ours, but they purchafe thofe Luxuries and Refinements of Living from Foreigners, which ive couldy^r- nijh them with. It is computed, that they are fupplied with at lead one third of thefe Articles from foreign Nations ; amongft whom the French come in for the greatejl Share. Xn. W E alfo fuffer a further Inconvenience in not inviting Foreigners to travel into Eng- land, and fpend their Money among Us ; and in being too fond of travelling oiirf elves. — It is certain, Fngland has as many Curiofities for a Foreigner to obferve, as any Country in the World: The whole Ifland, and every thing belonging to it, being in many Refpeds dif- ferent from the Continent, and worthy the Attention of a Stranger. And even as to fine Paintings, original Statues, and Antiques, we hsxwe prodigious Collecftions of them in private Hands, though little known even to our own Countrymen, for want of a publick and gene- ral Catalogue. Moreover, our Englifo Tra- vellers An E S S A Y ON T R A D E. 47 vellers in France and Italy^ are continually making new Colledlions in order to carry home, and ^mbellifh their own Country, And yet our Gentry are iojJoy to Strangers, the Servants exped: fo much Vaih^ and the com* mon People are fo rude and affronting^ that very few care to travel in fuch a Country. XIII. The high Price of Labour is ano^ ther infuperable Bar to a large T'rade, — ^« The Caufes of which are fuch as have been af- figned already, viz. Ele£fioneering—^\hQ cor^ rupt Morals of the People faxes on the Neceffaries of Life.^^Mo?20polies, publick CoW" panieSy and corporate Charters of Tirades, XIV. We fuffer a very great Detriment through the Want of Publick InfpeBors, to fee that our Manufadturers produce every Thing ^Win its Kind; that they give good Weight and Meafure, and fold the worfe Side outer- moji. And what is ftill worfe, where fuch have been appointed, they have degenerated, through fome unhappy Abufe, fo far as to /«» creafe the Evil they were intended to correB, XV. Add to all thefe, the Dilcourage-' ments and Oppofitions which the moft generous Scheme will too often meet with ixora Jelf- intere/led cind de/igni?2g Men, who per^'ert the invaluable Ble/Ting of Liberty and a free Con- fiitution to fome of the worfl: of Purpofes. In a defpotick Kingdom, the Miniftry have none to oppofe them in their good Defigns : But among us, let their Plan be ever fo well cal- culated for the Publick Good, yet if it clafhcs with 48 An ESSAY on TRADE. with the private Intereft of any particular Perfons, trading . G/W^^w/^^, or Boroughs^ (as it necefiarily mul} do) then it is oppofed, un- der various Pretences, by the united Force of falfe Patriots, who inflame the Populace with Words and Names, and blacken and mifrepre- fent the befl Defigns in the moft malevolent manner. Besides, in an abfolute Government, there is no Poffibility of gaining Preferment by making one's fell" formidable to the Mi- riftry. Whereas in En^land^ it is the jure Road to it. A bold plaulible Speaker in the Houfe embarailes the Schemes of the Minif- trv, not becaufe he thinks them 'wrong, but becaufe he expects to be bought off by a Place, or a Penfion. A News- Writer, or a Pamphleteer, puts every Meafure of the Court in the moft odious Light, in order to make his Paper fell the better, or to be thought confiderable enough to be retained on their ^ide. . O N the other hand, the Miniflry are too apt to endeavour to quajl^ a Motion, not be- caufe it was a bad one, but becaufe it came from the Party in the Oppofition. A good Motion, a publick-fpirited and generous Pro- pofal, would raife the Credit of the Authors of them too high with the People, wtvt they carried into Execution, to the Detriment of the Miniftry, Therefore falus s u i, not Ja- lus P o P u L I, fuprema Lex efto. Thus An essay on trade. 49 Thus it is on both Sides : And an honefl well-meaning Perfon, whofe Views are fingky and who is confcious to himfelf of no other Attachment but the Good of his Country, can- not but lament thefe pernicious Evils. — And the more fo, as he muft defpair of feeing them effedtually removed or cured, without intro- ducing worfe Evils in their Head, ^— unlefs Men were much honefter^ and more upright than they are; which, it is to be feared, is not likely to h^foon the Cafe, CERTAIN 5© An ESSAY ON TRADE, CERTAIN PROPOSALS For remedying many of the above-- mentioned Inconve ni e ncies ; and encreaftng the Trade and Credit of Great Britain. I. PROPOSAL. j^^^ O alter the Salification of Vot- ings and to introduce a juft Sub- ordination among the P^^ple. When * Forty Shillings a Year was fixed upon as a Standard for a Voting Freeholder, it was certainly more than an Equivalent to Twenty Pounds per Ann, of * The very Recital of the Statute, which afcertained the Qualification of Voting Freeholders, is the beft Proof of the Reafonablenefs and Neccflity of what is here pro- pofcd. *' Ann9 An ESSAY ON TRADE, ^r of modern Rent. Suppofe, now, that Twe?ity Foimds per Ann. was the requilite Sum for a Freeholder and I'lvo Hundred Pounds Stock in " Anno oSiavo Henrici VI. cap. 7. IVhat Sarts of Men fl)aU he Choofers^ and who J}?all be chofen Knights of the Parliament. ' Whereas the Eledions of Knights of Shires, to * come to the Parliament of our Lord the King, in ma- * ny Countries of the Realme of England, have now of * late been made by very great outrageous and exceJfiveNutn- * ber of People, dwelling within the fame Counties of * the Realme of England, of the which rnofl Part was * of People oi fmall Subjlance, and of no Value, 'whereof * every of them pretended a Voice equivalent as to fuch * Elections to be made, with the mofl worthy Knights * and Efquires dwelling within the faid Counties j where- * by Manflaughter, Riots, Batteries, and Divifions among * the Gentlemen and other People of the fame Counties * (hall very likely rife and be, unlefTe convenient and due * Remedy be provided in this Behalf : Our Lord the ' King confideringthe Premifes, hath provided, ordain- * ed and eftablifhed, by Authority of this prefent Parlia- * ment, that the Knights of the Shires to be chofen with- * in the fame Realme of England, to come to the Par- * liaments of our Lord the King, hereafter to beholden, * fhall be chofen in every County of the Realme oi Eng~ ' land, by People dwelling and refident in the fame Coun- ' ties, whereof every one of them fhall have Land or ' Tenement, to the Value oi Forty Shillings by the Tear * at leafi, above all Charges ; and that they which fliall * be fo chofen, fhall be dwelling and refident within the * fame Counties Provided always. That he ' which cannot expend Forty Shillings by the Tear as afore * is faid, fhall in no tvife be Choofer of the Knights for * the Parliament.' Here we find the fame Caufe tending to produce the fame Effe6l in former Times, as in the prefent. Only there is this Difference, that the Evil could not be near E 2 fo ^± An ESS AY ON T R ADE. in Trade for a Tradefman, to qualify them to? vote J the immediate Confequence would neceflarily be, that the Manufafturing Part of our Nation would not be called from their Work, to run rovhig after every Electioneer- ing: A proper Subordination would be effec- tually introduced : The Laws againft Idlenefs and Debauchery might be executed -y and Smug- gling in a great vatdSMrc fuppreffed : And all this without running the Rijk of difobliging fuch Voters, and lofing their Votes. More- over, when Things were put upon fuch a Footing, it would be a Matter of Honour and Reputation to have a Vote j and confequently, the Voter would pique himfelf more upon his Integrity and XJncorruptnefs^ than he now doth. He would be above that Bribery and Corrup- tion^ which appear fo openly and avowedly on all Sides y at prefent, throughout the Kingdom. Likewife a Spirit of 'Emulation and Indujlry would be excited ; and the Privilege of Voting would become a laudable Inducement to every Artificery fo great then, as now ; becaufe the common People were ufed to much greater Subordination, and the Trade of the Kir>gdom was very inconliderable, confequently could not have fufFered by it in any Degree to what it doth at prefent. And yet, if fuch were the Reafons wliich in- duced the Legiflature to pafs the above-recited hdi at that Time, how much more Reafon have wc to follow their Example now? — The prefent Value of Forty Shil- lings^ is not a tenth Part of what they intended : There- fore, if we would keep up to the Spir-'it and Meaning of this Law, we fliould at leaft lix the Qi^ialification aC ITu/tnty Pounds ^er Annum. An essay on trade. 53 Artificer, (not to get Drunk, or to take a pal- try Bribe, as at prefent is the Cafe) but to ht fru- gal 2indfavi77g, in order to raife himfelf to the Degree of a Voter. And many Artificers might accomplifh this by 2. few Tears Induftry after they are fet up. The Number alfo of the Poor would confequently be lej]ened\ the Price of Labour reduced -, and the Perfons themfelves, who would be debarred of Voting by fuch a fuppofed Bill, much happier, much richer^ and quieter than they now are. Add to this. That a Militia for Land Service, and a Regifter for the Sea Service, might then be introduced, if it was judged expedient j whereas at prefent it is impraBicable j becaufe fuch a Power, wherever lodged, would infallibly be applied to the bad Purpofes of /«y7wfw/«^ Votes £it the Time of Elections, IL PROPOSAL. To eredt certain Courts in all manufadlur- ing Places of the Kingdom, where the chief Dealers themfelves fhall petition for them, with the Title of *Guardians oixSiz Morals of the * The Complaints againft the Morals of the manu- facturing Poor become louder every Day, and certainly demand, if any Thing doth, the ferious Attention of the Legijlature. {Combinations of Journeymen to extort ex<- orhitant Wages. — This Money fpent in Driinkennefs and Debauchery, (o that they are the Poorer rather than the Richer at the Week's End, by the advanced Price, — E 3 their 54 An essay on TRADE. the 7nanufa5iuring Poor. Perhaps fomething to the following Effedt, might fuggeft Hints to be improved upon. The their Unfaithfulnefs to their Trujl — the Badnefs of their Work, whenever their Mafters have a great Demand.^ and dare not turn them off"^ — the increafiiig Number of the Poor ; thefe, and many other Articles of the like Na- ture, are the Complaints y"///?/)' made on this Head. A certain very ingenious Gentleman, and himfelf a great Manufacturer in the Clothing Way, has attended to them with great Affiduity ; and is engaged in a Scheme which he intends to exhibit to the Pubiick, of a very fingular Nature, for the Reformation of thefe Abufes. He has carefully obferved. That in exceeding dear Years, when Corn and Provifions are at an extravagant Price, then the Work is hejl and cheapejl done : — but that in cheap Years, the Manufacturers are idle^ Wages high^ and Work /// done. He has carried thefe Obfervations through many Years back ; and confirmed them by the Teftimony of feveral great Writers upon Trade. Therefore he infers. That the high Duties, Tax- es, and Excifes upon the Neceflaries of Life, tixc fo far from being a Difadvantage to Trade, as things are cir- cumftanced among Us, that they are eventually the chief Support of it : — and ought to be higher Jiill^ in order to oblige the Poor either to Work or Starve. Some Things may certainly be faid in favour of this Scheme. But an humane and compafHonate Man can- not but be/orrj, to fee the Morals of the Poor fo very corrupt, as to oblige any one to think oi fuch an Expe- dient. In the mean Time, as much may be faid againft it } and as it would involve the Innocent as well as the Guilty in the fame Punifliment j perhaps fome other Ex- pedients would better anfwer the good End propofed, and not be liable to the fame Objections. If the Quali- fication for Voting was fettled as in ihefirji Propofal, and Court Guardians eredted, as propofed in thisj and Fo- reign Manufacturers naturalized, in order to keep down the An E S S A Y ON T R A D E. s5 The Salifications of each Member of this Court to be as follows; i/?, That he employs not lefs than twenty Manufacturers on his own Account, the greater Part of the Year ? By this Regulation, the moll: eminent^ as well as the moft concerned, will be the only Perfons admitted, zdly. That each Member fub- fcribes a certain Sum, fuppofe two Guineas at leaft, every Year, towards the good Purpofes hereafter to be mentioned; but that they be admitted to receive the Legacies and Dona- tions of others. 3^/y, That each Member be a married Man, in order to fet the good Ex- ample here recommended. The Aim of this Court to be to difcou- rage Vice, Idlenefs and Debauchery, — and to encourage Induftry, Probity and Fidelity, in the lower Clafs of People. The Means to eifecfluate thefe good De- iigns, with great Submiflion, perhaps may be as follows ; \ft, B Y removing all T^emptation, as much as poffible, out of the Way ; to which End, this Court Guardian (hall have \hQfole Power the Price of Labour, and prevent any Combinations among our own People, (as (hall be mentioned in a Cuc- ceeding Propofal) perhaps the Morals of our Poor would be as unexceptionable, and the Price of Labour as cheap as in any other trading Country. But whichever Scheme is right, or if nc«herare, the Affair itfelf deferves the moft ferious Regard of every one, who wifties well both to the Souls and Bodies of his Fellow Creatures, and the Good of liis Country. E 4 of 56 An ESS AY ON TRADE. of judgijig. How many Ale-houfes^ &c. are ne- ceiiary to be Uccnjed in their refpedlive Dif^ tridis : that is, They fliall not have a Power to exceed the Number allowed by the Juftices, but to leffen them as much as they pleafe. Neither fhall they have the Power to nomi- nate the Perlbns to be licenfed ; but after they have delivered in their Lifts, the Juftices (hall nominate, — unlefs the Juftices delay to do it for a Month after Delivery : in fuchCafe, they {hall be impowered to nominate themfelves. They ftiall likewife have the Power of levy- ing a certain Fine by Diftrefs of Goods, or in Default of that fhall inflidt corporal Punifh- ment, on all Perfons who keep Cock-Pits^ Skittle-Allies, and all fuch Places for the Refort of the common People, within their Diftrid:, alfo thofe who fet up Stages fov Cudgel-Playing, &c. or Booths for Horje-Races, or bring Li- quors, Cakes, Fruit, or any like Temptations, to draw People together. They {hall alfo be impowered to expel out of their Diftricft, all fuch common People as cannot give a good Account of themfelves by what means they fublift i and fliall particularly be enabled to remove fuch fVomen, as are fufpe£fed to have a bad CharaBer, unlefs they can clear them- felves from the Imputation, by the Oaths of three, at leaft, of their Neighbours of good Suhflance and Repute, That they believe them to be innoccjit of the Charge, and efteem them to be honejl^ chajie, ^nd Jober Perfons. 2dfy^ An E S S A Y ON T R A D E. 57 2dlyy These Court Guardians (hall endea- vour to encourage Induftry, Probity, and pradti- cal Religion, by the following Methods; -u/^;. By allowing Forty Shillings apiece to any young Couple going to be married, that can make it appear by the Teftimony of their Maflers, that they havcfaved Three Pounds and upwards, by working m their Service ; and have behaved well. If each of thefe can produce fuch a Character, then this Forty Shillings to be made Four Pounds. But not to be paid till a Year and a Day after Marriage, during which time they are flill to behave well. — By allow- ing alfo fomething difcretionally to thofe, who are over-burdened with large Families, or are Sick, whofe Characters are known to be good : — By prefenting aUo a few good Books, to the remarkably diligent and induftrious. Sup- pofe thefe were the Bible^ and Gajirel^^ Chrtf- tian In/litutes', which are Books that no Per- fons of ever fo different Religious Perfwafions can objed to. If thefe were neatly Bound, gilt on the Back and Leaves, with a Cloth Cafe, and had ftampt on one Side in Gold Letters, The Hand qf the Diligent maketh Rich; And on the Other, To THE Praise of them that do well; they would be kept as Family Pieces^ and Trc- phies-, and might excite the fame laudable Emulation in ihcixPof.erity, which it had done in themfehes, N.B, 58 An ESS AY ON TRADE. N, B. The Diftri6t here fo often mention- ed, is fuppofed to be ten Miles round from the Town or Place appointed for keeping this Court. The Court to fit every Month, at leaft, for the Difpatch of Bulinefs, wherein the At- tendance of three Members will be fufficient : and every Quarter a general Meeting, which muft be compofed of feven. These are only oifered, with great Sub- mifTion, to the Publick, as Hints to be im- proved upon. The Importance of the Affair requires that fome Expedients fhould be tried without Delay, If thefe are judged improper, the Author would exceedingly rejoice to fee better in their Room j andthofeeffedually car- ried into Execution. III. PROPOSAL. T o i?2Corporate both the Britifli IJles together, and to make one K i n g d o m /« all RefpeBsy as to Parliament J Trade and Taxes, This Propofal of Incorporation has long been the Wifh of every generous difmterejled Patriot of both Kingdoms. And indeed, in- expreflibly great would be the Benefit on both Sides. The Irifi would fliare in the Advan- tage of our Trade y and we in theirs. By per- mitting them to get rich at thtExpence of the French, they would be enabled to eafe Us of the Burden of the worfl and heaviefl of our Taxes: whereas at prefent, the Frefich, thro* our own wiaccountable In^dXM^Xxon, get rich at their Expence, By this mutual Benefit, nei- ther An E S S A Y ON T R A D E. 59 ther Kingdom would be looked upon as Foreign to the other ; but the Goods of both would be imported Duty-free^ or perhaps be confi- dered only as coming Coafi-wife. The hoftile Prohibition againft: wearing^ or ufmg the Pro- duce of either Kingdom, would be repealed \ and all that unnatural War between the Com- merce of the two Nations, would be at an E«^;»— which would be attended with thefe further happy Confequences, That many of the NeceJJaries of Life would be imported cheaper into England, than they now can be purchafed ; a great Advantage this to the Mer- chant and Manufaclurer : and many more of the Luxuries^ OrnamentSy avA Delicacies of Liv ing, would be exported from hence into Ire- land. For moil certain it is, That in Propor- tion as Ireland grew rich, they would take the Lead for the richeft of their Cloaths, Furfiiture^ Plate, "Jewels, Equipages, Sec. 5cc. from Eng- land. Likewife the Inducements of being near the Parliafnent, the Court, the Publick Funds ^ &c. would bring many more /r/yZ) Families to refide, and fpend their Fortunes here, than now do. In (hort, whatever Wealth Ireland would draw from other Countries by its Pro- duce, Manufad:ures, and happy Situation; all that would continually center in England. But here, methinks, I hearSELF-lNTEREST making an Outcry, " 'They would run away with our 'Trade'' But pray let me calmly alii, Wl^o would run away with it ? or where would they 6o An ESS AY ON TRADE. they run to ? Why truly our own People, our own Countrymen, (who may as juftly be called fo, as the Inhabitants of any neighbouring County, — and are fome of the beji, and moft faithful Subjeds the Government has) would perhaps cany fome parto£ a Manufacture yro/zz Us tothcm{dvcs.—.Bi\twh^t Detriment would this be to the Publick ? The People of Tork- Jhire have done the very fame Thing by G/o- cefierfhi?'e and Wiltflnre, Let us therefore have a Meeting of the Clothiers of thefe two Counties to petition the Parliament, That the Torkfljire Looms and Mills may be all broke and dejtroyed : For they have run away with our 'J'rade, — This is fo ridiculous and abfurd a Propofal, that I believe there is no Perfon liv- ing, but muft fee and feel it to be fo. And yet let me afk, Is not this the very Cafe with refpedl to the Objed:ion againft incorporating with Irela?jd? Or if there be a Difference be- tween the two Cafes, I {hould be glad to know wherein it conlifts? Is Ireland to be looked upon as a diftind: Kingdom ? — more is the Pity: For as the two Kingdoms have but one common Head, —- one co7nmon Interejl both in Church and ^tate, — \\\tfame Friends, — and the fame Enemies; they ought to have been long lince confolidated together.— But allow- ing it to be called a diftindl Kingdom at pre- fent, till it is united: — fo is Torkflnre a diJiinB County, and was formerly, in the Times of the Heptarchy, a Kingdotn likewife difiinH from the two Counties above mentioned. Is Ireland An essay on TRADE. 6i Ireland a great Way diftant from England'^ ^• Torkjhire is at a greater Diftance flill from the Counties above mentioned. And the Commu- nication between them is not fo eafy by handy for the Purpofes of Commerce^ as the other is by Sea. " But Ireland is more advantageoiijly Jitu- ** ated for the Trade to the Weft-Indies j ** Therefore — " Therefore we mufl deny our own People the Benefit of Tradings because they are advantageoiijly fituated for carrying it on. This is a weighty Argument j Briftol, for Inftance, is better fituated for the Irifj Trade th^in London 'j therefore let us Lojidoners peti- tion, that the Port of Brijiol may be locked up. It would be an endlefs, and a tedious Piece of Work, to wade through fuch grcfs and pal- pable Abfurdities. One Thing is plain and obvious, that Self-Intereji, the Bane of all Publick Good, is driven to hard Shifts, in order to cover fuch Views as {he dare not openly avow. If England itfelf was divided into two Kingdoms, one comprehending all the South, the other all the North Side of the Thames, and there were hojiile Prohibitions againft importing certain Sorts of Goods from London to Southwark, and vice verfa, and high Duties upon all the Reft: Many Indivi- duals on both Sides, would find their own private Intereft in upholding the Divifion, and would cry out, upon any Propofal being made for an Union'~—Thefe Foreigners will ?'un away with our Trade^^'—They are better fituated than Us 62 An ES SAY ON TRADE. Us — Our l*rade is in Danger. But would this Cry weigh with upright Men on both Sides, who had the Welfare of the Commu- nity truly at Heart f — If it would not^ what (hall we think of the fame Argument^ when urged againfi Great Britain'^ incorporating with Ireland, IV. PROPOSAL. After fuch an Union of the two King- •doms, as above propofed, To lay by Degrees the Englifli T^axes upon Ireland ; and to eafe the Englidi of the moft burdenfonie of theirs in the fame gradual manner. — Suppofe, there- fore, the iirfl: Year, that the Englijh Laws of Excifey and the Duties upon French Wines and Brandies y are extended to Ireland ; then Eng- land might be eafed of the Salt T'ax, the fame Year, or the following one. If in the fecond Year Ireland were charged with the Stamp and Paper Duties^ England might be difcharg- ed of the Tax upon Soap and Candles. If in the third, a Tax was laid upon the Window^ Lights in Irela?idy the Coal Duties might be taken off' from E?igla?id. If in the fourth, the Tax was laid upon Coach es^ this would ena- ble the Parliament to difcontinue the Duty upon Leather. Laftly, If in the fifth Year, Ireland was fubjeded to a Land-I'ax, this would eafe the Lands and Hoifes of England of at lead one third of their Burden. V. PRO- An E S S A Y ON T R A D E. 63 V. PROPOSAL. To fet up Woolle?! and Silk MafiufaBures in the Weft of England, and South-Weji of Ireland, (fuppofing the former Proposals to take Place) in order to rival the French. The Price * of Labour is as cheap in thofe Parts, as any where in France, And when a proper Subordination is introduced, the Temp- tation of EleBioneerifig removed, the mofl grievous of our Taxes aboli/Jjed, and a Trade fct open ; it is probable, that Labour might be fliU * The Price of Labour at the Places under mention- ed was given me, as follows : At Lijley the Wages of Journeymen Stocking and Camblet Weavers, about 24 Sous per Day, /. e. about I 3 Pence Engli/h ; a Sous being a little more than an Halfpenny. Jbbeville and Am'tcns : Journeymen Weavers, and Cloth- Workers, according to the Nature of the Work, and their Dexterity, from 20 to 50 Sous per Day. Ditto: To Women employ *d in the Manufacture, not more than 1 2 Sous per Day. Hedgers and Ditchers in the Country, about i o Sous per Day. Nantes: Journeymen Ship-Carpenters, about 30 Sous per Day. Cajielnaudary: Labourers mending the Canal of Layi- guedoc^ by the Jobb, earn about i 2 Sous per Day. Nifmes: Journeymen Weavers in the Silk and Stock- ing IVade, from 3 o to 35 Sous per Day. Marjeilles: Journeymen Taylors 30 Sous per Day. — Ditto Carpenters, 30. — Ditto Silk- Weavers, from -^^o to 3 5 Sous p(r Day. Toulon : 64 An ESSAY ON T R ADE. flill much cheaper: By which means, the French might be cut out of a great deal of their Levant, and Spanifi Trade. Moreover, when the Woolen Manu- factures come to be effediually eftabli(hed in thofe Parts, it will be next to impoflible to run the Wool to France : For both the Wool itfelf will bear a better Price, fo as not to make it worth their while j and each Manu- faBurer will be a kind of Centinel, to pre- vent its being exported unmaniifaBured. This therefore I humbly conceive, is a much bet- ter Scheme of Prevention, than that of the Reverend Mr Smith, in Iiis Memoir i of* Wooh, for Toulon: Journeymen Carpenters in the King's Yards, 30 Sous per Day. Lions: Journeymen Workmen have feveral Prices, according to the Silks, Velvets, Gold Stuffs, Lace, dfff. fcf alledged,-^ proved^ — and even not contradiBed, one w^ould think, would have been fufficient to have car- ried any National Cause, againft the private Inter ejl oi 2l few Individuals. B u T — Let us in the next Place fee. What they and their Friends had to offer in 'Jujli^ fication of their Condudl, Pretending, that they carried on a Trade equally beneficial to the Nation, as if the Trade was open. The ifi Thing alledged, was. That they buy all the Beaver which is brought them ; and if more was offered, more they would buy. This may be very true-, and yet no ways inconliftent with the Charge fummed up in the above- recited Particulars, againft them.— The Indians y z^favage as they are, have the Natural Logick of feeling when they are well or /// ufed, as well as other People : And if they find better Treatment in 0;^/^ Place than another, will go to the beji, and have as little Dealings with the worft, as they can. Nothing but ^/?/3////6'Neccl?lty will oblige //w,'^ (or any People) to bring their Goods to a Mar- ket, where they expe6l beforehand to be ill ufed. — And for that Reafon, they will bring as little as they can. But when they have brought them, Neccfjity obliges them to fell for what the Purchafers will give. \'i may therefore be very true, that the Company bin ail 8o An ESS AY ON TR A DE. all the Furrs that are offered them. — If they did not give half as much in Barter as they do^ they would buy all; becaufe it would not be worth the Indians while to carry them back; and becaufe they greatly wanted European Goods. But thefe Indians would feek another Market againfl the Jiext Hime^ if they could ; and would bring no more Goods to the Con- pany, than abfolute Neceffity obliged them. But, 2^/)', It was alledged, That if ;;/cr^ Goods were given to the Ljdians in Exchange, they would not bring 7nore Beavers; becaufe they are an idle, lazy Race of People; and, having no artificial Wants to gratify, have no Ambition to fpur them on to take more Pains, It is true, They have not fuch arti- ficial Wants as We have; They do not want fumptuous Houfes and Gardens, rich Furni- ture, or Coaches and Chairs :_But they want Beads, Bells, little Lcoking-Glajjcs, Rings, and fuch Trinkets ; (befides many Articles of their Cloathing, Bedding, Hunting, Filliing, and Fowling) and are as impatient to be gratified in thefe Refpetfts, as ive can be in ours. In thefe Things, therefore, they are as covetous and ambitious as the Re/l of Mankind, take as much Pains to acquire them, — and repine and murmur at the Fadlories, when they have not as much for their Commodities as they think they deferve. Befides, it fliould be re- membered, that Hunting\% rather a Diver fion with them, than a Tc/V; and that, in Fa6t, they 1 An ES SAY ON TRADE. 8i they do take a great deal more than they bring down to the Forts, — "What they confider as a 7o/7, is not the hunting Part, but the being obliged to be the Porters of whac they have taken in Hunting, down to the Fafto- ries J and yet be paid^o little for their Trou- ble. But, 3^/^, As to the Charge againft them, of Exporting fo little of our own Manufac- tures ; it was faid by their Advocates, That if Five 'TbciifaJid Pounds worth of Goods bought all the Furrs the Indians had to felly that * Sum was as good as Ten T'houfand Pounds : Nay, it was better-, becaufe there- by Five Thoufand Pounds were faved to the Nation. This * There was an egregious Fallacy ufed in this Argument. — If the Barter or Exchange with the In- dians had been in Bullion^ the Argument would have held good-y and fo much Money would have been faved to the Nation. But as it was all in our oivn Manufac- turesy i. e. the Labour of our own People, the Dimi- nifhing of fuch Exports, is in Fa61: the Diminiflnng of our own ManufaSlureSy and defrauding the Nation of fo much Labour y whereby the Hands employed in thofe Manufactures muft become a Rent-charge upon the Pub- lick,— ory?^^/, — or ftarvcy or^^their Country. C^ The cnly Limitation which ought to be put upon the ^lan- tity of our own Manufadlures, to be exported^ is what the Nature of the Thing will of itfelf put upon them ; •viz. To export no more than is confiitent with the rea- fonalle Gains and Profit of the Exporter. If he can afford to export Ten Thoufand Pounds worth of Englijh Manufactures, where an exclufive Company would ex- i)ort but Fivt Thoufand \ it is for U^e gemral Qoo^ of G the 82 An ESS AY ON TRADE, This is a Reafon, which is fpccious enough at firft View, but will not bear the examining*. Firft therefore, we deny the FaB-, and infift upon it, That the Indians had more Furrs to Jell, if the Company would have given ^ fuf- frcient Price to the Indians^ to have made it worth their while to have brought them down 5 or rather, If the Company had built Settle- ments and Magazines higher up. To as to have fuperjeded the Neceflity of the Indians coming down. But 2^, We will alkxv the FaEl^ and ar- gue with them upon their own State of the Cafe. Now if Hw Thotifmid Pounds worth t>f Mannfadures, in this Refpecft, is as goody nay better than I'en Jhcujhtd Pounds worth ; for the fame Reafon, One T^hoiifand Pounds worth is better ftill, becaufe more would be faved to the Nation. Suppofe therefore, that the Compatiy, and every other Exporter in the Kingdom, (for every other has tht fame Right t)f arguing in this manner) fuppofe, I fay, that all the Country, thzt he JhouU Jo it. And all Trade ought to be laid fne and open, in order to induce the Ex- jporters to rival each other ; that the Puhlick may ob- tain this general Good by their Compttitorjhip. But if they cannot afford to export fo much, there is no need to rejirain tl)em by Lawi^nA Penalties, from doing that ■which their own private Intereft will fuggeft to them foon eno\jgh. And it is really aftonifhing, That fuch a Fallacy, fo grofs in itfelf, fo deftrudive in its Confe- quences, could have efcaped the Notice of a Britijh Senate, and could have pailbd not only without Cenfure, but witii fome Degree of Applaufe. An essay ojJ TRADE. 83 all Exporters could lejj'en the Export atiofis of our own Manufacftures by nine I'enths, and yet could get as much Money, or Effects in re~ turn^ as they had before \ What would be the Confcquence ? Why, only this. That thefe Exporters would become Princes; and the Reft of the Kingdom Beggars. They would be like a Spanijh Don in Mexico^ or Peru^ who has a prodigious rich Mine, which required hut few Hands to work it. And therefore he indeed would be a great Lord; but all his Wealth would not enrich the Neighbourhood^ fo much as a fingle ManufaBure here in Eng-- la?id, which i3eing branched out into various Hands, gives a comfortable Subfiftence to majty Families, caufing a general Circulation of La- bour. It is not the:refoTeGoId and Si her ^ confidered merely in themfeheSy that can make a Kingdom fourifiy but the Parceling them out into proper Shares^ by means of the Divifions and Sub- diviftons of different Trades. Without this the more Riches in 2ifew Hands,— the ^r^^/^r would be the Poverty of the Refty and the more abjeB and dependent their State would be. And \i all Merchants were no (^^//^r Common- wealths Men than thefe^ the Interior of a Kingdom would be very little profited by Fo- reign Merchandize, nay, iw fome Refpeds would be much theJVorfe. I N (hort, fuch an Argument as this, viz, to decreafe our Exports, and increase their Price abroad, beyond what is 7ieceffary for the G 2 com- 84 An ESSAY ON TRADE. comfortable Subfiftence of the Merchant and Maniifadiurer^ Is only worthy of fuch a Caufe. Were it put in P rail ice, it would get all the Wealth of the Nation into 2ifew Hands, — it would turn nine l^enths of our Manufacturers a Begging, — and reduce them to the NeceJJity of becoming Lacqueys and Footmen to fuch Exporters, — or ftarving, — or flying the Coun- try. — It would /?«^ the Value of our Lands^ and bring fwift Deflrudtion on the Manufac- turer, Farmer, Gentleman, and ^//Stations, — except the Exporter. He indeed would be GREAT, — and he alone. One may therefore the better judge of the Goodnefs oi fuch a Caufe, which required y^/c^ kind of Arguments tofupport it. And fomuch ioxexclufve Com- panics, VII. PROPOSAL. To encourage Foreign Merchants and 'Trades^ wen to fettle among Us, by a general 'Naturali- zation AB for all Pf-otefants. And if it be judged improper to admit them into Offices of 'J'ruf or Power, it is eafy to add a Claufe, That thefe Privileges fhall ftill be confined to the natural-born Subjedls. Here again the baleful Spirit oi Self -In- tereft exerts all its Powers to oppofe fo publick and general a Benefit, — " JVhat ! muft Fo- " reigners, and we know not who, come and take " tl:ie Bread out of our Mouths^ — -Anhoneft Camb?'C- An ESSAY ON TRADE. 85 Cambro-Briton would have called all EfiglifJo- men Foreigners, and he hiows not who'. But waving that, — Let mecalmly afk. What Bread- do they eat ? — and out of whofe Mouths f It muft be Englifti Bread : The Corn grew here, — v7Qi?>fnanufaBured, w^sjold here. And the Foreigners, who eat it, earn it by their La- 6our, and pay for it. So far then, we hope, there is no Offence. The more Inhabitants there are to conj'ume the Produce of our Lands, the better can the Partner and the Gentleman pay their Shopkeepers and ^radefmen^ and the more Manufailures will they confume in every Re- fpeSl. Let us fee therefore, in the next Place, Out of whofe Mouths do they take this Bread? If they introduce new Manufactures, or carry thofe already eftablifhed to greater Perfed:ion, in that Cafe the Publick is greatly benefited, and no Individual can be injured. If they employ themfelves only in fuch as are already fettled and perfeBed^ they will not defraud the Mouths oi fiber ^ frugal^ and indujirlous Per- fons, who may work as cheapo and can work as well as Porelgners. And therefore fliould be obliged to do both. It can be, therefore, none but the abandoned^ debauched^ and difj'o-' lute^ who would chufe to be idle three ox four Days in a Week, and want to have their Wages fo high as io fupport this Extravagatice^ that can make fuch a Complaint ? And {hall they be heard ? Shall we continue the Exclu- sion of all fober and induftrious Foreigners, fo G 3 much 86 An E S S A Y ON T R A D E. much to the National lyifadvantage, merely to gratify the extravagant and unreajonable Humours of (uch Wretches as thefc^ Sure- ly, it is to be hoped, we {hall purfue more prudent Meafures, both for our Sakes, and their own. But v/e are told farther, " T^hat Eng- *' lidi Trade/men^ of every Denomination, are ** USED to live better than Foreigners ; and " therefore cannot afford to work or fell fo " cheap as /^^'^."— Be it fo: Carry then this Argument to a Foreign Market^ and fee whe- ther it will perfwade the Inhabitants of that Country to trade with you. A French^ and an Englifi Merchatit, are Competitors with, and Rivals to each other in the Markets of Spain, Portugal, Italy, Tiirky, and in (liort all over the World. The French Man offers his Goods at 20, 15, 10, or J^ per Cent, cheaper than the Eng'ifi\^—^Ouv Countryman is demand- ed, Why he will not fell his Goods as cheap as others ? His Anfwer is, " T'hat the Manu- " facturers and Merchants live better in En^- <* land than Foreigners do, and therefore he " cannot afford it'' This is a mofl perfwa/ive Argument. — Undoubtedly he will fell much Cloth by alledging it He is afked again, Why they will not in his Country admit Fo- reigners, who work cheaper, to fettle among them, that fo they may be able to trade upon an equal Footing with their Neighbours ? To this he replies, " Tlmt Foreigners, and he knows not An ESS AY ON TRADE. 87 " not whoy ought not to come and take the Bread ^' cut of the Mouths of the Natives y Such kind of Reajoning muft give them an high Idea of the Senfe and Difcernment of our Coun- tryman. Let us therefore apply the C^fe td ourfelves, and not argue in that abfurd anci ridiculous Manner at home^ which he is repre^ fented as doing abroad. The Admilhon then of Foreigners to fettle in our Country, is fo far from taking the Bread out of the Mouths of the Natives, that it is putting Bread into the Mouths of thofe, w^ho, otherwije^ in a iliort Time muft have none. For the Englijh muft trade, at leaft, upon an equal Footing w^ith other Nations, or not trade at all. — And then, when the not Trading at all is the Confequence, we fhall indeed have no Foreigners to complain of, but we fliall have a much y^'r^'r Evil: and then, perhaps when it is too late, the moil Self- Inter ejied among us will be forry, that we had not ad- mitted the frugal and induftrious from all Parts of the World, to fhare the Gains of Trade with them, rather than to have none at all. But let us try all this Reafoning by plain Matters of Fadt. The Town o^ Birmingham ^ for Example, admits all Perfons to come and fettle among them ; whom, though they are Rnglijhmen^ the original Natives of the Place may as juftly term Foreigners with regard to thefn^ as we ftile other Nations by that Name. ., " Foreigner s^ therefore, and / C 4 *' hio^ii) 88 An ESS AY on TRADE. " kncKD not who, came from all Parts, and " kidtdsit BirmP2gham'j and— took the Bread ** out of the Mouths of the or/^zVW Natives." What then was the Confequence of this great Wickednefs ? — Why, within thefe few Years, the Trade and Buildings of the Town have been prodigioufly increafed, and all the Eftates for a grert many Miles round, have felt the Benefit of this great Acccjjion of Trade and Inhabitants. Birminghatn, from being a Place of little Confequence, is now become one of the mofl jiourijlnng and conftderable in the Kingdom. And there is no Town, with its exclujhe Charters, that can boaft of fo many Jkt If u I ArtiUsy as this which admits all Comers. Moreover, there are fewer Beggars ia this Town, Manchefler and Leeds, where all are free, than in any which has Companies of Trades, and exclufive Charters. ^O* So true and certain it is. That thefe Rights and Pri* 'uileges, as they are called, do multiply the Numbers of the Poor, inftead of diminifliing them ; becaufe they damp the Spirit of In-r duflry. Frugality, and Emulation. A Manur fa(fhirer, who knows, that no Foreigner dares come in to be a Competitor againfl him, thinks himfelf privileged to be idle. And all fuch Privileges are juft fo many Combinations to fink the Value of Lands, and prevent the Ex- te?i/ion of Commerce. The other Inftance I fhall mention, is the Cafe of the French Hugonots, who fled from the An E S S A Y ON T R A D E. 89 the Perfecutlon of Lewis XIV, and took re- fuge in England, But great was the Outcry againft them, at their firft coming. " Poor '' England would be ruined ! Foreigners €71- ** couraged ! And our own People ftarijingV'' This was the popular Cry of thofe Times. — But the Looms in Spittle-Fields, and the Shops on Ludgate- Hilly have at laft fufficiently taught us another Leflbn. And now, it is hoped, we may fay without Offence, Thefe Hugonots have been fo far from being of Dijervice to the Nation, that they have partly got, and partly faved, in the Space of fifty Years, a Balance in our Favour of, at leafl, fifty Millions Sterling;. In fhort, Self-Interefl apart, What good Reafon can be afligned, why we fhould not admit Foreigners among Us ? — Our Country is but thinly inhabited, in Comparifon to what it might be : And many hundred Thoufands of Acres of ^W Land, in England and Wales, not to mention Scotland and Ireland, lie either entirely wafle, or are not fufhciently cultivated, for want of Hands, and Perfons to confume the Product. Our vafl Commons, all over the King- dom, and many of the Fore/is and Chaces, might be parcelled out in Lots, to fuch of the Foreign- ers as chufe a Country Life j and the Refl might find Employment, in fome fhape or other, in the different Manufactures. The Natives of England likewife do not increafe fo faft, as thofe of other Countries 3 our common People being 90 An essay on TRADE. being much ipore abandoned and debauched. The Marriage State alfo is not liifficiently en- couraged among Us : and ten Thoufand corn- men Whorei are not fo fruitful (fetting alide the Sin of the ParenfSy the Difeafes of the few Children that are born^ and their want of a proper and virtuous Education) I fay, 10,000 common Whores are not fo fruitful 'z.^ fifty healthy young married Women, that are honefl and virtuous : By which Means, the State is defrauded of the Increafe of up- wards of 199 Subjects out of 200, every Year Add to all this, that it has been long obferved by Men of Thought and Specula- tion, That moi'Q young Children die in E72g^ land from the Birth to two Tears old, than in any other Country. The Sea likewife, and our extenfive Plantations, are a continual Drain upon us. And the manufacturing Poor at home are killing themfelveSy and, if I may be allowed the Expreffion, their Pojlerity likewife, as faft as they can, by thofe fure Inflruments of Death, Gin and Spirituous Liquors. For ALL thefe Reafons therefore, as well as on Account of lowering the Price of Labour, and preventing the C(9w/'/Vzj//o«i of Journeymen, fo loudly complained of, 2ind Jeverely felt through- out the Kingdom, it is humbly hoped. That thofe Perfons who have hitherto oppofed the Naturalization Bill, will fee Caufe to change their Sentiments ; and will look upon it as highly ufeful and expedient, and produdive of the An E S S A Y ON T R A D E. 91 the greateft National Advantages. There are many thousands of Manufadlurers, both in Silk and Woollen, in the South of France^ all zeal- ciis Protefiants, who would gladly come over, if they could learn that they fhould meet with a kind Reception. As to the Difficulty of making their Efcape out of the French King's Dominions, they would find Ways and Means to deceive even the Vigilance of their Govern- ors, by retiring, as it were one by one, and removing under various Pretences, towards the manufaduring Towns in Picardy and French- Flanders^ (from whence they could fo eafily pafsover tons) were theyfure of finding Pro- ted;ion and reafonable Encouragement. And as England and Frajice are Rivals to each o- ther, and Competitors in almoft all Branches of Commerce, every /i?jgk Manufadlurer fo com- ing over, would be our Gain, and a double Loss to France. Upon a Review of this Propofal, as it ftood in the Second Edition, the Author cannot fee any Caufe for that Fury and Reientment, fo liberally beftowed upon him, for offering his Thoughts, he hopes in no improper manner, to publick Confideration. — If his Arguments were inconclujive^ why were they not anfwer- ed ? — If abfurd, they ought to have been de- fpifed : But lince they were thought worthy of fo much Notice, why doth not fome Per- fon undertake to confute a late Treatife, viz. Rejk&ions on the Expediency of naturalizing foreign 92 An ESS AY ON TRADE. foreign PrcteJlantSy wrote exprefsly to vindi- cate this I ropof;!! ? Such a Method would have been fair ard ingenuous, defervinsj the Regard of the i'ublick, and the Thanks of the Writer of this Treatife, who would have tlx)ught it 170 Difgrace to have acknow- ledged his EiTor in the moft open Manner.— But it ever ivas the hard Fate of thofe who have laboured to promote the true Intere/ls of their Country, and to eftablifli a general SyAtm for the Propagation of National Virtue dnd Good Morals, to be vilified and infulted, while Living, and never to have real Juftice done to their Charudters, till they are dead, A Man may write Pieces of Enter tainmenty and be cpplouded : -— Or he may dip his Pen in Call for theUfe of a Party, and be adored: But he muft not bend his Studies for the ge- neral Good, with a Dependence on any other Reward, than that which arifes in his own Breaft for having done his Duty, VIII. PROPOSAL. To encourage a Trade with our own Plan- tations, in all fuch Articles as fiall make for the mutual Benefit of the Mother Country, and her Colonies, The Reafons for this Propofal are very ob- vious and convincing : — and yet, as felf-in- ierefied Perfons will be apt to ftart Objections, and An E S S A Y ON T R A D E. 93 and raife Difficulties, it may be proper to ex-> patiate upon thefe Reafons a little. 1/?, Therefore, it is necefTary that we (hould encourage a Trade to our own Planta- tions for all Sorts of Naval Stores, in order that we may not be too dependent upon the IVill and Pleaftire of Foreign Courts, with re- gard to thefe neceifary Things. Many, if not moft of the Implements for Navigation, and confequently for a Sea War, are purchafed from the feveral Nations bordering upon the Baltick, Suppofe then that Sweden, RuJ/ia^ or Denmark, fhould, for certain Reafons of State, or by the Intrigues of the French, lay an Embargo on thefe Commodities, at a Crijis when we greatly wanted them; — or (hould refufe them to Us, ^nA fell them to our Ene- mies J to what a diftrejfed Situation would this reduce Us ? and who can tell what might be the Confequences of it ? And as the Politicks of Princes are qv^v fluctuating and cha7igingj why fhould we put it in the Power of any Potentate to have fuch a Command over Us? idly. As the Balance in regard to all thefe Countries is confiderably againfi Us, common ■Prudence will fuggeft, that we ought to turn •it in our Favour, if we can. Now this we ihall be able to do (or at the worft, bring it to an Equilibrium, which in itfelf is no difadvan^ tageous kind of Commerce) if we can purchafe the fame Commodities in our own Plantations, which we ufed to import from thefe Countries. Befides, 94 An E S S A Y ON T R A D E. Befides, the Balance is not only againfl U s with regard to Sweden, but alfo the very Money which is drawn from Us by means of this lof- i?tg Trade, is converted to fupport a Fre?2ch Intereft, in Oppojition to ours. But 3^/y, Were the Cafe indifferent, when we traded, (which it is not) the natural Af- feclion, which the Mother Country fliould have for her Colonies, where we have fo many Friends, Relations, and Acquaintance, fhould determine Us to give them the Preference. — But indeed our own Intereft is nearly and ef- fentially concerned in this Affair : For, /[thly. Unless we promote a Trade with them, and take off the Growth and Commodities of their Plantations, they will be reduced to the NeceJJity of Offering them to Sale at other Markets, or permitting other Nations to come and trade with them : The Confequence of which will be, that they will take the Produd: and Manufactures of thefe Nations in reftirn. And indeed this is too much the Cafe at pre- fent : For o?ie third, at leaft, of the Luxuries and Elegancies of Life, brought into our Colo- nies (as was obferved * before) is the Growth and Manufa<5ture of other Countries, and prin- cipally of France. And as our Trade, par- ticularly to fome of the Northern Colonies, is growing lefs and lefs, this Evil muft daily in- creafe in the fame Proportion. Moreover, Sthly, * Seethe Xfth Difadrantage of Great Britain. Page 45. An E S S A Y ON T R A D E. 95 ^thfyy Unless we ca4i fupply our Colonies with luch Commodities and Manufadlures as they imnf, by way of Barter for fome of theirs which they can fpare,-^Thcy will be Mged to raife thofe Things themfelves. And feeing that many of the new Settlements on the Continent of A/nerica, are feveral hundred Miles up the Country, between^ and beyond the Mountains; this Diftance of Situation will increafe the Neceflity they are already under of manufadlaring for themfelves, — — unlefs we can divert their Tlioughts to fbme other Fro- jeBs. Nay more, when once a Manufafture is fet up in thofe diftant Regions, it will ex- tend itfelf downwards ; and the Inhabitants on the Sea-Coaft will be fupplied by their Neighbours in the Up-Lands, upon cheaper and eafier Terms than we can fupply them.— It is a juft Complaint, That many of the Pro- vinces have fet up feveral Species of Manu- fadures, which greatly interfere with the Trade and Profperity of their Mother Country. Yet how {hall we prevent them ? ..There is but one Way to do it, that is either juft^ or prac- ticable : and tliat is, By an 'Exchange of Com- modities to MUTUAL Benefit. — . A mu- tual Benefit is a MUTUAL Dependence. And this Principle alone will contribute more to the preferving of the Dependency of our Colonies upon their Mother Country, than any other Refinement or Invention. For if we are lafraid, that one Day or other they will revolt, and 96 An ESS AY oKr TRADE. and fet up for themfelves, as fome feem to apprehend ; Let us not drrje them to a Ne- cefTity to feel themfelves independent of us :— i. • As they will do, the Moment they perceive, that they can be fupplied with all Things from within themfelves, and do not need our Afliftance. If we would keep them flill de- pendent upon their Mother Country, and in fome Refpe(fts fubfervie?it to her Views, and Welfare-, Let us make it their I n t e r e st always fo to be. For thefe Reafons therefore, it is humbly apprehended. That the Trade to our Colonies and Plantations, muft appear to be of the ut- mofl Confequence to the Power, Strength, and Profperity of Great Britain, But to effedlu- ate this good End, an important Queftion comes next to be decided ; viz, " What Pro- " duce fhould our Colonies be mofl encou- " raged to raife and cultivate? And what " Sort of Manufactures fhall they be allowed " to barter in Return for ours?" — It is eafy to fee. That they cannot make large Payments in Gold and Silver j and it is alfo equally plain and certain. That we will not, cannot, indeed allow them to introduce fuch Things among us, as will prevent the Confumption oi our own Commodities, to fuch a Degree, as to be ■vpcn the whole, of National Difadvantage. Wherefore, with great Submiffion, I will beg Leave to offer fome few plain Obfer- vationsy which perhaps might not be altoge- ther 1 An ESSAY ON TRADE. 97 ther unferviceable as to the Regulation of fuch a Trade. First then, It feems chiefly requilite, that due Encouragement fliould be given to our Colonies, to apply their Thoughts towards the raifing o^ fuch Commodities, as do tiot inter- fere with thofe of the Mother Country. Secondly, They fliould alfo not only be allowed, hut ht particulaj-ly incouraged \.o import all fuch raw Materials as are to be maniifaSiured here in 'England; — even though we raife the fame Sort ourfelves : Be- caufe the more we have of thefe, the better-^ fince the cheaper they are purchafed^ the more of them can be worked up, and the more there are worked up, the greater Number of Hands are employed; and confequently, the more Labour, or Employment is procured to the Nation. Moreover, this Argument becomes fo much the ftronger, if the raw Materials we have of our own, are by no means fiiffi- cient for the Demand of the Manufacture, ei- ther as to Quantity, or Goodnefs ; which is the Cafe with the Bar-Iron here made in E?ig- land J fo that we are obliged to have recourfe to foreign Countries for a Supply;— as in the Cafe of Bar- Iron we do to Sweden, to the Amount of near 200,000/. Sterling a Year. Thirdly, We ought to permit our Co- lonies to fupply us upon eafy Terms with all fuch Articles of Luxury as we are wedded to, and will have either fom them, or others.—^ H Con- 98 An E S S A Y ON T R A D E. Confequently, in Reafon and good Policy, they ought to have the Preference, by being indulged to import thefe Articles under the Advantage of an cdfy and rcafonable Dutyj whilft the Commodities oi foreign Nations are charged with higher Imports and Cuftoms. In fuch a Cafe, the mutual Exchange of Com- modities betw^een us and the Colonies would become a mutual Advantage : But that is not all; For as the Duties v/ould be modcratCy the Temptations to Smuggling would htfinall-, the Confumption of the Commodities of our own Colonies greater, and that of other Na- tions lefs : By which means, the Revenue it-, felf would rife much higher than it doth, when there are large and heavy Duties : For thefe will ever be attended with one or other of the following EfFeds, either the preventing the Importation of the Commodity, or its En- trance at the Cuftom-houfe. Fourthly, In the Regulation of a Trade with our Colonies, fome Regard fhould be had to thofe diftant Parts of the Country, which He remoteft from the Seaj that even the far- theft Inhabitants may likewife find Employ- ment in the raifing of fuch Commodities as are fitteft for their Situation, and are light of Carriage. And if their Thoughts are proper- ly taken up in the Cultivation of thefe Things, they will have neither Time, nor Inclination to purfue other Prcjedfs, which might prove detrimental to the Mother Country. From An ESS AY ON TRADE. 99 From thefe Principles therefore it feems clearly to follow, That the Culture of Coffee^ Cocoa Nut J Cochineal^ Indico, and Pimento, ought efpecially to be encouraged in the moun- tainous, inland Part of Jamaica. And that of Bar-Iron, Hemp, Flax, Indico, and Raw Silkf in the Countries between, and beyond the Mountains, on the BsLckof Carolinay Vir- ginia, Penfdvania, Sec. Some of thefe indeed are heavy Goods ^ and therefore feem not fo proper to be raifed in a Country fo far diflant from any Sea- Port : But on the other hand, when it is con- fidered how particularly rich the Soil in thofe Parts is, and how well adapted the Country for the raifing fuch Articles, and how conve- niently the Inhabitants could load the Cattle they bring down every Market Day, with thefe Commodities; the Difficulty, I hope, in great Part vanishes, and the Propriety of affigning thefe Tradis of Land for the Culture of them, evidently appears. Enough therefore has been faid, to evince beyond all Contradid:ion, That it is the I n~ T E R E s T of the Kingdom, that fuch a Trade as here defcribed, fliould be carried on : But whether it is the Intereft of the Merchant to EMBARK in it, is another Queflion : And yet, till he can find his own private Account in the Affair, it is too clear a Point, that whatever has been faid as to the Publick and National Advantage, will pafs for nothing. — H 2 A iDo AnESSAY ON TRADE. A Merchant will not engage in a Io/ingTra.de, and nii?2 himfelf to benefit his Country. In- deed it is unreafonable to expedl he ihould. And the great Complaint againft the Trade to fome of our Northern Colonies long has been. That there is nothing to be got by it -^ that is, That the Merchant can get nothing, or next to nothing, if compared to his Gains to and from other Places. The Trade to Dinmarky Sweden , or Riiffia, is more advan- tageous to hiniy though very detrimejital to his Country ; and therefore, if we would expedt the Merchant to turn his Thoughts wholly to the Plantation-Trade, we mufl caufe him to find his ^/6/V/Intereil in the Purfuit of it. Now there are four Ways or Methods for turning a Trade into a new Channel, 2ivA flop- ping up the old one. The fir II is. By laying additional Duties upon the Commodities of one Country, but not on thofe of another. By this means, if the Commodities are in any Degree equal to each other in Goodnefs and Value, the former will be prevented from being imported, on Ac- count of tht'ir Dearnefs to the Confumer ; and the latter will have the Preference, by reafon of their Cheapnefs. But this Method, however expedient at particular Juncftures, is to be ufed with great Warinefs and Caution. For every fuch additional Duty put upon the Commo- dities of a foreign Country, will be looked upon by that Country, as an A6t oi Hofiility com- An E S S A Y ON T R A D E. loi committed upon its Trade and Commerce ; which they will be lure to revenge upon the Commodities and Manufadures of the Coun- try that was the Aggrefjhr. Bclides, high ad- ditional Duties are too 'violent and precipitate a Method of turning a Trade into a new Chan- nel, — efpecially where the Manufacture is yet in its Infancy^ and cannot anfwer the Demand for it. It is therefore much more fafe and prudent, to incHne the Scale gently and gra- dually on the Side you would favour j that fo the Inhabitants of that Country may have //;;?f to raife the proper ^antity of the Commodi- ties that are wanted, and may increafe and perfeB their ManufacStures, by due Applica- tion and Experience.— 'knd alfo, that we our- felves may not be diftreffed on Account of the Scarcenefs, or the Bad?iefs of the Commodity; or be forced to pay an exorbitant Price, by means of the Monopoly which the Inhabitants of xht favoured Country will have againft us. Wherefore, fecondly^ another more com- modious^ and lefs exceptionable Way, is, To grant certain Privileges and Exemptions -^ which {hall continue till the Trade is fuffici- ently ejlablijljed^ and needs no Support ; that is, till the Merchant can find it worth his while to engage in it, without being paid at the publick Expence. Sappofe therefore, that at the Beginning of fuch a Trade, certain Com- modities were permitted to be imported upon eafy Terms-f or rather Duty free, which H 3 is 102 An E S S A Y ON T R A D E. is better ftill : Then our Colonies would turn their Thoughts to the raifing them ; and the Merchant would find his own private Account in importing them. But if any thing obft:rur£'c/(?tt; Materials to be exported immanufaciured out of their Coun- try. They have therefore prohibited the do- ing it under the feverefl Penalties :— And we cannot blame them. But for that very Rea- fon we ought to endeavour to raife the Com- modity ourfelves. And, with humble Sub-- miffion, no Time ever feemed fo favourable for the doing it, as the prefent. For as the Trice is high, this is not only an Inducement to fet about it : but alfo as we have now a different Sort of Inhabitants in our Colonies to engage in it, than we had before, we have therefore the greater Profpecl of Succefs. The Complaint formerly was, That the Cultivation of it would not anfwer on Account of the Dearnefs of Labour. The Inhabitants towards the Sea-Coafts could employ their Time to greater Advantage in the Culture of Tobacco, Rice, An E S S A Y ON T R A D E. 105 Rice, &c. therefore the Scheme for Raw Silk muft fail. But at prefent we have feveral thoufands of Palatines and Moravians^ fettled in the Vallies between the Mountains, in a Country niuch like Piemont, where the befl Silk grows : Now as they cannot cultivate Rice or Tobacco for Exportation ; and as they are far removed from the Center of Trade, and are alfo a parfimoniouSy abjlemiom People, they will certainly work much cheaper than the Englip heretofore towards the Sea-fidc, who were ever noted for the contrary Qualities. So that upon the Whole, the Ti?7ie and the Occafion invite ; the NeceJJjtics of the Manu- facture, and the Intereji of our Country, re- quire that fome Attempt fhould be fpeedily made for the raifing of Raw Silk in our Colonies. IX. PROPOSAL. To eftablifli a Police for the Prevention of Smuggling. * " It may indeed be too difficult for a " private Perfon to find out a Remedy equal " to a Difeafe fo univerfal, and of fo lon2 a " Continuance : But yet as every well-meant " Endeavour for the publick Service is can- * ' didly accepted, when offered with Modefly and * This Quotation is taken out of my Inquiry concern- ing the Ufe of low priced Spirituous Liquors , prinLcd for r. Trye, Ho It or n. io6 An ESSAY ON TRADE. '' and Submillion, it is to be hoped the fol- " lowing Thoughts, which proceed no far- " ther than by Way of ^ier)\ will be fa- " vourably received. " Query I. If the Privileges and Ex- " emptions of the Iflands of Guernfey and " y^^fiy> ^^' were aboliflied, and thofe Re- " mains of the Dukedom of Normandy per- " fedtly united to the Britijh Crown, could " the fame Frauds be then prad:ifed, as to the " Running of Goods which have a Draw- " back granted them. Smuggling of French " Wines, Brandies, Teas, Coffee, Chocolate, " Silk, Lace, and all other Commodities, as " are at prefent ? — Could the French Wines " be mixt with Port, and then entred as if ** they were all the Growth of Portugal^ to " the great Detriment of the Revenue, the " manlfeft Injury of the Portugal Trade, the certain irreparable Lofs to the Nation, and the open avowed Encouragement to Per- jury ?— .Could the Smacks and Cruifers, which were defigned to guard the CoafV, have the fame Pretence to enter the Ports of Fra?2ce, which they have now to ftep into Guernfey and yerfey, viz. to fee what Veffels were lading j and fometimes take in a Lading for themfelves }^^Et quis Cujiodes cujlodiat ipfos f " QiL^^Y II. If the Jurifdidtion of the IJle of Man was annexed to the Crown, in the lame Manner as the Hereditable Ju- rifdivftions - ment to a thinking Mind. In fhort, xSx^ poorer and the middling Part of the Female Sex, are deprived of thofe Employments which pro- perly behig to them, very often to their own utter Ruin, and the Detriment of Society. If a young Woman has a genteelifi Education, and Tifmall Fortune, fhe ftands upon the Bri7ik of Definition -, and even if fhe is defirous, fhe fcarcely knows, What Trade to put her- felf to, in order to be out of the Way of Temptation. For, excepting two or three Trades, which Women ftill retain, all the Reft are engrojfed by Men, We have Men- Mantua-maker s, Men-Milliner s, Men-Stay- makerSy Men-Shoemakers for Wom.ens SboeSy Men-Hair-Cutters for Womens Hair, &c. and very likely in time we fhall have SempJlreJfeSy Laundrejjes, and Clear- St archers, of the fame Sex. Such Perverfions as thefe, of the Order of Society, are not of fmall ill Confequence^ either to the Welfare of Individuals, or the Good of the State, And therefore to difcou- rage fuch Pracflices as much as may be, in the Affair of Men-Servants, The Propofd is. That each of them (hall be taxed Two-Shi Hi figs and Six Pence in the Pound, according to their Wages, An ESSAY onTRADE. 13^ Wages, to be paid by their Mailers and Mif^ treffes, and to be colled:ed by the Officers of the Window Tax. If a Scheme of this Na- ture were effecflually put in Pradice, the Con- sequence would be, either, That Women-Ser- vants would be employed, rather than Men> which would anfwer a good End in that Re- fpedt;— -or elfe, that thefe Men-Servants, tho* idle and ufelefs inthemfelves, would contribute to the promoting of Commerce and extending our Trade, by means of the Tax they pay for this End ; — though forely againfi their Will. The 3^ Tax propofed, is, That upon Sad- dle-Horfes. The Tax upon Coaches, as far as it went, was an excellent and publick-fpirifed Adt of the Legiflature. It was laying the Burden, where it ought always to be laid, viz. upon the Luxuries y the Ornaments and Refinements of Living. But undoubtedly it was defeBive as to its Extent : Many Gentlemen of Fortune^ efpecially if they are fingle, do not choofe to keep Coaches ; and others may live in fuch Parts of the Country, where the Situation is tiot convenient for their fo doing. Yet they all keep Saddle Horfes in abundance, — Hmttersy —and perhaps Racers, — without paying any Tax J though thefe Things are Articles of mere Luxury, Parade and Pleafure, as much as Coaches. Is there now any Equity or Juf- tice in this ? And are not fuch Perfons the propereft Subjeds to pay towards the Sup- K 4 port 136 An E S S A Y ON T R A D E. port of our Manufadures, and extending our Commerce? Undoubtedly they are: And therefore the Propofal is this, That all Owners of Saddle Horfes^ young Horfes under five Tears old excepted, be taxed at the Rate of five Shillings per Horfe every Year -, faving only 072e Horfe^ which fliall be admitted to be kept^r^^ of all Tax by each Owner, on the Suppofition, That Riding may be necejjary for his Healthy or on the Account of Bufmefs, If greater Allowances than this were made, it would be opening a Door for Fraud and ColluJJon : And if /^/}, it might bear hard upon the real Wants and Neceffities of many Peo- ple. Perhaps even this Indulgence of one Horfe, Tax-free^ to each Proprietor, might feem too rigorous a Reflraint ; and might ad:ually be fo in certain Circumftances j but in all Cafes ol piibliek Concern, it is impofTiblc to adjuft Things in fuch a Manner, as that every Perlon can be pleajed^^-^or even that the Intereft oi every Individual may be (o particu- larly taken Care of, according to the Nature of his peculiar Circumftances, as that he can have no jufl Reafon to complain. To proceed therefore, the ^th Tax propofed to be levied is on Dogs of every Sort and Kind, except Shepherds Dogs, and Houfe Dogs. For every thing be- yond diis, is moft undoubtedly an Article of Luxury, and Diverfion -^ and as fuch j juflly liable to be Taxed. Wherefors^ An E S S A Y ON T R A D E. 137 Wherefore the Propofal is, That the Owners of all Dogs iliall pay One Shilling for each Dog every Year. And as there are fuch prodigious Numbers of Hounds, Greyhounds, Pointers, Setters, Spaniels, Beagles, Lap-Dogs, and Turnfpits all over the Kingdom, this would bring in a very confiderable Revenue, which might be employed to the greatefl; National Advantage, in fupporting and extending our Trade and Commerce. If this Tax Ihould caufe a Ditninution of the Species, there would be no Harm in that ; nay, it would be at- tended with a great deal of Good; as for many other Reafons, fo particularly for this, That the dreadful 2s\d. /hocking Calamities attending the Bite of Mad Dogs, would be lefs frequent than they now are If any one fhould ob- ject. That T'nni-fpits ought to be confidered as neceffary Implements for dreffing of ViBu- als, and therefore ought to be excepted out of tliis Regulation. The Anfwer is obvious and eafy ; viz. That Jacks and Smoke- Jacks are preferable to Turn-fpits in every Refpeft :— They are cheaper, all Things confidered ; and a Species of Manufacfture, wliich ought to be encouraged. But above all, there is no Dan- ger from them of thofe Hiocking Confequen- ces aforementioned, which every Year have occafioned the Deaths of many People, in the moft dreadful manner. Add to this, That no other Method, than what is here propofed, can be effedlual for the Pre- 138 An E S S A Y ON T R A D E. Prefervation of the Game. For as long as Poachers of all kinds are allowed to keep Dogs, free of any Tax, it will be impoffible for Penal Laws, in fuch a Conftitution as Englajid is under, to prevent their ufing them to the Deftruction of the Game. But the laying a Tax upon Dogs ftrikes at the princi- pal Root of the Evil complained of. The c,th Tax propofed, is a double Turn- pike Tax on all Perfons who traiiel on Sun- days. A modiJJj and a reigning Vice this! which ought to receive fome Check and Dif-- countenance from the Legiflature. Not orice in a thoufand times can there be a juft and reafonable Excufe for this Practice ; and there- fore it becomes a proper and fit Subjedt for a Tax, according to the Principles before laid down. I N (hort, We fubmit it with great Defe- rence to the Judgment of the intelligent Read- er, Whether there is not ample Provifion made in this.Propofal, for all the Expences which might be incurred by the Execution of any of the Reft; — and that without burden- ing any one Article of the real NeceiTaries of Life. Were the Taxes to be laid, as here re^ commended, they would indeed very proba- bly caufe a confiderable Diminution of the Ar- ticles which were to pay thele Taxes : But even that Circumftance would prove, in many Refpefts, a very great National Advantage.— And-were the Monies raifed by thefe Taxes, properly, I An ESS AY ON TRADE. 139 properly, judicioully, and faithfully applied to the good Ufes and Purpofes before mentioned, jlerhaps there would not be a Nation in the World, which could vie with us in Number of Inhabitants, Extent of Commerce, and the flourifliing State of our Colonies and Fad:ories in both the Indies, Taxes, in their own Nature, if they are properly and judicioully laid on, are fo far firom caufing Commerce to ftagnate, that they quicken and enliven it : And therefore may be compared to the Fruning of a Tree by a Skilful Hand, by which means the Tree is preferved in Health, and lafts the longer. The Fruit (upon the whole) is more in Quantity and better in Quality, and a vigorous Circula- tion, and equal Nourilhment are maintained throughout. Whereas, on the other Hand, one fingle Tax, though linall in its Amount, if injudiciouily laid on, fo as to ftop the Pro- grefs or Circulation of Labour, is in fadt the maviefi and mofl infupportable of all others. This is a Do(flrine little underftood, elpecially by the Lafided Intercft, who of all Perfons ought to ftudy it the moft,. as it never can be their Intereft to ad upon a contrary Prin- ciple. CON- 140 An ESSAYon TRADE. CONCLUSION. AN D thus have I ventured to give my Sentiments, with that Freedom and Unrefervednefsy which is natural to Men who mean well, and whofe fole Ait?i is the Good and Profperity of their Country.— As I have no prhate "Ejids of my own to ferve, either the one Way or the other, I have liad no Biafs of Self-Intereft upon my Mind. It is true, I confefs, that many of the Proposals here made, are Subjedls very unpopular in the prefent Times : Neither would I willingly have advanced any thing haj'jh or dijagreeable^ even to prejudiced Minds, were it pojfible to have mads T^riith and Popularity^ in this Cafe, confift toge- ther. But lince that cannot be, what mull: be done ? Muft we ftill go on, increafing in our DiforderSy and beholding our Rivals tak- ing their Advantage of thefe Misfortunes, merely becaufe fome People do not choofe to be told WHERE the Core of the Evil lies, and HOW it may be taken outf If the Alterations here An E S S A Y ON T R A D E. 141 here propofed, are neccfj'ary or advanfageotis to the Publick, that alone fhould \i^ fujicitmt to recommend them to the Efteem of all Per- fons oi Worth and Character -, But if they are not, I put in no Plea or Apology for them :— Only I will add, on behalf of the Author, that his Intentmis were goody though He was mii^ taken. I A M alfo well aware. That there is a cuf- tomary Prepofieflion entertained againil: Pro- jed:s of all Kinds; And that Projedlors are looked upon as a Race of Beings who have fomething very fingular and whimfical in their Compofition. And yet I think it mufl be allowed. That, notwithftanding all the Pre- judice which fome chimerical Gentlemen of this Stamp have drawn upon themfelves, there muft be both ProjeBs and FrojcBors^ when Things are /^/2^, and want w^W/;^^; other wife they never could be better ^ nor the Faults corrected. With Refpedl to the Cafe before us, there are two gefieral OhjeSlions^ as far as I am able to perceive, which may be made againft what has been advanced. The firfl is. That many of the Propofalsj though they may be right in 'Theory^ are im- praBicable in Fact. The fecond is. That the Schemes here laid down, are attended with their Inconveniencies as well as others. To 142 An ESSAY ON TRADE. To the FIRST of thefe I reply; That no one can be certain of this, till an Attempt has been made to put them in Practice: And we may be very fure, Every one of them might be eafily put in Execution, were Perfons as really animated with the Love of their Coun- try, and as truly concerned for its Welfare and Profperity, as they pretend to be j And had fome among us, in their Oppojition to every Meafure of the Government, no dark^ latent Scheme at Heart, which they cover over with fpecious Names. Besides, None of thefe Schemes, no, not all of them together, are fo difficult in them- felves to be carried into Execution, as that fingle one which has been fo happily perfcBed in our own Days, the Union with Scot" land. In that Cafe, inveterate National Pre- judices, — National Pride,— F^wz/^'-Intereft, — iS^^Intereft, — Jacobitical Inttre^y— Pretences of Confcience, • Fears of Religion^ and the refpeftive Churches of Soth Kingdoms : All thefe confpired to heap up Difficulties in the Way. And yet all were furmounted by the Firmnefs and Addrefs of thofe true Fn^ triots of both Kingdoms, to their immortal Honour, who had the Management of that Affair. Whereas in the prefent Cafe, there can be no Pretences of Confcicfice^ no Fears of the Church^ being in Danger^ to encounter with : There are no National Animofities, or National Pride, or the Interefi of great Fa- milies, An E S S A Y ON T R A D E. 143 milies, to obftruft us ; And very little oiFarty Spirit can mingle in any of thefe Affairs : Self-Inter eft is the chief Obftacle to be fur- mounted. This is indeed a great one, which will draw every thing that it can to its AfTift- ance. But it is not infuperable, if withftood by Men who have a true Love for their Coun- try, and Prudence and Difcretion to time their Endeavours, and guiJe them aright. Moreover: Suppoling 72one of thtCe Pro^ fofah are fuch as will go down at prefent, while Men are full of their Prejudices, and fondof their own Opinions: Yet, even in that Cafe, it may not be amifs to lay before them the Things that are right y which they may confider of at their Leifure. When Men come to reafon and refieB^ their Prejudices will be- gin to foften\ and Time will reconcile them to thofe Expedients, which they had inveigh- ed bitterly againft before; perhaps for want of underjianding and knowing them better. — Thus it often happens. That Propofals deem- ed impradiicable at one Seafon, on account of the popular Outcry againft them, may be call- ed for at another^ with equal Vehemence and Impatience. And therefore, with humble Submiffion, It may not be amifs to leave thefc Proposals upon Record for future Exa- mination^ though none of them fliould be judged feafible at the prefent. But befidesthe foxratv ObjeBion, a second is, That this Scheme itfelf is attended with InconveniencieSf as well as others. I 144 An ES S A Y ON TR ADE. I GRANT it is: And furely no Man in his Senfes could ever fiippofe, That there could be any Scheme calculated for the general Good, which would not bear hard upon the Interefts of fome particular People^— The true Way of eftimating any Propofal is, to confider, Whe- ther it doth remedy more old Inconveniencies ■ than it introduces new ones ; — And whether, upon the Whole^ it is beneficial or not, — -and its. Benefits of fuch Importance as deferve to be regarded ? — Laftly, Whether likewife fome of thefe very Inconveniencies which are fuppofed to attend it, may not be preve72ted or amended by further Experience and Obfervation. This is the true Way for eftimating any Propofal : And by this Rule I would choofe that my own fliould be tried ; and then let them iland or fall. We are always complaining of the bad Mo- rals of our People 3 of a general Corruption; and the being out-rivalled in Trade. Never- thelefs, it is very certain, that the prefent SyA tern of Things greatly contributes to the In- creafe of each of thefe Evils. My Meaning is, that it lays powerful Temptations in Peoples way. And then, what can be expedited? Sovc\&fcw perhaps will prove their Virtue to be fuperior j but i\\t great Majority will certainly be corrupted. For evident it is, that the In?Jo- cence of the Bulk of Mankind, is beft preferved by their being kept ignorant of the Temptation, or at a great Diftance from it. Now what is the An essay Ox\ trade. 145 the natural Tendency of Cujlomhoufe Oaths, EleSfion Oaths, Freedom Oaths, &c. &c. Init to entice and encourage Mankind to be gurihy of the foul Sin of wilful and deliberate Perju- ry ? What are the heavy Taxes upon the married State, and Exemptions for Batchelors, but the like Inducements «o Men to remain Jingle, and to gratify their Defires in an un- lawful Way ? VVhat arc all the exclufive Com- panies, all the heavy Duties upon Importa- tion, and the many Statutes for cratnping the Trade of Ireland, but lb many continued At- tempts to drive away the Trade from our- felves to the French, who are not only ouf Hjvals, but the moft dangerous ones we can have? And truly we have greatly fucceeded' in all thefe : Yet who can we blame but our- felves ? It may be pleaded indeed in excufe for thefe Laws and Eftabliihments, That they were not originally intended to produce thofe bad Effedls. I allow they were notj nor are they charged with any fuch Defign. But the Queflion here is, Not what was theViewof the Makers of thefe Laws, or what was the End propofed by fuch Eflablidiments, but what is the Tendency of them, as verified by Expe^ rience, and how they do operate in Fad: ? And if it is made to appear. That they are fb de- flrudive in their Confcquences, and fubverfive of our Morals, Liberties, and Commerce, it is but of little Confolation to know, That they were cHabUdied with a better View ; as we L ar? 146 An E S S A y ON T R A D E. are now confidering the Things themfdves, with their n ituralConfequences, not the Cha- radlers or Defign of their Authors and Pro- jedlors. I w I L L only add one Refledtion more to what has been faid ; viz. That if we would ftiil keep on our Trade at a Foreign Market, we muft, at leaft, be upon an equal Footing with other Nations, as to the Goodnefs and Cheapnefs of what we have to fell; otherwife we cannot expect, That Foreigners ihould give Us the Preference to their own Lofs. This then being the State of the Cafe, it neceflarily follows, That we mufl always have an Eye upon the Pra(5l'ices and Proceedings of our 'Rivals y and take our Meafures accordingly, as far as regards this mutual Emulation. If they contrive Ways and Means to render their ManufaBures cheaper or better than they did before, fo as to outvie Usj we mufl ftrive to outvie thern in Cheapnefs and Goodnefs, or be deprived of that Part of Commerce by them: If /;&(?)' invite Foreigners to fettle among them, in order to have the more Hands, and to keep down the Price of Labour; we mufl do the fame, or take the Confequence to our- felves: Xl they allow of no exclufive Compa-* nies in a Branch of Trade wiiich interferes with our Trade; 'Z£;^murt put down our Com- panies, or lofe that Trade: If their Manu- fa^flurers are lober and induflrious, and work fpr lo\v Wage?, and feldom become a Burden upoa An essay on T R a D E. '147 upon their PariQies; we muft endeavour to put ou7's upon the fame Footing, or be content with the Poverty which will be brought up- on Us : If their Government requires little or no Duties upon Importation, in order to en- courage the greater Numbers to engage in Trade, and that all Merchandize may come the cheaper to theConfumer; ive muft itnitate them in that Refpedt, and change our Cuftoms into In-land Duties ; or adminifter continual Temptation to the Needy and Fraudulent to turn Smugglers, and fuffer ourfelves to fink under thefe Evils, together with the Burden and Weight of our Cuftoms. Thefe are the Alternatives which are fet before Us ; and one would think, That if Mankind were not greatly blinded with their Prejudices, and bialled by private Interefts and fmifter Views, they need not be long in deliberating which to choofe.— Not to mention. That as every Country in Europe now begins to underftand the Maxims of Trade, and apply themfelves to Commerce, and are aftually raifing all Scrts of Manufac- tures of their own, and have laid 7tew Duties upon ours J— for thefe Reafons, We ought to be more intent than ever to contrive all Ways and Means pofTible to lower the Price of every thing we export, in order to overbalance thefe additional Duties by Dint of Cheap72iifs of La- bour, and to outvie thefe ?iew Rivals by the Goodnefs of our Manufidures^ L 2 AN 148 An E S S A Y ON T R A D E. A N APPENDIX, Containing ^ P l a n for raifng One only 1" A X on the Co?tfumers of Luxuries, H E foregoing Propofals were en- deavoured to be drawn up in fuch a Manner as pointed out, how the defired Alterations in our Syf- tems of Commerce, and of col- leding thcPublick Revenue, might be brought about as gradually as poffible. And no great- er Deviations were attempted to be made from the prefent State of thele Affairs, than feemed ablblutely neccffary ; left too pre- cipitate a Shock might prejudice Mankind againft Convidion. I did not therefore pro- pofe An ES SAY ON TRADE. 149 pofe fome of the above-mentioned Alterations, as what appeared to me the very beji which could be devifed ; but the beft in our prefent Circumftances, and the likeliefl to fucceed. For I am convinced, That what I am now going to offer, is in itfelf a much more effec- tual Remedy, if our Conflitution is ftrong enough to admit the Application of it. The Scheme is taken out of a Quarto Pamphlet, which would do Honour to any Man, feveral times already quoted ; viz. Art Effay on the Caufes and Decline of the Foreign Trade, But as I {hall take the Liberty to make fome few Alterations from, and Additions to, what this moft ingenious Author hath ad- vanced, I fliall put thofe Articles in a different CharaBer^ that they may be diftinguifhed from his ; And that his Original Plan may not be involved in any Cenfure, which perhaps is only due to my Additions and Alterations. — The Reafons which induced me to believe that fome few Things might be altered, or added for the better, fliall be laid before the Reader in the Sequel. L 3 An 150 AnESSAYonTRADE. An Extrad from Page 44, &^c. of the EJfay on the Caufes and Declina of the Foreign Trade, Firft and Second Proposals. TO lay one Tax on the Confumers of Luxuries, and take off all our other Taxes, Excifes, and Cuftoms : —And when that is done, to make all our Ports free. A s the Money- Affair is always the grand Objed:, fomething, by Way of Equivalent, muft be given for the Taxes taken off : As fuch the following Scheme is offered. A Proposal for raifmg one only Tax on the Confumers of Luxuries. It is hereby propofed, That all Perfons ufing, wearing, or drinking the following Ar- ticles of Luxury, as particularly fpecified, be obliged to take out a Licence Yearly, paying each one Subfidy for each Article of three Half-pence in the Pound only, on the com- puted Income they iliould have to fupport the Station of Life thev voluntarily place them- felves in, by the Article of Luxury they ufe, wear, or drink, as by the Example following. ARTI- An ES SAY on TRADE.* 151 ARTICLES of LUXURY. f-y . 1 1 ax at c? I T ^ rlalrpence \per Pound. L' Sooo All Perfons 1 . Keepinc; two Coaches and Six for their 7 \]{^ ^_- __ >_ _J 2. Ufing Diflies or Plates of Silver at their -^ Tables, commonly CdWcA Services of C 4.000 Plate . — — — S . 3. Keeping a Coach and Six for their Ufe — 2000 4. Keeping a Coach and Four for their Ufe - 1 000 5. Drinkinz French Wines in their Hou- ? Jes or Lodgings • • 5 6. Keeping a Coach and Two for their Ufe — — — 8^ Chariots, Four-Wheel Chaifes,^'*:. are included in the Term Coach. } 800 7. Wearing Jewels for their Drefs (be- -j fides Necklaces, Solitaires, Rings, or C Ear-Rings) — — — — j 8. Keeping a Sedan Chair for their Ufe — 9. Wearing Gold and Silver, Men on ^ their Coats and Hats ; and Women C on their Gowns and Shoes — — 3 10. Ufmg Silver Plate for their Side-I Boards or Tables (not having Services) j 11. Ufing China Services, viz. Difhesi and Plates at their Tables — — \ 12. Wearing Necklaces or Solitaires of Jewels for their Drefs (befidcs Rings or Ear-Rings) 13. Keeping a Chair or Chaife with one^ Horfe fur their Ufe — — J 14. Keeping a Pack of Hounds • I 5 . Keeping a Alan^ or Men Servants in "^ Livery^ or to wait at Table — — j 1 6. Keeping more Saddle- Horfe s than one — . L 4 800 800 500 250 2:0 I 2 CO, 2CO. I I I 152 An ESSAY on TRADE. ARTICtES of LUXURY. \per round. All Perfons 17. Drinking Por/ Wine in their Houfe,' Lodging or Service. — / have inJertcdL the Word Port for Renfons hereafter ; and another Wines^ except French, are^ here iticluded 1 8. Keeping Greyhounds^ Setters, Nets^"! Feiuling-Iiecei, &C. • — S 19. UJtng China Plates for Deferts only, ? (having no Services of China) • 5 20. Wearing Gold or Silver for their Prefs (except on Coats, Gowns, Hats, or Shoes ■ 2 1 . Wearing Jewels in Rings, or Ear-Rings 1 00 22 O — ' ' J - f ~ X ' ' — ' ■ ~' 7 m 50 50 IOC 100 100 ■Baitings^ ^ hes^ Cock- > 3. Going to Bear and Bull-Baitings^ Pri-ze- fightings^ Boxing-tnatch. fightings, and Horfe-races 4. Ufing no Silver Plate but Spoons — 25. Drinking Brandy, Rum, or anySpi-l rits, in Houfe, Lodging, or Service — ) 26. JVearing Silk or Silk Stuff's in ^p-\ parel r — — 3 27. Heaving Pi ^ures^ Paintings or Prints in lloufe or Lodging 28. Having more than one Looking-glafs\ in ditto -r- — — y 29. Drinking Tea, CofFee, or Chocolate, -j^ in Houfc, Lcxlging, or Service ^ 30. Ufing China "Tea-Dijhcs^ Cups, or\ Saucers — — j 3 I . Playing at Cards, Dice, or any other Game, which is not ufed for the fake of bodily Exercife. — — . — } 50 50 25 25 An ESS AY ON TRADE. 153 This is the general Scheme of the Au- thor: And I have ventured to make fuch Ad- ditions to it, as, I hope, are confiftent with his good Defign. I fliali therefore make no Apology for each particular Alteration j And only obferve with refped to the 5 th and the 17th Articles, i.e. The Diftindtion between drinking Fre?icb Wines, and ether Wines (which are the principal Alterations) that they both feem to me to be highly neceflary. The Author indeed makes no Difference through- out the Treatife between promoting the Con- fumption of French Wine or Port Wine, as if it was the fime to the Commerce of this Kingdom : But, though I acknowledge with Pleafure the Inftrudtion I have received in other Parts of the Science of Commerce, I cannot follow him in this ; and mufl: ftill flick to the Maxims of all the former W^riters on Trade, till I can lee more Reafon to alter my Opinion. If French Clarets^ Burgundy^ and Champagne, were as cheap as Pert, few Men would hefitate long which to choofe. The BritifJ) Merchant, I think, has fatisfadiorily proved. That were we to abolilh all Duties on French Goods, and tliey to do the fame on E7jgUfl? (as v/as partly the Scheme of the Miniftry during the four laft Years of Queen Ann) the Conlequcnce would be, at leaft, for a great many Year?, That England would be over-run with French Silks, Laces, Wines, Brandies, 154 An ESSAY ON T R ADE; Brandies, Cloths, Stuffs, Ribbands, Fans, Toys, &c. And the French would take very little or nothing in Return, more than at prefent. The Experiment therefore which he propofes, feems to me too hazardous ; the bad Effedts of it would be violent and inflantaneous, and the good ones very flow and gradual j fo that the Patient would be in Danger of expiring, as is often the Cafe, before the Medicine can operate. Besides, Were we to give fuch Encou- ragement to the French Wines, as is here fuppofed, what would become of our Por^ tugal Trade ? which, as to the Balance of it, is worth two Thirds of all the reft. The Court of Portugal would lay an high Duty, and perhaps a Prohibition, upon all Britijij Commodities, the Moment they found we did not give due Encouragement to theirs: Which indeed by Publick Treaty we are bound to do. And the French have always viewed this gainful Trade with a longing Eye ; and would be glad to put in for it, if they found any Opening. But to return J As to the Scheme in ge- neral, it is certainly very good. Perhaps the Valuation of the Income fuppofed neceffary for fome few of the principal Articles is fet too high ; being, I prefume, calculated for the Meridian of London, and the adjacent Counties: Whereas the Calculation Ihould have been made more upon a Medium with the An E S S A Y ON T R A D E. 155 the more diftant Parts of the Kingdom, where things are much cheaper. But this is a Trifle ; and might eafily be red'ified. It is fufficient, that the Scheme is good in itfeli:^ and is flill capable of great hnprovements. The Author in the next Place gives a general Rule, " That all Articles of the fame " Degree, or under the Article paid for, are " included in it." /. e. If I underftand him rightly, The greater includes the lefs. For Inflance, If a Perfon pays for a Coach and Six, he is thereby entitled to ufe a Coach and Four, a Chariot, a one Horfe-Chaife, or any other Vehicle he pleaies. If he enters a whole Service of Plate, he may ufe Side Boards, and all other Plate befides. If he takes out a Li- cence for drinking French Wines, the fame will ferve for Fort^ Spcmiflj, or any other, for Rum and Brandy ; and fo on. Indeed, as to playing at Cards, &c. I can- not allow this to be comprehended under the Article of going to fee Publick Diverfions, not only becaufe in the one Cafe, Perfons are rather Spc&iitcrs than Aolors^ but alfo becaufe Gaming of every kind ongiit to be difcounte- nanced as much as pofTible. I ADD alfo. what I conceive the Author has omitted. That the higbcfi Article which any Man enters, gives the Lead to all the reft ; fo that he is to pay for each of the fucceeding the fame which he pays for the firft. If a Perfon enters a Coach and Six, and pays T'lvche Pounds 156 An ES SAY ON TRADE. Founds Ten Shillings, according to the Rates in the Table, he is to pay the fame Sum for every other Article he enters. And there are the following weighty Reafons for it : Firft, That by fo doing, this Scheme becomes the mod exceWcnt fumpt nary Law, that ever was devifcd : And fecondly. That it is juft and reafonable each Perfon fhould pay in Propor- tion to what he Ufes of any Commodity: Now the moft probable Grounds we can go upon (for the Affair will not admit of Cer- tainty and Demonftration) is, That Perfons in general live in Proportion to the Figure they make. A Perfon, who keeps a Coach and Six, is fuppofed to have more Wine drank in his Family than one who keeps only a fingle Chariot, and to ufe a greater Quantity in Pro- portion of every other Article, which he en- ters ; and therefore in all Reafon and Juftice, he Ihould pay the more. The next Article that he propofes is, *' That Huibands fliould pay for their Wives " the one Fourth of the Article they pay for " themfelves, to entitle them to Ufe the fame ; ** and that the Parents iliould pay for each *' Child under Age the one Eighth of the •*' Article they pay for themfelves, to entitle ** them to ufe the fame." Here again I am forry I find myfelf obliged to differ from the worthy Author. If the Hufband is taxed for his Wife, and Parents for their Children in Proportion to their Numbers j this would be making An E S S A Y ON T R A D E. 157 making too near Approaches to the Fault the Author had himfelf fo juftly condemned in our prefent Syftem. Befides, when a Man has a Family, he is neceflarily obliged to enter more Articles than he would do, were he iingle. And it would be a great and difcouraging Hard- ship for the Heads of Families to pay thefe Articles, or any Part of them, over again, oa the Account of their Wives and Children* Moreover, I do not fee how we could rightly diftinguifh which Articles belonged to the Huiband, which to the Wife, and which to the Children. It therefore feems to me a more equitable way, That the Hufband or Parent be refponlible for the whole Family, and be confidered, as if he entered all the Articles of his Jngle Self. If the Family are extravagant, and will ufe more Articles of Luxury than his Circumftances will afford, it is his Bufinefs to reftrain them : And the prefent Plan makes it his immediate Intereft, as well as Duty fo to do. The Author then propofes, " That Batche- *' lors (liould be doubly taxed, if of Twenty " One Years of Age." — This, with Submif- fion, is too foon. Suppofe rather, That they paid a fingle Tax for each Article, till they arrived at Twenty Five Years ; and then were trebly taxed, till they married ; and that Wi- dowers likevvife without Children, if upwards of Thirty^ and under Forty Five^ were doubly taxed. The 158 An E S S A Y ON T R A D E. The Author then recommends, That all Perfons, fuch as he there reckons up, who get their Living by the Luxuries and Extra- vagance of others, fliould be obliged to pay for every Article they enter, as if they had an Income of Five Hundred Pounds a Year. — But here I think there is not a fufficient Dil^ tin^tion made between the different Clafles of thefe People j feeing that, according to him, all muft pay alike, from the meaneft Ale-houfe to the greatell Tavern j which furely is a very unequal way of Taxing, and not at all agree- able to his own juft Maxims. Suppofe there- fore, inftead of fixing upon any particular Sum, That each of thefe Perfons fhould tax himfelf, by his Way of Living, according as others do, but only much higher, viz. That all keepers of Taverns, Coffee-houfes, Long- Rooms, Publick Gardens, Ale-houfes, (^c. And that all Players, Shew-men, &c. fhould be trebly taxed, as long as they continue in fuch ProfeffioiiS; — and that even this fhould be doubled on all thofe, who retail French Wines or Brandies. But undoubtedly the Way and Manner of levying fuch a Tax, is the Point which me- rits mofl the Attention of the Publick. And on this Head, the worthy Author has given great Specimens of an uncommon Sagacity and Penetration. I fliall not flay to repeat all his Rules and Dirediions, but refer thofe who are difpofed, to the Treatife itfelf. But there is one An E S S A Y ON T R A D E. 159 one Point, which particularly deferves to be mentioned for its Singularity and Contrivance, and as it is the Mafter Key to all the reft : And that is, the Method which he has taken to make each Perfon immediately interefted in detecting the Frauds and Impofitions of his Neighbours. He obferves in the firft Place, That as the whole Scheme is a Tax upon Vanity, the very Nature of this Paffion betrays itfelf, and will not be concealed : Confequent- ly, there can be little Room for defrauding the Revenue in fuch a Cafe. But fuppofe a few Frauds fliould be attempted in fome particular Circumftances j then the following Method, which he propofes, is the moft effedual Way of detecting them, viz. Let each Perfon for the firft Year voluntarily tax himfelf according to the Station of Life he choofes to appear in; and let him take out a Licence of the proper Officer in each Diftridl, IJDecifying the feveral Articles he enters : Let a Parifh Regifter be kept of all the Money fo raifed in the Year within that Parifh j and let the Tax fo colledt- ed, be a Standard for laying on the Parifh Rates of Church, Poor, Lamps, Scavengers, and all other Parochial or County Payments for the enfuing Year. The Conlequence will be, That thofe who pay moft, will naturally detedl fuch of their Neighbours as uie any of the Articles above-mentioned without entering them ; becaufe in fo doing, they caufe this lat- ter Burden of Taxes to light the ealier upon them- i6o An ESSAY ON TRADE. themfelves, and oblige their Neighbours to contribute their Quota with them. And as the Author propofes, That the fufpeded Per- fon fhouid be charged with the Onus Pro^ bandi, or Juflification of liimfelf, this would flill facilitate the Scheme. And the Idea of an Informer would be very far from being con- lidered in that contemptible and deteflable Light it is a: pref^nt, when the Beft, the Greateft, and thofe who make the moil fplen- did Figure in each Piirilh, would be of the Number. This T^x is propofed by the Author to be laid on the iirfl: Year without taking off any other, in order to have a Fund aforehand, and to pay our National Debt tlie fafter, and alfo to fee wliat it would amount to. Then ne propofes, That all odier Taxes fhouid be abolifhed Year by Year, as tliis increafes, and is found adequate to fupply their Places. I WILL therefore fingle out a Gentleman of Two Hufidred and Fifty Pounds Income by the Year, witli a Wife and four Children : And I will fuppofe that he enters every Article he well can ; and compare that Tax with the prefent, in order to fee what Advantages may be reaped by it. An ES S AY ON TRADE. i6i A Gentleman of 250/. per Annum ^ living ibmething proflifely, enters, L S, dy 1. A Service of China, which includes 7 all other Articles of China 5 3 2. A Side-Board of Plate ; all other ) Plate (except Services) included 3 ^ 3. Jewels, viz. Necklaces and Soli- ) taires \ Rings and Earings included ) 3 4. A two wheeled Chaife - i 1 1 5 5. A Pack of Hounds-, Grey-hounds, 7 Guns, Nets, ^c. included \ ^ 6. Men-Servants in Livery, or to ) wait at Table ■ ' ■ J ^ 7. Saddle Horfes — — — i 1 1 3 8. P ^ Remains clear to the Government — 2 1 i - ^ M Whereas i62 An ESSAY ON TRADE. Whereas a Gentleman of the fame In- come, let him be as frugal as he well can, pays at prefent for himfelf, his Wife, Children, and Family, in Duties, Cuftoms, and Excifes to the King, and Perquifites to Officers of the Cuftoms, with all their Train of enhancing Confequences, almoft double the former ; tho' the neat Produce, which comes clear to the Government is full one third lefs, by the fol- lowing Eftimation. /. s. d, I. The Gentleman is charged" with the King's Duty, Cuftoms and Excife, for all the Salt, Soap, Leather, Candle, (and perhaps Coal) all the Malt and Hops (and perhaps Ale, Beer, Cyder and Perry) all the Wine, Brandy, Rum, and Spirits ^ the Sugar, Railins, Currants, Le- mons. Oranges, Tobacco j the Tea, Coffee, and Chocolate, and other Articles ufed and con- fumed by himfelf and Family : Which, if he is very faving, perhaps may amount to more than about — I o o no Carried over — 20 o ?. He An ESSAY ON TRADE. /. Brought over — 30 2. H E is charged with the pri-^ mary kind of Advances on each of thefe Articles, /. e. The Ad- vances which the Perfon who firft pays the Duty, makes on t the next Buyer, and he on the » next, till it comes to the Con- fumer, who mufi: pay for all j Which at leaft muft amount 163 d. 3 , * He is charged with alh fecondary kind of Advances, /'. e. The reciprocal Advances of the Price of Labour, Provi- fions, and all Commodities, ^ 10 which Tradefmen, Landlords, and all People concerned, make upon one another This mufl at leaft amount to as much more J Total paid at prefent, even with 1 good Oeconomy \^ But * The Nature of primary and fecondary Advances may be beft explained by an Illuftration of both in the fame Trade. Suppofe A. by Trade a Shoemaker : He buys his Leather of the Tanner and Currier, and pays to them the King's Duty, with their Advances upon it: He charges this Duty, with the Addition of their Ad- vances, and a nnv one of his own, upon the Shoes he M 2 fells. i64 An E S S A Y ON T R A D E. /. s, d. But thoucrh the Gentleman con- cerned pays 40/. per Annum< for the Duties and their Confe-^20 qiiences, yet the Original Duty' to tlie King was no more than. Dedud" thererore one thiid at kail ? , for coliecling _— £ 3 4 Remains clear to the Government 13 6 8 I H A V E here allowed one third for collect- ing : and whoever coniiders the vafl Expence which fells. This is the Nature of all primary Advances, be they multiplied ever fo often. The Interelt of the Mo- ney fo paid and ufcd in Trade, as Matters now ftand, make it neceflary that tney ihould be. But this is not all : for j^. finds that B, C. D. E. F. 0. Sic. That is, The Lutchers, Brewers, B^Jcers, Far- mers, Checfemongers, Chandlers, Grocer?, Clothiers, Taylors, and in fliort, all the Tradefmen whom he deals with, do likewifc cnaige him v.ith thiir refpc^live Ad- vances. Therefore, as he has no Rcfource but what his Occup;Uion brings in, he charges his Shoes, as it were again, with z fecor.dary Advance, in order to anfwer their Demands. Thus the AfFdir goes round, ihey charging him, and he thtm -.^ till the Crigiii;*! Price of each one's Commodities is incrcafed 10 :i prodigious imagitiary Value, It is tlierefore no longer to be wondered at. That a Pair of Shoes, which doth nor pay four Pence Duty to the King, is yet enhanced a Shillings or more in the Price, fince the Duty laid upon Leather, and other the like Ne- cellarics of Life. — Whereas no fuch thing can happen according to the Nature of the Scheme here recommend- ed : All Neccflarics of Life, being Duty-free, and with- 'f)ut Advances of any kind. An E S S A Y ON T R A D E. 16^ which the Government is at, efpecially in the Salt and Cuftoms, will be apt to conclude, that I have not allowed enough. As there is a Draw-back upon all Salt exported, and Salt for the Uie of the Fiflieries ; therefore it is necef^ ikry to have Salt Officers in all the Ports and Creeks of the Kingdom, to prevent Frauds and Impofitions upon this Account. An amazing Expence which this amounts to. And as to the Cuftoms; there is not one Port in ten (except the Ports of Lo72do?2y Brijioly Liverpool^ ^outbamptOTiy Hull, Newcafthj Lynn, Leith, and Glafcow) which enter Merchandize enough to defray the Expences of their own Officers. —What a Difference is this, in comparifon to the Scheme propofed 1 In that, as it is propos- ed, that each Perfon fhall be obliged to come and enter, and pay the Money without any farther Expence, three Pence in the Pound would be full fufficient for the Salary of the Receiver and his Clerk: In this. Six Shillings' and Eight Pence will fcarcely fatisfy for the coUeding of Twenty Shillings, even by com- puting all upon an Average. So that though the Subject, with all his Oeconomy, pays an- nually Forty Pounds, the King receives but one third of it, viz. Thirteen Pounds Six ShiU lings and Eight Pence: Whereas in the other Cafe, the Subjedl would pay but Twenty One Pounds Seventeen Shillings and Six Pence, tho* he appeared in a much gayer Scene of Life. And yet the Government would receive^ clear i66 An ESSAY ON TRADE. of all Charges, Twenty One Pounds 'Twelve Shillings^ which is upwards of one third more. What then would it have been, had they both lived in the fame Degree of Gaiety and Pro- fufenefs? Such a Scheme therefore as here propofed, one would think, fliould recommend itfelf. For all Perfons in the Nation would find their Account in it at the long run, if they could have the Patience to look forward, and were not fo contracted in their Views, as to be chained down to the prefent Advantage of pri^ vate Intereft. — — But what has been already mentioned, is only one GoodConfequence, out of a miiltitLide of others which would attend it. For as it would render all things cheaper, it would neceflarily increafe our Foreign Trade, enrich our Country, employ our Poor, increafe the Stock of Inhabitants, raife the real Value of all our Lands and Commodities, and de- prefs the prefent imagtJiary and JaSlitiom one : As there would be no Duty upon Importa- tion, it would invite more Perfons to engage in Trade J and prevent the very Poflibility of Smuggling : As all Ports would be open, every Part of the Kingdom would have a fair and equal Chance j and the Sun-fhine of Com- merce and Plenty would be diffufed equally throughout: Above all. It would be attended with two excellent Confcquences, which de- ferve to be more particularly noted, as we have little of the Kind now exifting. Voxfirji^ It would An ESS AY ON TRADE. 167 would be a moft excellent fmnpfuary Law, to give a Check to the Luxury and Extravagance of the Age. The higheft Article which a Man enters giving the Lead to all the reft, would make it his immediate Intereft, to go as Low as poffible : So that he would find himlelf un- der a continual Monitor to forego his Pleafures, till he could better afford to pay for them. His afpiring Vanity would be checked by the Confideration, That he is to pay the more for every other fucceeding Article in Confequence of the firft. Seco?2d/yy It would be a Tax, which no Man could complain of, as it would be his own voluntary Ad and Deed, to rate himfelf in this or that Clafs, and to appear ei- ther in an higher or a lower Station of Life. But alas! after all, what can we expeA from fuch a World as this ? The Scheme before Us is of too ejjlargcd and noble a Na- ture, to be rightly comprehended and truly relillied by narrow and contraBed Minds. It claflies with the prefent Intereft of toa many Perfons, to be likely to fucceed. And I am afraid, I may apply to this Author, the Words I heard in a Cafe not very different from it : »Sz>, This- is all right ; But it will never do It is too honest. However, there is a Satisflidion in offer- ing things 7-ight and honejl to Publick Confi- deration, whether they are accepted, or not. It is a laudable Paflion to be willing to do the moft extenfve Good. And there are not many i68 An E S S A Y ON T R A D K many Men, though many may be honeft and upright in their private Capacity, who think themfelves concerned to be adlive and inde- fatigable in promoting the Welfare of the Community. The Cafe with the Selfifli and Defigning is quite the reverfe : They are ever vigilant and induftrious in defeating every Meafure, which is not calculated for their own private Advantage, to the Detriment of others. Their Craft is endangered by fuch a Syftem : And therefore they always cry it down, and are zealous in oppoling it. Thus it is, That in moll: Contefts, where the Publick Good is concerned, a few kna- vifh and difhoneft Perfons are an Over-match by their Zeal and Ad:ivity for greater Num- bers, who are more negligent and indifferent. Every generous and difinterefted Propofal na- turally alarms all thofe, who prey upon the Publick But let the Event be what it will, an honeft Man, who doth his Duty, enjoys that Satisfadion which they are Stran- gers to. FINIS, REFLECTIONS ON THE EXPEDIENCY ofa LAW F 0 R T H E NATURALIZATION O F FOREIGN PROrESTANTS: In Two Parts, PART I. Containing Historical Remarks on the Difpofition and Behaviour of the Natives of this Ifland, in regard to Foreigners-, occafioned by the Rejedtion of the late Naturalization Bill. By JOSIAH rUCKER, M. A. Rcftor of St STiJPHEN*s in Bristol, AND Chaplain to the Right Reverend the Lord Bilhop of B r i s t o l. LONDON: Printed for T. T r y e, nczr Grays- Inn Gate, Hilborn> M.DCC.LI. [Price One Shillhig.} t THE P R E F AC E. yiZ the Author of the following 'Treatife has aU' "^^ ready appeared in Puhlick on a Suhje^ of Com- merce y* and undergone fome Cenfures for engage ing in Enquiries^ feemingly beftde his Profejfion ; he begs Leave to offer fome Reafons for his interfering in thefe Matters^ and, at the fame Time, to vindicate himfelf from the Suppofttion of having deferved the ill Treatment he has met with. If it fhall appear then, that he has not been wanting in his Endeavours to difcharge his Clerical Duties punSfually, as he hopes it would appear, if Enquiry were made in his Parifb (in which, though large and populous, he performs all the Offices of his Fun5fion himfelf, according to the heji of his Abilities:) If, in this Particular, he is not found negle^ful, and thefe Enquiries, which he profe- cutcs at his lei fur e Hours, are not, in their Tendency^ infonftjlent with Piety to God, and good Offices to Jdan, — he flatters himfelf, that as long as he follows thefe Studies, without negleSllng his other Engage- ments, and delivers his Opinion in an inoffenftve Man- ner, he fhall be excufedin the Judgment of all candid A 2 Perfons * yl brief F.ffay nn the. Ad'vantages and Difadvavtages mckick refpeSli'ucly attend France and Great Britain e proved to have ' erred, he will gladly retire from thefe Studies; which he has hitherto fallowed upon Motives of this Kind only. W IT H regard to the Naturalization /7/for«ignr Proteftants, if any fuch Bill pould hereof ter he laid before the Houfes of Parliament, be is inclined ttf V)ifb, with the greatefl Deference to the Optnion of hetter Judges, that two ReJlri5lions might be inferted in ity more to obviate the imaginary Danger, which prejudiced People app'ehend from pajjing of it, than any real ill Confcquences from either Source. '■ . , FIR S Ty That . naturalized Foreigners Jbmla gain no Pari Vn. Stttlement ; that theyfhould neither heconis e B'^trthcn to the 'Natives of this Cow/itry, nor have ftnyTax levied on them to mabitain our Poor. This is eauitable en both Sides, and amy be neceffary to pre- vent popular Qanmirs: — Though the Author can ven- ture to affert (zvhic'h he would not prefume to do with-: out good Ai'-thority) that the Foreigners, who have fettled in this Kingdom for f evenly Ye^rs -pafl, have paid, at leafl, a Pound Sterling towards the Sup- port of the Englifti P^<5/-, for every Penny that has been levied upon the Engliln to maintain poor Fo- reigners. And if thofe Uentkmen, who oppofed the Jntroduufion of foreign Prctejiants, Under the Appre- he}fio;i that it Vjov.ld encreafc the Pvcr-Tax (a Bur- then too great already j would but give themfelves the trouble to ',r.ake Enquiries in -London, Briftol, Southampton, Canterbury, or any other Place^ %'here any Number of Foreigners have rcfnled, they %':oul4 The P k E F A C E. vii U'VuIJ entertain very different Nvtkns of this Affair ^ andjind Caufe to truft no longer to general InveSliveSy fapular Cries ^ and national Prejudtees^ hy which thf hefi difpofed People are often mffledy andfometimes in- duced to join in Mcafnr-es, not only dejlru^ive to the Good- sf their Country^ hut fuhverfive of the Dilates tf Humanity^ and the clear efl Precepts of the Gofpel, AG AI N^ That no Foreigner fhouU he capable of a Plac-e Throne. And Hiftorians have obferved, that there were more good Laws made in his Reign, than in the Times of all his Predeceffors. His Maxim was to pre- fer the general. Welfai'e of the Kingdom, to the Intereft of any particular Society. Let us therefore judge of this Law by its Effedls.— — C L There- io Historical Remarks on the I. Therefore In two Years after the paf^' iing of it, we find an Aft made to prevent the Exportation of Wool j — Another agalnft wear- ing outlandlfh Cloth j — Another agalnft bring- ing of ft range Cloth Into the Realm; — And another to Invite foreign Cloth-makers Into the King's Dominions. " And to the Intent,"* faith the Aft, " the fald Cloth-workers (hall " have the greater Will to come and dWell **" here, our Sovereign Lord the King will " grant them Franchlfes, as many, and fuch ** as may fuffice them." This Statute of Na- turalization caufed great Commotions In fome of the principal Cities : For the Ei2gliJJ? would have rather chofe to have feen their Wool ex- ported unmanufaftured, as ufual, than be taught by Foreigners to make It Into Cloth. But tlie King was determined, that the Pur- pofes of fo excellent a Law fliould not be defeated for want of Execution. And there-) fore, when the Mayor andMagiftrates oi Brif- /o/ endeavoured to prevent the introducing of Weavers, and other Manufafturers, by extort- ing large Sums of Money from the Undertak- ers, and by other Afts of OppretTion and Vi- olence, he fent them a very fevere Repri- mand, and gave them to underftand, that It was in vain to contend againft a Law which he had refolved fhould be obeyed. And when the Citizens of hondon proceeded to greater Outrages, he fent them likewife the fame kind of late Natural I ^atI)OnJBil:i;,: ^.i. of expoflulatory and threatning Letter. Thtfe two Mandates are fuch evident Proofs of the. narrow Spirit and Perverfenefs of our Fore- fathers (whom too many among Us, even at this Day, are weak enough to copy after) tliat' I have inferted them below * for the Reader's: Satisfad:ion. II. In * The firft Mandate, viz. That to the Mayor and Baih'fFs of Brijlol^ is dated the 1 5th of November^ 1 3 39- that is, about two Years after pafiing the Naturalizafiott Ad:, and runs irt thefe Words 5 M:; ir « REX, Majori Bi Ballivis Villae fuje Bri/ioUiai " falutem: ■ ^' Cum nuperdeaflcjnfu Praelatorum, Comltum, Ba- ^*'ron*im, ac aliorurtj, in ParHamento noftro apud " JVeJltnonaJleriimi tunc convocato exiflentium, ordina- " turn fuifTct oc concordatuni, quod Lanes infra Reg- \* '^nutn noJiru?n -iti ■ Pamoi »perateatur^\. & quod omhes *' illi qui Pannos hujufmodi operari & facere vell^nt* *' cos in fingulis locis ejufdem Regni operari & facere ** pollent abfqjlmpedimentoqualicutnq; Jamq; expar- *' tc Thcmce Blanket., Sc quorumdam alioruni Burgen- <* fium Villae praedidae, acceperimus, quod cum ipfi " praetextu Concordias & Ordinationis prsedidarum, aC *' Proclamationis ibidem, ut dicitur, .ex parte noftra ind^ ^* fadtap, diverfa inftrumenta pro Pannis hujufmodi tfex- " endis Sc faciendis in domibus fuispropriis fieri, C3 tcX^ *' tores ac alios operarios ex hac causa conduci fecerint\ '* vos ad praemilia confiderationem non habentes; di- ** verfas Pecunia Summas zh iifdem T/'ow^ & ahis occai '* fione confcdlionis & levationis inftrumentorum pra^- *' didorum, exigitisy h ipfos ea occafione multiplititef ** inquietatis & gravatis, ut aflerunt, minus juftb, in *■' ipforuna Thoma & aliorum difpcndium non modicum^ 12 Historical Remarks on the II. In the following Parliaments many Re* gulations were made for the true and juft mak- ing and meafuring of Cloth, as alfo for the good Government of other Artificers j which is a ftrong prcfumptive Proof, that Trade and Commerce were confiderably extended. III. This ** & contra formam ordinationis, concordiae, & procla- ** mationis prsediftarum: Super quo fupplicarunt fibi *' per nos de congruo remedio in hac parte provider!: ** Nos advertcntes ordinationem, concordiam, & pro- ** clamationem prsediftas, fi in Regno noftro teneantur •* & obferventur, ad nojlram l^ totius populi nojiri ejuf- *' dem Regni utilitatem cedere pojfe ; volentefqi praefatos *' Thomatn Sc alios qui Pannos hujufmodi operari & fa- *' ceic volucrint, ac ipfos operarios eo praetextu ab inju- •' riis & exa^tionibus indebitis protegi Sc tueri, Vciis *' Mandamus, &c." See Rymer's Fce4- Vol. V. Page 137. The other Mandate hears date the 1 2 th of Oiloher^ 1344. viz. '* REX, Majori & Vicecomitibus Londonla, falutcm: *^ Cum in Parliamento noftro, z.^\x^lFcJlmonaJler'ium^ *' anno Regni noftri Anglia undecimo, tento inter cae- ♦' tera, pro communi utilitate dicli Regni, concorda- *« turn fuiflet, quod omnes operarii Pannorum de par- *' tibus extraneis, de quacumque terra fuerint, qui infra *' di£tum Regnumnoftrum, aut terras noftras ii/^^r«j^, ** & IVallice^ venire, h ibidem morari veHent, in iif- *' dem Regno & terris falvfe & fecure fub proteclione & <* falvo conducSlu noftris venirent, & ubi in dictis Reg- •* no & terris vellent, morarentur, & quod nos eifdem ♦* operariis, ut Ubentius ibidem vefiirent^ tot iff tales li' « bert^tdi quod eii fiijfficerenty concederemus ^ quam qui* " dem late Naturalization Bill. 13 III. This famous Statute, made in the i^inth Year of his Reign, is often confirmed by fubfequent Parliaments, and fometimes with ample Additions. And the very Words of the feveral Confirmations plainly imply. That the Mayors and Societies of the refpec- tive Cities and Boroughs, were extremely a- \'erfe to obey this ufeful Law. But the Con- firmations of it, pafled in the twenty fifth Year of his Reign, Stat. IV. c. 2. and the twenty fcventh, Stat. II. c. 2. put it out of their Power to moleft foreign Merchants and Arti- ficers for the future, in any other Way, than by arrefting one Foreigner for the Debt of ano- ther. This barbarous Cudom had long pre- vailed, and was fometimes made an Engine of Opprefljon *' dem concordiam in CIvitatc praedifta, & in fmgulis *' Comitatibus dicli Regni noftri, fecimus proclamari, *' ac jam intellcxcrimus, quod quidem Malefailorcs dc '* Civitatc prasdida, diveriis hujufmodi operariis Pan- *' norum, qui juxta proclamationem prsedidtam, fub '* prote£lione nollra, jamdiu eft, venerunt, & in diJta *' Civitate, per tempus non modicum, mcfteras fuas '• cxercendo, funt morati, diver/a danipna & gravofnina " intulerunt^ Isf in dies inferunt^ ipfi'q; de Vita & *' Mem BR IS in tantum comminantur, quod ibi- •* dem ulterius morati non audent^ nill eis per nos fubve- " niatur in hac parte ; nos, volcntes omncs & fingulos ** hujufmodi opcrarios, de partibus exteris, in Regnum ** no[hum prnediftum, ex caus^ proedidi venicntcs, & •* ibidem morantcs, a violentiis & injuriis, quibufcumq; *' preftrvari, Vobis Mandamus, ^r." "tct Rymers Feed. \q\. V. Page 429. 1^ Hi s Tpm CAL Remarks 'd;z //^^ Oppreflion in the Hands of the Freemen of one Gity qt Town, againft thofe of another. For the Mei?iber3 of thefe little Societies are (o leliifli and najrow-minded, as to confider eve- t^ Perfon as, a Foreigner, that doth not belong ;tp' theiir Community. But though we learn from Lord Coh, in his Secojzd Injlitute^ Chap. 23. that the Ejiglifi themfelves were apt enough to commit thefe Outrages on each other, and fometimes did fo ; yet as every. Corporation could retaliate the Wrong done. to its own Member, upon the Member of ano- ther Corporation, when he was found within its Precindls, this became, in fome Degree, a reciprocal Check upon them. Whereas the poor Alien had .no Protection or Redrefs, All being united againft him, as their common Enemy. And if this Cufiom had continued, the Inhabitants of the Cities and Boroughs would have rendered this Country fo unfafe for Foreigner's, that they muft all have left it, nptwithftanding the King and the Parliament had ejucouraged them to fettle here, ' 'Wherefore, IV. To ftop the Progrefs of thefe iniquitous Proceedings, a Law was made to abolifh fuch a Cuftom for ever: Every Word of which is fo expreffive of national- Juftice, good Faith, and public Utility, that am perfuaded I fliall do my Readers a Plea- fure to recite it at large. Anficy late Naturalizatiqn Bill.I *J Anno 2ymo Edvardi III. Anno Dom. 1353.' Stat. II. c. 17. * " A Merchant Stranger ilmll not be int- ** peached for another's Debt, but npon 'd *' good Caufe. Merchants of Enemies Gourf-i " tries fhall fell their Goods in convenierli ** Time, and depart. * " Item, That no Merchant Stranger b^ " impeached for another's Trefpafs, or for " another's Debt, whereof he is not Debtor, *' Pledge, nor Mainpernor. Provided ulway^ " that if our liege People, Merchants, ot ** others, be indamaged by aify Lords of " ftrange Lands, or ^leir Subjeds, and tht " iciid Lords (duly required) fail of Right t6 *' our faid Subjed:?, we iliall havfc the Law of " Marque, and of taking them again, as hath ** been ufed in Times palled, without Fraud ** or Deceit. And in cafe that Debate do rife " (which God defend) betwixt Us and any *'^ Lords of ftrange Lands, We will not that .*' the People and Merchants of the faid Lands *' be fuddenly fubdued in our faid Realm and f^ Lands, becaufe of fuch Debate; but that '** they be warned, and Proclamation thereof " pubiifhed, that they Hiall void the faid *' Realm and Lands with their Goods freelv', •'*•* withiin forty Days after the Warning and ** Proclamation fo made: And that in tlic " mean x6 Historical Remarks on the mean Time, they be not impeached, nor let of their Paflage, or of making their Pro- fit of the fame Merchandizes, if they will fell them. And in cafe that for default of Wind, or of Ship, or for Sicknefs, or for other evident Caufe, they cannot avoid our faid Realm and Lands v^^ithin fo fhort a Time, then they fhall have other forty Days, or more, if need be, within which they may pafs conveniently, with felling their Merchandize as aforelaid." Lastly, The prodigious Increafe of na- tional Commerce, in Confequence of thefc Proceedings, is an Argument, above all others, in favour of their Utility. For a late Writer hath obferved,* " That in the twenty eighth " Year oiEdward IIL that is, in the Year 1 3 54. " [remarkable for being the Year after the ** above Law was enadted] we have a Record *' in the Exchequer, (hewing the Exports ** and Imports, by which it appears, that the " Ballance of our Trade produced 255,214/. " 1 3 i. 8 ^. which, confidering the Difference ** of Money then and now, is about 737,02 1 /. " 165. II ^. as we reckon it at prefent [I be- " lieve it could be made appear to be a " much greater Sum] And yet there is no " Notice taken in this Account, either of Tin ** or Lead, or of other flaple Commodities, " which * The P receptor y Voll. II, Tra(fe and Commerce, Chap, iii. Page 414. iate Naturalization BiIl. 17 <* which we certainly exported: And yet, all " Things confidered, this muft appear a moft " amazing Proof of the early Profits of our " Commerce." The Remarks of this Au- thor are very jufl : But he feems to be at a Lofs, how to account for fuch a prodigious Balance in our Favour in thefe early Times : Yet I am perfuaded, if he had confidered the Affair in the Light in which it now appears, he would have found no Difficulty in accounting for it. Upon the whole therefore, notwithftanding fome Mi/lakes in Commerce, which indeed are not to be wondred at, confidering thefe early Times, and the Contefts for the Crown of France, which the Englijh Nation impoliticly fupported, this great Prince mightily encreafed the Trade of E?igland; by which Means he was enabled to bear the Expences of a long confuming War, and to leave his Kingdom much richer than he found it. He laid the Foundation for great Things: But the unhap- py Biafs of the Engli/Jj was always working againft Foreigners. Therefore towards the End of his long Reign, when the Hiftorians defcribe him, as having deviated very much from his wonted good Condud, the Mayor and Citizens of London renewed their Solicitations at this Junc- ture, and fet forth moft amply the Grievances fuppofed to be occafioned by the Admifiion of D Foreigners. i8 Historical Remarks on the Foreigners. Thefe are fummed up in their own Words, as follows, * " And whereas, at " the laft Parliament, holden at JVeJlfninjier, " it was anfwered to them [the Mayor, Alder- " men, and Commonalty of the City of Lo/?- *' doji] that they ihould declare their Griev- " ances fpecially^ and that they (hould have *' good Remedy: Of which Grievances, a- " mongft divers others, thefe be, That any *' Stranger might dwell in the faid City, and " keep an Houfe, and be a Broker, and fell *' and buy all Manner of Merchandifes by Re- ** tail ; and one Stranger to fell unto another, " to fell again, to the great enhancing of the *' Prices of Merchandizes, and a Caufe to make *' them rcrnaifz there more than forty Days: " Whereas, in Times pail, no Merchants " Strangers might do any fuch Thing, con- *' trary to the Franchifes of the faid City, be- ^' fore thefe Times had and ufed; by which ** Grievances, the Merchants of the faid City *' are greatly impoverifhed, and the Navy im- ** paired, and the Secrets of the Land, by the " faid Strangers, difcovered to our Enemies, " by Spies, and other Strangers, into thefe *' Houfes received. May it therefore pleafe ** your Majefty and Council, in this prefent " Parliament, to ordain, That the faid Mer- *' chants Strangers may be reftrained in the " Points aforefaid ; and that the faid Mayor, ^* Aldermen, and Commonalty of your faid '' City t Seymof.rs Survey of Lo}:\don, Vol, IL Page 31^, /j/^ Naturalization Bill. 19 *' City may enjoy the fliid Franchifes, any ** Law or Cuftom, heretofore made unto the ** contrary thereof, in any wife notwithfland- " ing." -But the King was not fo much altered from himfelf, as not to fee through thefe Pre- tences ; and therefore gave the Petitioners lit- tle more than kind Words in redrefs of their Grievances. For he flill perfevered in his former Sentiments, that he was as good a Judge of what was for the general Advantage of the Kingdom, the Increafe of the Navy, and the Prefervation of the State, as they were, and had it as much at Heart: And all that he did for them, was to make fome inconliderable Concellions, conditionally, or rather indeter- minately exprefled, while he denied the main Part of their Suit. This Affair happened in the fiftieth Year of his Reign, and the lail but one of his Life. B u T fo foon as the old King was dead, the Mayor and Citizens of ILondon addrcflcd his Grandfon and SucceiTor, Richard IL and met witii better Succefs. For in the very firft Year of his Reign, he deprived the Foreigners of the Liberty of buying and felling of, or to any other Foreigner, within the Precinds of the City of London : This was confirmed by an A6t of Parliament, made in the fame Year, ^^Seytnonr relates j but is not to be found in the Statute D 2 Book. 20 Historical Remarks on the Book. However it is plain, that the Inhabi- tants of the Cities and Boroughs began to tri- umph, in Confequence of aVidtory over Foreign- ers, and pradifed the fame Outrages and Infults againft them, which they had formerly done. To put a Stop to which, two Laws were enabl- ed, one in the fecond, and the other in the ele- venth Year of his Reign, which explain and confirm the feveral Statutes made by his Grand- father, Edward III. in favour of Foreigners. But as we are not to expe<5l mighty Mat- ters for the Public Good from a Prince of the Charader of Richard II. fo we find in the Year 1392. the very Year in which he received ten thoufand Pounds, and two gold Crowns from the City of Londojiy by way of Redemp- tion Money for their Charter, that he was fo mollified with this Sum, opportunely coming in to anfwer his extravagant Expences, as to pafs a Law to repeal the principal Advantages granted by his Grandfather and himfelf to Strangers. After having recited the A(ft of Edward III. with the feveral Additions, it proceeds, *' Neverthelefs, forafmuch as it feem- " eth to our Lord the King, that the faid Sta- ** tutes, if they fhall be fully holden and exe- ** cuted^ {hall extend to the great Hindrance ** and Damage of the City of London^ as of ** other Cities, Boroughs, and Towns of this " Realm, it is ordained, ^c'* There needs no Comment upon this Part of the Statute; the I ^/^ Naturalization Bill. 21 the very Words declare, at whofe Inftigation the Law was made, and whofe [fippofed\ In- terefts it was defigned to ferve. This Statute deprived Merchants Strangers of the Benefit of felling to another Merchant Stranger, who was to fell again. It was likewife ordained, that no Merchant Stranger fhould fell by Retail, but only in Grofs: Nay, Merchants Strangers were not allowed to put^ that is, to expofe to Sale any Manner of Wares or Merchandifes, except Livings and Viftuals. But flill there was a Shadow of Liberty re- maining ; particularly Merchants Strangers were allowed the Benefit of refiding in England as long as they pleafed, and of dwelling in Houfes of their own, and being their own Brokers in- the Difpofal of their Effeds. Therefore a Lav/ was obtained the fifth of Henry IV. A. D, 1403. c. 9. which ordained, " That all Mer- " chants Aliens, and Strangers, shall sell " their Merchandifes, brought into this Realm, within a garter of a Year next after their coming into the famej and alfo that the Money which fliall be delivered by Ex- change in Englafid^ be employed upon the Commodities of the Realm, within the faid Realm, upon Pain of Forfeiture of the fame Money; and that no Merchant Alien, nor Stranger, fell any Marnier of Merchandife to any other Merchant Alien, or Stranger, up- on Pain of Forfeiture of the fame Merchan- " difc. C( ±1 Historical Remarks on the " dife. And alfo, it is ordained and eftablilh- " ed, that in every City, Town, and Port ** of the Sea, in England^ where tlie faid ** Merchants Aliens, or Strangers be, or lliall *' be repairing, fufficient Hofts fhall be ajjigned ** to the faid Merchants by the Mayor, She- ** rifs, or Bailifsj— and that the faid Mer- " chants Aliens, and Strangers, fhall dwell in ** no other Place, but with their faid Hofts fo " to be afligned; and that the faidHofts, fo " to be affigncd, fhall take for their Travel in " the Manner as was accuflomed in old Time." By the Tenor of this Law, a Merchant Stran- ger was not only deprived of the Benefit of felling to another Merchant Stranger, who was to fell again within the Realm, according to the Statute of Richard II. mentioned above ; but alfo he was retrained from felling at all to Merchants Strangers, though for the Purpofes oi Exportation : So that it became a Crime, by the Laws of the Land, to attempt to make this Country the Centre of Trade, and a Ma- gazine for other Nations. And yet, this un- happy national Biafs, joined with the narrow, felfifh Views of Individuals, prevailed fo ftrong- ly, that this very abfurd Claufe was confirmed again by a Statute made the next Year, the lixth oi Henry IV. c. 4. There was indeed a Repeal of the Obligation laid upon Foreigners to fell their Merchandifes within a Quarter of a Year after Importation : But particular Care was taken to add, " Saving always, the Fran- *' chifes /tf/c" Nat URAL izATioN BiLL^ 23 ^^ chifes and Liberties of the City of London: " And further, Provided always, that the faid " Merchants Aliens, and Strangers, fhall not " carry, or catife to be carried, out of the ** Realm, any Merchandifes brought within ** the Realm by the Merchants Aliens and " Strangers aforefaid." This was ftrengthen- ing the Evil; fo that even our own Shipping were not to be employed in carrying the Goods of Foreigners from one Country to another.—. We ihall prefently fee what Ufe the Citizens of London made of thefe Statutes. N o w as thefe Laws were made in the Reign of Henry IV. it may be reafonably afked. How a Prince fo politic and attached to his Intereft, could be induced to pafs them? For it was impoffible to avoid perceiving, that the Duties and Cuftoms would be greatly diminifli- cd by fuch Exclufions and Monopolies. And yet perhaps he aded wholly upon the Prin- ciples of Self-Interefl and State Policy in this Affair. For he found it neccfliiry to ftand well with the Citizens of London, and to gain the Affections of the People at any Rate. Great Difcontents then prevailed, on account of his Behaviour to, and fuppofcd Murder of the depofed King. A Confpiracy and a dange* rous Infurredion were actually then on foot. Beiides, he had a favourite Point to be gained, no lefs than the intailing of the Realms of E?ig-- land and France on his four Sons, which was propofed 44 Historical Remarks (?« /^^ propofed and carried the Beginning of the next Seffions of Parliament. But as foon as this Point was obtained, his Complailance grew lefs ; and a Law was pafTed the very fame SeA fions, to reftrain the Encroachments of the Ci- tizens of LondoTii viz. Anno ymo Hen, IV. A.D. 1405. c. 9, " Item^ Whereas at the " grievous Complaint made by the Commons *' in the faid Parliament, it is ftiewed, how ** that in old Time it was ufed and accuftomed, *' that as well the Cloth-makers and Drapers " ofwhatfoever Place of the Realm, repairing " and having Recourfe to the City of London, •' as other Merchants with divers Merchan- " difes, as Wine, Iron, Oil, and Wax, and " other Things pertaining to Merchandife, ex- •* ercifing, repairing, and having Recourfe to " the faid City, have bought and fold in Grofs, ** as well with Mens as with Denizens, of " the Cloths and other Merchandizes afore- faid, at their Will and Pleafure, paying in this Behalf only, the Cuftoms and other De- •' voirs thereof, reafonably due: And never, " in all the faid Time, were difturbed, or in " any Manner hindered, to fell or buy in •* Grofs with Merchants, Aliens or Denizens, *' of fuch Cloths and Merchandifes at their *' Will and Pleafure, but ojily to Retail: And " now of late, as well the fame Cloth-mak- *' ers, as other the Merchants aforefald, by " the Mayor, Sherifs, Aldermen, Drapers, ^* and Merchants of Z/W^/?, ht daily dijlur bed *' find C( tc late Naturalization Bill. 2^ and let to fell and buy in the Manner afore-* faid, as well in Grofs as in Retail, and griev- oufly and continually conftvaiiied \o fell their faid Cloths and Merchandifes only to the Merchants and Inhabitants of the faid City^ " to the lingular Profit and Advantage of them ** of London, and alfo to the Damage and Lofs. ** of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and ** the Commons of this Realm, as of the faid ** Cloth-makers and Merchants fo grieved, and ** a plain Enfample and Occalion to fuch " Cloth-makers and Merchants fo grieved, to " withdraw themfelves from the faid City from " henceforth, if Remedy be not rather pro- " vided in this Behalf: It is ordained and " eftablifhed, that as well the Drapers and " Cloth-fellers, as other Merchants, with " their fundry Merchandifes, fliall be free, to *' fell in Grofs their Cloths, Iron, Oil, and " Wax, and other their Merchandifes, as well " to all the King's liege People, as to the Ci- " tizens of L5W(5;z, notwithllanding any Fran- " chife or Liberty granted to the contrary." I T may be greatly queftioned, whether the City of London ever had any Franchife or Privilege of this Sort. But the Citizens af-- fumed to themfelves fuch a Prerogative, by conftruing the Statutes made againfl Aliens and Foreigners, as extending alfo to exclude Na- tives of the Realm, if not free of their City. For they have ever confidercd all others, tho' E the 26 Historical Remarks en the the King's natural born Siibjed:s, in the Light of Foreigners j and give them this very Appel- lation in their City-Laws. B u T if this A61 feemed to open a Door for Foreigners to enter in again, effedtual Care w^s taken, by Statutes made in the following Reigns, to {hut it up. One of thefe Ads pro- ceeded fo far as to ordain, " That no Englijh^ " man (liall within this Realm fell, or caufe to " be fold hereafter, to any Merchant Alien, " any Manner of Merchandifes, but only for ** ready Payment in hand, or elfe in Merchan- " difes for Merchandifes, to be paid and con- " tented in hand, upon Pain of Forfeiture of ** the fame." This Law was made, A. D. 1429. and the Eighth of Henry VL c. 24. but being of a Nature too abfurd and extravagant to be put in Pradice, was repealed the follow- ing Sellions. I T is a Matter of no fmall Aftoni(hment, that any Foreigners fhould remain, or come into the Kingdom, after fuch inceffant Pains to drive and keep them out. But, as if Pro- vidence had decreed vfe. flould be a Trading Nation, in fpite of all Endeavours to the con- trary, they rather encreafed than diminiflied by thefe OpprefTions;— if the Accounts given in the Preamble of the famous Statute o^ Richard in. are to be credited. This bloody Tyrant had rendered himfelf extremely odious by his Ufarpation /^/^ Natural I z ATI ON Bill." 27 Ufurpation and Barbarities. But as he well underftood the Foible of the Englijh^ he fought their Reconciliation by paffing a very popular A(fl againft Foreigners. This Statute was made in the firft Parliament after his Acceffion, principally to gratify the Citizens of London ; and fets forth, " That our Sovereign Lord the " King, upon Petition made to him, in his " faid Parliament, by the Commons of B.ng- ** land^ hath conceived and underftood. That " whereas Merchants Strangers, of the Na- '* tion of Italy ^ as Venetians^ Florentines^ Apu- *"' lians^ CicilianSy Lucaners^ Catelians, and " other of the fame Nation, in great Number " do inhabit and keep Houfes, as well in the " City o^ London, as in other Cities and Bo- " roughs within this his Realm, and do take Warehoufes and Cellars, and therein put their Wares and Merchandifes, which they bring into this faid Realm; and them, in the faid Cellars and Warehoufes, deceitfully " do pack, mingle, and keep the fame, till " fuch Time the Prices thereof be greatly en- " hanced, for their great Lucre j and the fame «*' Merchandifes and Wares they then fell to ^' all Manner of People, as well within the ^* Ports where they bring the faid Wares and " Merchandifes, as to other divers and many " Places within this Realm, as well by Retail " as otherwife : And alfo do buy in the faid " Ports and other Places, at their own Liberty, ^' the Commodities of this Realm, and fell the E a «' lame i< " and other handicraft and eafy Occupations} "and bring and convey, from the Parts be«- *' yond the Sea, great Subftance of Wares and " Merchandiies. to Fairs and Markets, and dl •f^ other Places of this Real rq, at their Plea- " fure, and there fell the fame, as well byRe* " tail as otherwife, as freely as any of the King's Subjeds ufed to do, to the. great Da- *' inage and Impoveridiment of the.. King's *' faid Subjects; and will in no wife fuffer nor *' take any of the King's faid Subjedls to work "with them, but they take only, into their "Service, People born in their owa>Coun try; " vyhereby the King's faid Subjeds, for Lack " of Occupation^ fall into Idlencfs, and he '^ fhieves'^ Beggars, Fagaho?ids, and People of -". vicious Living, to the gfeat Perturbance both ." of the King, and all his Realm. And when ^*v{h^ Merchant?^ Artificers, and Strangers, " before ■it 30 Historical Remarks o;z /y^^ " before rehearfed, have gained within this " Realm, by Buying and Selling, and by fuch " eafy Occupations and Handicrafts, great *' Subftance of Goods: With the fame Sub- " fiance they go out of the faid Realm, to " fuch Parts beyond the Sea as them liketh " beft, and there fpend the fame Goods often- *' times among the King's Adverfaries and ** Enemies, to the great Damage of our So- " vereign Lord the King and his Subje6ls, and *' Impoverifhment of this Realm, and the *' Commons of the fame : And fo by the " Occafion of the Premifes, the Subflance of ** the Inhabitants in the faid Cities, Boroughs " and Towns, now of late hath fallen, and " daily doth fall into great Poverty and De- " cay, to their great undoing, unlefs the King's *' gracious Aid be to them in this Behalf " fliewed." The abfurd Suggeftions in this Preamble, That a free Trade caufes a Monopoly, and that the Buying our ov/n Wool, and manu- facturing it into Cloth at Home, tends to im- poverifli a Country, feem naturally to point out this Inference,— That if the Force of Pre- judice in our Ancestors was fo ftrong, as to make them believe Propofitions, not only con- tradidory to common Senfe, but alfo fo pal- pably againft their own Intereft, We (hould be the more cautious that our Judgments be not biaffed by any popular Cry> nor by any Re- mains lute Naturalization Bill. 31 mains of this national Foible, whenever Ques- tions relating to the Naturalization of Foreign- ers come upon the Carpet. Befides, Suppofe we allow it to be true, that the Merchants Strangers did leave the Kingdom, after they had acquired Riches in it, — Whom were the Englijh to blame, but themfelves, as they had taken fuch uncommon Pains to render this Country an unfafe and difagreeable Place for Strangers to refide in? And was it not natu- ral for Foreigners to afTociate together, while they ftaid here, as they were fo hated and ill-ufed by the Natives ? However, a Law was made to redrefs thefe imaginary Grievances : A Stranger was never , to fell by Retail, nor to be an Hoft or Land- lord to any other, but to a Fellow-Country- man : Aliens were to fell their Merchandifes within eight Months after their Arrival, and to lay out the Money, fo received, in buying the Commodities of the Country;— yet they were not allowed to buy or fell Wool, or Woollen Cloth, nor to make Wool into Clothe nor deliver Wool to others for that Purpofe ; nor were even the King's natural born Subjects to make Cloth for Aliens, under Pain of Forfeiture of the faid Cloth : Aliens were to take no Apprentices or Servants, but the King's natural born Sub- jects; and if any Alien Artificers, or Handi- craftfmen, fhould come into the Realm, after a limited Time, they were to return into their own 32 Historical Remarks on the own Country, or fubmit to become Servjfnts to the Efiglijh of the like Occupation* Y E T as Neceffity is always ingenious, the Strangers found Means to elude a great Part of thefe Penalties, by getting themfelves made Denizens by Virtue of the King's Prerogative. Therefore in the Beginning of the next Reign, (Hc?2ry VII.) as this was looked upon a fa- vourable Jundlure, Application was made^ and a Bill obtained, That if Strangers were made Denizens, they were to reap no Privi-^ leges from that Grant. And now, one would think, the EwliJ/j had gained a complete Victory over Foreign- ers. Let us fee therefore. What were the mighty Confequences ? All the trading Parts of the Kingdom had joined with the Citi:3ens of London againft the common Enemy. But when he was fubdued, did Trade raife its droop- ing Head? Did Wealth and Plenty, the na* tural Confequences of Commerce, follow on this Expullion of thofe, who were before re- prefented as taking the Bread out of the Mouths of the Natrces? No, the Event verified what plain, unbiafTed common Senfe would have fore- told, that an Encreafe of Trade neither would, nor could follow fuch an Expulfion. For the fame narrow, felfifli way of Thinking, that then prevailed in London^ the greateft trading City in the Kingdom, againfl: Foreigners buy- ing iaie Naturalization Bill* 33 ing even our own manufadtured Commodities, as naturally, and upon the fame Principles, in- duced them to engrofs the whole Trade of the Kingdom to themfelves; as all greater Bodies will do, where Trade is not free. And then the fame Pretences were alledged againft the Out-Ports, as the Inhabitants of the Out-Ports/ duped by the Artifice and Example of the Lon* doners^ had formerly alledged again ft Foreign- ers. They then began to be fenfible of an Evil, which they would not feel before. Therefore they petitioned the Parliament for Redrefs ; and indeed it was high Time they Ihould do fo, fince no Merchant of the Out- Ports was permitted to trade to Spain ^ Portu- galy France^ Ireland^ Venice^ Datifzick, Flail' ders^ Holland^ and the Sea Coafts of Germany^ unlefs he paid 20/. fterling to the Fellowfhip and Merchants 0I London : A great Sum in thofeDays, efjxjcially to a Beginner! All this, we may fuppofe, was done v/ith a Pretence to keep up the Credit of our Commodities in fo- reign Markets, and to fupply them with pro- per Sortments of Goods ; the ufiial, though a very fenfelefs Plea, for all Monopolies : But the real Confequence was, as is fet forth in tlie Preamble to the Statute, exprefly made to prevent this Encroachment, 19 Flen. VII. c. 6. " That all Merchants, not being of the lame ** Fellow fliip and Confederacy, ijoithdrosco " themfelves from the laid Marts [of Spain^ ** Portugal^ France, &c.] whcrcb\' theWool- F ' " kn c« cc 34 Historical Remarks on the " len Cloth of this Reahn, which is one of the *' greatefi Commodities of the fame ^ by making ** whereof the King's true Subjeds be put in " Occupation, and the poor People have moji ** tiniverfalty their Living, and alfo other di- ** vers Commodities of divers and feveral Parts of this fame Realm, is not fold nor uttered, as it hath been in Times paft : But for lack of Utterance for the fame in divers Parts, where fuch Cloths be made, they be con- veyed to London, where they be fold for un- der the Price they be worth, and that they cofl the Makers of the fame ; and at other Times, they be lent to long Days, and the Money thereof, at divers Times never paid. And over that, the Commodities and Mer- chandifes of thofe Parts, which the faid Pel- lowQiip Merchants of London, and other their Confederates, bring into this Land, is fold to your faid Complainants, and others, the King's true Subjed:s, at {o dear and HIGH EXCEEDING Frice, that the Buyer of the fame cannot live thereupon: By reafon ** whereof, all the Cities, Towns, and Boroughs •* of this Realm, in effect be fallen into great '* Poverty, Ruin, and Decay,'* Here is a very different Account given of the Caufes of depopulating the Cities, Towns, and Villages, from that fet forth before by the Londoners : And the Reader is to judge, which luth the Probability of being the tn/e one. The Foreip-ners c< late Naturalization Bill. 35 Foreigners were now driven out : Here is no Complaint brought againft /^^w; and yet the Evil was every Day encreafing. Nay, from the firfl Time Foreigners were put under fuch Reftraints and Difcouragements, the Coun- try became apparently thinner of Inhabitants. And the Diminution of Inhabitants, much a- bout this Jun<5lure, is a Circumflance taken notice of by all Hiftorians, and even by the Statute Book. For Laws were made from Time to Time, with an Intent to people the Country again. It was ordained, that all an- tient dwelling Houfes, and Houfes of Huf- bandry, fhould be kept in good Repair: No Arable Land was permitted to be converted into Failure : The Number of Farms, which any Perfon was fufFered to hold, was limited, as was alfo the Number of Sheep he was allowed to keep : Upon which laft Article, I remember to have read fomewhere in Bifhop Latimer^ that the Sheep, tho* mild Animals, had de- voured more Men in 'England^ than the moil ravenous Beails of Prey He meant, that Agriculture was neglected, the Towns and Villages forfaken, and nothing to be feen, but a few Shepherds with large Flocks of Sheep. I T is eafy to perceive, that thefe Laws did not reach the Root of the Evil, and could have very little EfFed in removing the real Caufe of Complaint. But the EngUp) were refolved to try all Expedients, rather than admit the F 2 Perfons, 36 Historical Remarks on the Perfons, againft whom the national Prejudice was raifed fo high. Nay, in the very midft of the Calamities of the Kingdom, the Citizens of Ijondon gave a new Specimen of their heredi- tary Hatred againft the few Foreigners that re- mained, and obtained a fevere Decree in the Star-Chamber, the twenty firft oiHenryN\\\, to put all the penal Laws in Force againft them. They took Care to exaggerate every Circum- •ftance, and reprefented the Realm to be over- run with foreign Manufacturers; which, if true, muft have contradided all that had been faid before, concerning the general Decay of Trade, the Depopulation of the Towns and Villages, and the running into Decay of the Farm Houfes. But the Truth is, they longed to recover the Monopoly they had loft by the nineteenth of Henry VII. c. 6. and therefore began, as ufual, with making their firft At- tack upon Foreigners or Aliens; in which they were fure to do an acceptable Thing to the rell of the Kingdom. Their Views will beft ap- pear, by producing fome of the Articles of their lament(ihle Bill of Complaint (thefe are their very V/ords) viz. " That Aliens, not *' born within the King's Obeyfance, exported " Bacon, Chcefe, Powdered Beef, Mutton, ** and other Commodities of this Realm; — " and that by the continual Recourfe of Stran*- " gersHandicraftfmen, great Portions of Corn ** and Vid:ual, grown and bred within the " Realm, were confumed." To which, and the i /^/^Naturalization Bill? 37 the like deJlruBive Caufes, they Imputed many tragical Events j fuch as that " the Euglip '* Artificers, for lack of Occupation, be con- " {trained to live in Idlenefs, by Occafion ** whereof they do continually fall to Theft, " Murder, and other great Offences, and con- ** fequently, in great Numbers be put to Death " by the Laws." And with equal Juftice, the great Numbers condemned at prefent in every Seffions at the Old Bailey, may afcrlbe their Deaths to the fame Caufe: And pro- bably would have done it, if the Opponents of the late Naturalization Bill had been fo happy as to have fuggefted the Thought to them. Thus Things went on, from bad to worfe, till there were fcarce any Remaim of the Cloth- ing Trade left in Englajid. Foreigners being expelled, and no Recruits fuffered to come in, the native Engli/lD foon commenced Monopo- lies, and rofe the Price of their Manufactures upon their Fellow Subjects, which was attend- ed with three very fatal Confequences, viz, I. The Cloth, imported from abroad, could be had at a cheaper Rate than what was made at home j and whofoever fells cheapeft, be he Foreigner or Native, will always have the Pre- ference at Market. 2. The Englifi Journey- men, and lower Manufa(5turers, who had been the moft noify in their Clamours againft Fo- reigners, being now deftitute of Work at home, were glad to retire to Foreign Coun- tries, 38 Historical Remarks on the tries to feek for Employment. They then found to their Coft, that the Expidjion of Fo- reigners was the Caufe of taking the Bread out of their Mouths^ not the AdmiJJion of them. 3. The Confumption of Provifions growing lefs every Day on thefe Accounts, there was no Encouragement to the Farmers and the landed Gentlemen to raife any Thing, but nu- merous Flocks of Sheep, which they were fure would turn to good Account by the De- mand for Wool in Flanders, And fo great was the Decay of the Woollen, and all other Manufactures, that the very Re- membrance feems to have been lofl among us. For moil Perfons ufually fuppofe, that thefe Arts had gained little or no Footing in England^ till the Reign of Queen Elizabeth-, whereas, Jn fa6t, flie was only the Reviver of them, by purfuing, or rather by not oppofi?jg the Plan laid down fo long before, by Edward III. And it hath been fully fhewn, in the Courfe of this Narrative, that many Years before her Reign, the Woollen Manufadlure had been confidered as the JIaple Commodity of the Kingdom, which employed vaft Numbers of People in the feveral Branches of it. But having brought Matters to this Period, I muft here obferve, that we owed the Re- vival of our Mercantile Knowledge, and that we ought to afcribe the great Progrefs which hath late Naturalization Bill. 39 hath been made in the Arts of Commerce^ more to the Perfecution by the Duke D'Aha, who a<5ted upon Principles, in all refped:s op- pofite to the former Counts of Flanders^ than to any found Policy of the Englifh Nation. For though Queen Elizabeth, and before her. King Edward VI. did really receive the Refu- gees in an hofpitable Manner, yet it doth not appear, that the Majority of the Kingdom were in a right Difpofition to have invited them over, 2i'i foreign Workmen and Artificers. Indeed, an Increafe of Trade was the Confe^ quetice of their coming, but that did not feem to be the National End aimed at in receiving them. The Reformation was then in its In- fancy, and its Friends were defirous of having their Hands ftrengthened by the Acceflion of foreign Proteftants; many of whom were Men of Letters, and greatly ferviceable in carrying on the Work of the Reformation. The Go- vernment likewife had every Thing to fear, both from the Murmurs and Counfels of the Papifts at home, and the Power of the Pope abroad; and was glad of this Opportunity of cncreafing the Number of Subjedts, whofe Principles and Intereft were thoroughly con- nedted with it. The long Wars, and bloody Perfecutions in the Netherlands, d?'ove the Peo- ple to feek for Shelter in England, a Country they would hardly have thought of retiring to (as knowing the inherent Antipathy of the Na- tives againft Strangers, efpecially Artifans, Mer- chants, 40 Historical Rem ARKS c;; /y6/: I (liall therefore take the Liberty to give an Inftance of his great Capa- city as a LegiQator, and Knowledge in Coni- merce as a Merchant;— .and will leave hispn- 'Date Character to his Friends to record, if they think it will be^of Advantage to^ his Memory, or their own Caufe, to do it. , M o s T of the Lands In SomerfetJJjire, and the lower Parts of Gloucefterfiire, are fitted by Nature for feeding great Numbers of Cattle, during * Sir John KuJght, Member for Bnjiol in feveral Parliaments. late Naturalization Bill. 51 during the Summer Seafon. And long Expe- rience had proved the Utility of importniglean (rattle from Ireland, early in the Sprmg, ior the Benefit of the Summer Feedmg. But this warm Patriot, whofe Zeal againft Foreigners was truly EngUp, took it into his wife Head to think, that this beneficial Branch of Com- merce ought to be entirely put an End to; his Reafon was, Becaufe the Irish received Ad- vantage by it .-though the Advantage to Eng- land was much more extenfive and confider- able For, by the Way, it muft be obferved, that tho' three Parts in four of the Gentlemen of Landed Eftates in Ireland, are really the Defcendants of' the Englijh, fettled in that Kinp-dom; yet we afi'ume to ourfelves theFre-. rogauve of fliling them Irifi. treating them as Foreigners, and a People whofe Interefts are not conneBed with ours; nay, as I'i our Wel- fare depended on their DepreJJion and Imp(^ery tlhnent. Therefore in the Warmth of his noify Zeal, this able Patriot got one Bill to nafs into a Law, and then another, to prohibit the Importation of Irifi lean Cattle; and at lafl: fucceeded in his hopeful Projea: -Ihe IriOj could no longer bring them into England-, but what were they to do with them? Why, truly, either to knock them on the Head, lean as they were, or to fatten them .or the Slaughter Houfe. They chofe the atter ; and then the whole Stream of the Vidualling Trade was turned into another Channel: The Con- Yl 2 fequencc 52 Historical Remarks on the fequence of which was, that the City of Brif- tol (in which before center'd all the Profits arifing from the Hides, Leather, Tallow, the Curing, Confumption, and Exportation of Pro- vifions. Freight, Rent of Lands, ^c. Gfr.) could no longer even vidtual the Ships failing from its own Port, fo cheap as could be done, at Cork. Thus did this doughty Champion for Englajtdj this Hero againft Foreigners, to ufe his own decent Phrafe, intend a Blow at the Irijh, but fo miferably took his Aim, that hfe k— k'd his own Conftituents. Men of wifer and cooler Heads oppofed this rafli At- tempt,* and foretold the Confequence, both to the City of Briflol, and the neio^hbouring Counties. But it is the Charadteriftick of Per- fons of his Turn, to ruOi Headlong into Things they leaft underftand, and to think, that if they can but obtain a Law upon their own narrow Views, it muft be obeyed by all the World. For how dare Foreigners to think of making Reprifals againft an E7igUjh Law? The intelligent Reader will readily forgive my not entering into more Particulars of this fa- mous Oration; — lately reprinted, only to prove, that the Prejudices and Folly of fome People are not to be removed by Experience itfelf. As * If the prefent Contagion among the Cattle fhould fprcad into the Weft of England^ the Inhabitants would be in the moft deplorable Condition, as they cannot re- pair their Lofs by the Importation of Cattle from Ire- land : This would have been the mofl commcdious Re- fource I but this is prohibited. /^/i' Naturaliz ATioN Bill. 53 A s to the Topick of Party and Disaf- fection, the -f little Tradt, hereunto annex- ed, will beft fhew the Sentiments and Reafon^ ings of the Author upon that Matter. This Piece was firft publifhed during the Height of the late Rebellion j and I am willing to leave it to the impartial and thinking Part of Man- kind, for whofe Ufe it was then written, to determine concerning it. I N the Reign of Queen A?2n, there f|f med to have been a Mixture of four diftind: Prin- ciples in the Oppoiition made to the Natural- izing of foreign Proteftants, ^72;. The i?jbrcd National Averfion — The narrow Monopoliz- ing Views of Poort Sighted Tradefmen— iS*/^- ferJlitiousYfdc:% about theDanger of the Church — And the latent Schemes of the difaffeBed Party; each of which had their refpeilive In- fluences, and difpofed different Perfons to unite in one common Point. « But even this Coalition of BiaiTes and Pre- pofleffions would hardly have fucceeded, had there not been fome further Art made ufe of, —— The Gentlemen of Landed Eftates were taught to believe, that their Intereft was dif- tind from, and even oppofite to the Commer- cial Interefts of the Kingdom. And the little, low, unmeaning Jealoufy, fometimes fublift- ing between the Country Gentleman and the Merchant, t Annexed to Part II. 54 Historical Remarks on the Merchant, to the Prejudice and DIfhonour of both, was now blown up into open Hol^ilitiey. Schemes were fct on f(K)t to lejfcn the National Commerce, which tlie Country Gentlemen unhappily confidered as a worthy Project, cal- culated to fupport their Grandeur and Diftiflc- tion, and to humble the faucy Merchant. The Trade to Portugal was treated with Difdam-, tho' it is the Means of giving Bread to fo many Hundred thoufands of our People,— —of vend- ino^ fjjqh vaft Quantities of all Sorts of Manu- fadures,— of confumina; the Produce of our Lands, and confequently, of paying to the Landed Gentleman his Rents ; — ^tho' it is alfo tlie chief Support of our Fiilieries,-— the Nur- fery of our Sailors, — and the principal Source of the Riches of this Kingdom. Nay, the Memory of that able and honelt Minifter, who had the Addrefs to perfuade the Court of For- tugal to ratify thefe Advantages by Treaty, was vilified and infulted for the Service he had done his Country. Mr Methucn^ it feems,"* *^ committed a Robbery, equal to the word ** of Treafons, for which he deferved to have " loft his Head, in making that Treaty It " was an Infringement upon the undoubted *' Privilege of the Britipj Parliament, and de- *' ftrudive of the very Being of the Britip *' Liberty. It would therefore beworfe than " Felony * The Mcrcator, N» XXXIX. and N ' CXIII. as <|uoted by the BritiJ}} Merchant, Vol. III. Pages 3, ^, and 31. Kdit. 1721. ^//^ Nat URAL izATioN Bill. ^5 *' Felony to enforce the keeping of it." n Pofterity will be amazed at reading thefe Words, if they ihould reach to their Time,-^ as polfibly they may, becaule the Britijh Merchant hath recorded them; a * Book wrote on piirpofe to expel the Poifon of this i}enal Writer; and which will be remembered^: as long as any regard for Commerce, and Love for our Country (hail remain. O N the contrary, the Trade to France^ which hath ever been found to be deftrud:ivc to thefe Kingdoms, was ac^tually attempted to be thrown open ; and the Country Gentle- men were perfuaded to believe, that great Ad- vantages would redound to themfelves by the opening * ?Jr King fays, in the Preface to the III Vol. Page 17. ** My Lord Halifax was the Support, and very ** Spirit of the Paper called The BrltiJJj Merchant. He " encouraged the Gentlemen concerned to meet, heard ** and afiifted their Debates, and, being zealous above ** all Ihings that the Trade of Great Britain fhould *' flourifh, he not only continued his Influence and Ad- " vice to the laft; but, out of his ufual and unbounded ** Liberality, contributed very largely to this Work j a *< confiderable Sum being raifed to carry it on." — I will add, that the prefent noble and worthy Reprefentativcs of that Great Man, inherits all his Virtues, as well as his Titles and Honours: — The fame Love of his Coun- try,— Zeal for its Welfare, — and Knowledge of the moit efficacious Methods to promote it. Therefore the Supej- intendency of our Commercial Affairs is moft dcfervtdly committed to his Care and Vigilance ; who has joined to the Senfe of Honour, belonging to his Birth, the Stati- mcnts and Affei'tion of a true Patriot, fo hereditary ia his Family. And wc may afl'ure ourfelves from Experi- ence, that his Eadeavouri will n?ver be wanting, to ren- der 56 Historical Remarks on the opening of it. Claret, Burgundy, and Cham- paign, and all the Wines of the Growth of France^ might be bought much the cheaper ; and as to any Difadvantages and Diftrefles in Trade, they had no Concerns in ^/j^wj— Thefe Things would be to the Merchant's Lois, not theirs. Under fuch unhappy Prejudices, and flital Miftakes, it is no Wonder that the Landed Gentlemen fliould unite in oppofing a Bill for naturalizing foreign Proteftants; which the very Patrons of it recommended, as advantage- ous to Manufactures, Trade, and Commerce. This alone was a Circumftance to fet them a- gainft it. And one of the greateft Wits of the Age, who was the applauded weekly Lecturer to his Party, had taught them what to think and fay, both of the Bill, and the Advifers of it. " ThefeMen, faith he,^^ take it into their " Imaginations, that Trade can never flourilli, '* unlefs the Country becomes a common Re^ " ceptncle for all Nations, Religions, and Lan- " guages: A Syftem only proper for jmall po* " pillar States^ but altogether unworthy, and " below the Dignity of an hnperial Croivn. " — -Thefe Men come with the Spirit of Shop- " keepers, to frame Rules for the Adminiflra- " tion - felves, * A Writer in the Paper called Old Englandy March 23. 175 1, hath thefe Words, " As to Vine-dreflcrs *' [fpeaking of the Palatines^ I do not fee of what Ufe ** they can be m England ." True; but is not every Vine-Drcfler an Husbandman Iikewife, at thofc Times when he is not employed in the Vineyard ? Quere, Was there ever known an Inftance of a Set of Peafunts living wholly by Vine-Drefling, and not following other Country Bufmefs the remaining, that is, the much greater Part of the Year ? The former Objections againft Foreigners ufed to be, That they did not betake them- 64 Historical Remarks on the felves, they would not have been too fo?id of^ thefe Foreigners were fent abroad, fome to Ireland^ and others to New York, The Parlia- ment of Ireland had voted 24000/. for the Reception of them : And I find by an Ad:, palTed in the Parliament of Great Britain^ the firft of George I. c. 29. that they were not thought an idle, or an ufelefs People in the Kingdom of ir^/^W. Thofe who were fent to New Tork, having not received the kindefl Ufage, moved from thence, and fettled in Pen- fyhania^ where they met with an humane and hofpitable Reception. There thev invited Numbers of their Countrymen to join them; and not a Year pafles, but many Thoufands of Germmis go over to them. By thefe Means, the Province of Penfyhania. is enriched to futh a Degree, that an Eftate in Land, which might be purchafed for 100/. Sterling, before their Arrival, cannot now be had tor T^h?ce T^iwes that Sum J fo greatly have they encrcafed the Wealth and Property of the Landed hiterel^^ And the other Provinces are now ufing all their Tntereft, to have as many German Proteflants to ccme and fettle among them, as they can; a People, no longer defcribed as ufelefs, lazy, indolent, themfclves to the Cart, the Plow, or the Flail, but to Handicrafcs, and cafy Occupations: But now, when thefe Palatinei were moftly employed in Agriculture, a grievous Corr«plaint is made againft them by the Exami- ner, No 44. That they underjlood no Trade or Handi- craft. So that either Way, Tradefmen or Hufbandmen, thQ Fo/eigners mull be condemned, /j/^ Naturalisation Bill. 6g^ indolent, and .a Burden to thePublick, butla- feorious, frugd, and induflrious; enriching the Country they live in, by enriching themfelves.*; Indeed, I am well aware, tliat the Author I have (o often quoted, is, bold enough -f* to ** pronounce it to be a moil falfe and infa- '.Lmous Scandal upon the Nation in general, " to reproach them for treating Foreigners " with Haaghtinefs and Contempt. TheFre?2cb " Hugonots are many thoufand'Witneffes to " the contrary: And I wifli they deferved the^ " thoufandth Fart of the good. Treatment they. " have received." This Author had a great Talent at pro- nouncing whatever he pleafed for the Advan- tage of his Party. In the Trad: entitled, T^e fublick Spirit of the Whiggs^ in Anfwer to Sir Rickird Steele' &Qri/is, heailerted, "That there .v'r. i^ " were * Mr Salmbn, in his Chronological HiJloriaHy Page 297. fays, '^ With what View they [the Palatines^ wers " introduced into England^ unlefs to Jlarve or i/ully the *' Natives, I could never learn." How a poor, naked, defencelefs Handful of People, could b u l l v fuch a Kingdom as this, is to me a Myllery. — What they faid of tlierntelvts in tlie printed State of their Cafe is, " Tliat •' they Ijumbly entreated all Tradefmen, not to repine at '*' the good Difpofition of Her Sacred Majefty, and the " Nobility and Gentry." — '* We alfo entreat you, fay ^' they, to lay afide all ReflecSlions, and huprecations, ar.d ** /// Language agalnjl us ; for that is contradictory to a ** Cluirtian Spirit." — Thefe are not thePP'^ords of Bullia! t Preface to tl>e B — cf ^-« IntrodmSlion. 66 Historical Remarks m the " wer6 not ten Jacobite Clergymen in Eng" " land^ except N on- jurors'' _ He might have faid, with equal Truth, that all the People in England were bimd and deaj^ and that he only could fee and hear. A s to the French Hugonots, they certainly did receive great Favours and Civilities ; but this is no Proof of a national Difpofition.— Many of our Nobility and Gentry, and other Men of Senfe, if they are not biafled by Mo- nopoly—or (uperftitious Fears — or DifafFec- tion,— fee thefe Foibles in our Countrymen^ and are ajhamed of them, and endeavour to re^ trieve the national Character, by a greater and more generous Benevolence. Befides, the great- eft Number of the Refugees came over juft at a Time of a violent and dreadful Perfecution, from which they fled ; and this Circumftance greatly foftened the ufual Refentment of the Engltjh againft Foreigners, though it was very far from extinguifhing it entirely. Many Com- plaints were uttered, even at that Time, That thefe Foreigners worked at an Under-price, and took the Bread out of the Mouths of the Na* tives. B IT T I would willingly know, what this Author meant by faying, " He wiflied the " French Hugonots had defer ved the thoiifandth^ ** Fart of the good Treatment they had receivn " ed." I humbly apprehend, this muft im- ply, either that the Refugees received greatef Encouragement /j/^ Natur ALiz ATioN Bill. 67 Encouragement in England^ than in other Countries, -ror, that they had behaved unwor- thy of the Favours conferred upon them,^-or were the Friends, and a Support to a Govern- ment he wirbed to fee de/iroyed, I F he meant the Firji^ I mufl beg Leave to declare, in my Turn (and I have fufficient Evidences to juftify what I fay) that this is a great Mijiake, The States General, the firfl and fecond Kings of PruJJiay the King of Den-' marky and the Proteftant Princes of the Em- pire, not only received them with open Arms, naturalized them, fettled Stipends upon their Minifters, and caufed Collediions to be made throughout their Dominions for their prefent Support (which w-ere likewife done in *£;2^- land) but alfo exempted them from certain Taxes and Duties, and from ferving burthen- fome and expenfive Offices, for a Term of Years. In fome Places, they had the publick Money lent them, at a low Intereft, to mer- chandize, and fet up their Trades with : la others. Lands were given them to cultivate, «nd Materials provided for the Building of their Houfes : And the Artificers were every where incorporated into the Companies of their re- K 2 fpedtive * Tho' after Mr Harley came to be Lord Treafurer, the 15,000/. voted by Parliament, and allowed in the Civil Lift, for the Support of the Minifters and Poor among the Refugees, was not paid them. See Mr H. IValpoles Speech in the Parliament. Debates, Vol. V. Page 70. 68 HiSTORi CAL Remarks «^/ ^^ ipedlive Trades. Moreover it' mufl not be omitted, that the firft and fecond Kings of Trujjia^ ftationed exprefs Agents on the Con-^ fines of Fi-ance^ to receive the Refugees, and to conduct them into Brandenburg-^ Paying their travelling Charges through the Empire : Which humane and enga^ng Method is, as it IS faid, lately revived by the pr^fe/it politick King of Fnifjia, It is therefore not at all fur- prifing, that the French Refugees, when they fled oat of France^ chofe rather to fettle in other Proteftant Countries, than in England. For out of SoOjOoo Perfon'^, the Number compu'r-'d by Voltaire and others, to have fled from the Ferfecutions and Oppreffionsof Lewis- XIV. mt a twmheth Part came here. — And at prefent, thougli we daily -hear of Perfecu- tions in the Southern Provinces of France^ which chiefly abound with Frot'eftant Mami- faBurers, we jfcarce find that a'flngle SuxTerer hath taken Refuge m England ',^-^2ttt\i& (,xvr\c Time that great Numbers ar-e daily retiring in- to other Countries. I F the Second was this Author's Meaning, I muft here allow him to be in the Right ; arta confefs the Crimes ithofe Hugonots are charged with. -^ It is not, tlmt they robbed, or flole, or cheated, or raifed Infurre(5tions, or were taken in a Plot either againll Church or State ; —'But they oppofed the Mlnijlerial Bill of Commerce with France \ and gave the firft Alarm lafe Naturalization Bill. 69 Alarm to the Nation of the mifchievous Ten^ dency of it. They beft under ftood the Ma- nufadlures of their own Country, and the Dif- ference between the Price of Labour in Frmtce and E77g1a?2d; and therefore proved to a De-^ monftration,That we (liould be a ruined People, if the French Were permitted to import their Manufactures, Wines, and Brandies into Ejjg-^ land^ according to the Tenor of that Treaty; This was the great, the unpardonable Offence. — They ought to have held their Tongues, and not have blabbed out a Truth fo Mal-a^ propos. I muft like wife add, that Mr Samuel T^oriam^ another foreign Proteftant, though not a Frenchman^ was in Danger of being fent to Prifon, for his free and unwelcome Explana- tion of thefe Things at the Bar of the tjoufe of Commons. :^'d\iO \'^>' .-':yj\ \ .'V : ' : Lastly, If it v/As the Author's Intention to infinuate, that the French Htigcnots are to be looked upon as Enemies to the Defigns of that Party among us, who are not Friends to our prefent happy Eilablidiment j — I muft plead guilty to this Crime alfo. And indeed I will freely acknowledge, that the Na- turalization of foreign Proteftants, can never have a fivourable Afpedt towards a certain Caufe : — Nor is it to be wondered at, that Per-^ fons of that Completion fhould oppofe it with fo much Virulence, and fpread fo many Stories rjnong the Populace, to heighten their inbred Prejudices againft it. For they know very well. JO Historical Remarks on the well, that every foreign Proteftant, who fled from the Tyranny and Perfecution of his own Prince, would be the more aftive, in a free Country, to oppofe the Pretenfions of any Far- wnly^ who claim fuch an «;?^o/W^^ Hereditary Jlight over his Liberty and Life, as never can be forfeited 'y-^vfho are alfo obliged, by the Principles of their Church, and their Ties of Intereft -, to fupprefs the Profejiant Religion, as foon as they have the Power of doing if. And when the Reader confiders tne Schemes in Agitation at the Juncture in which this Au- thor wrote, he will eafily account for the Cla- mours that were raifed by a certain Set of Men, againft the Naturalization of foreign Proteftants. After having brought Matters to this Period of Queen An?i's Reign, I think it need- lefs to defcend lower down. Be it fufficient to obferve, that from a very late Inftance it plain- ly appears, that all the former BiafTes ftill fub- lift againft Foreigners : — Though perhaps we now have yet ftronger Reafons for the Ad- miflion of them, which I fliall endeavour more particularly to fet forth in the Second Pari of this Treatife. I N the mean Time, one general Obferva- tion certainly deferves the Attention of the Reader, viz. " That every Legiflature ought " more particularly to guard againft thofe evil ** Qualities in a People, to which they are ** moil hte Naturalization Bill. 71 ** mod inclined.** This was the Point on which I firft fet out, and with which t now conclude. . The Englifi Nation do, certainly excel in many good Qualities : But are there none of a different Nature to which they are addided? And indeed, hath not every Nation fome bady as well as good Dilpo- fitions, by which It is charadierifed and dii^' tinguilhed?* .The Averfion of the Inhabi- tants of this Illand towards Foreigners is no new Thing : For It hath been taken Notice of near eighteen Hundred Years ago. Neither is it any Secret ^ if it were, I {hould have thought it improper to be divulged, l^nt alas! all the World are agreed in the Fad ; and if we deny the Charge, who will believe us? — There is, therefore, no other Way left of clearing our- felves of the Imputation, than by altering our Condu(5t towards them: This may produce fbme good Effe6l ; but it will be by very Jlow Degrees. For the Foreigners are too well ac- quainted with our natural Averfion againft: them, to be fond of coming over in fuch Num- bers, • The common Psjople in IVala look upon the Etig- iijh to this Day, as Vpjlarts and Foreigners: And when an Englifli Artificer comes among thtni, they generally exprefs their Contempt of, and Averfion to him, byiay- ing, Rhyzu Sais bach^ yn dyfod ni xvn / o ble: That ia, ^ /itt/e pitiful Saxon [Eng\il\in'i:\u] iv!:o comes oru knoivs not from where. I have liad frequent Oj>\5ortunitics of obferving this Foible in the ancient Britons^ as I am a N.itivc of the Country: And it \'i worth regarding, that the Eiiglijh themfc:lv;;s ujc almolc the fame Terms of Keproach againft the French^ and other Foreigners. ya Historical Remark Sj ^e, bers, as many ignorant or prejudiced Perfons among us are pleafed to fuppofe. And the An- tipathies we have io long (hewed, muft lirfl hQ forgot, before they can be perfuaded to pre- fer 'England to many other Countries, where the Pej-fecuted and Diflrejj'cd have been invited. to come, and have met with the greateft En- couragement, and kindefl Receptibn* Indeed, we give a mofl aftonifliing and Scandalous Encouragement to Ccfok^, Fidlers, Dancers, Singers, &c. &c: of all Nations. But this is ro Proof of our Regard toForeignr. ers, but of our exceffive Love of Pleafure, which bears down every Tiling before it. For fit the fame Time that fo maiiy Thoufand Pounds a Year are fquandered away upon Per- fons of afiy or no Religion, who coine exprefly to debauch our Morals, encreale our Expences, lefTen our Induftry, impoverifli our Country, introduce new Luxuries, and do every Thing that is prejudicial to our Well-being, as Mem- bers both of Church and State, — we still refufe to naturalize thofe honeft, induftrious, and coufcientiom Proteilant Families, who are. perfecuted for Righteoufncfs Sake, In fhort, wedlfcouragc xht Mechanick—lho. Mercka7it — and the Protestant, from com- ing to usj—— but invite and encourage ali# OTHERS. FINIS, REFLECTIONS ON THE EXPEDIENCY ofa LAW FOR THE NATURALIZATION O F FOREIGN PROrESTANTS: In Two Parts. PART IL Containing Important Queries relatingto Com- merce, —The Employment of the Poor, — The Landed and National Intereft, — Taxes of all Kinds, particularly the Poor Tax, — The real Intereft ot Tradei'mcn, — Reformation of Mo- rals,— Conftitution both in Church and State, the Duties of Humanity, and the Principles of the Chriftian Religion. By JO SI AH TUCKER, M. A. Re6tor of St Stephen's in Bristol, AND Chaplain to the Right Reverend the Lord Bifhop of Bristol. LONDON: Printed for T. Tr v e, near GVv7v;-/w; G.uc, llolhorn^ M.DCC.LII. tiii] THE PREFATORY DISCO URSE. Setting forth the avowed Do(5lrInes, and coft" jlant Practice of the Church of RomCy con- cerning the Perfeciition of Protejiants* I. cr'H E Church of Rome, judging herfelf to h JL infallible^ hath pajfed an irrevocable Decree againji Chriflians of all Denominations^ that do not conform to her Communion^ whereby fhe declares thein accLirfed Hereticks, and pretends to cut them offfrofn being Partakers of the Mercies of the Chrif- tian Covenant, 'This Power fhe fuppofes herfelf to he invejled with, in Confequence of her Spiritual Do- tni?:ion, as the [Mater & Magiftra] Mother and Governefs of the Chriflian World. But the Spiritual Powers are not the only Weapons employed for the Extirpation of Herefy. II. FOR it is the conflant and flanding Maxim of the Church, that even fuch Pleretical Opinions as do not interfere with the Principles of Civil Govern^ i»entf deferve, in Sirid:nt(s, fome Civil Punijhmenti A 2 though IV PREFATORY DISCOURSE. though its Members are divided in their Sentiments concerning the Extent and Degree, and in feme Jn- jiances, concerning the Expediency of it. In thofe Countries, for Injlance, ivhere the Inqui/ition is ejtab- lijhed, the Romanifts attribute to the Church {or to the Church and * Chriftian Magiftrate together) the fame Power of Life and Death over Hereticks, which temporal Judges execute on Criminals •, - only regard- ing Herefy as the mofl aggravated Crime. In France, and wherever elfe there is no hquifition, they only afcrihe a Kind of parental Authority to the Church, extending to the Infii5iion of wholefome Severities ., through the Affifance of the Chriftian Magiftrate, but not of capital \ Punipment. The former propofe to * The learned and candid Reader will pleafe to obferve, that the Author's Intention is to give fuch a general State of this Matter, as the Romanifis themlelves would allow to be a fair one in the Mouth of an Advcrfary. Now it being tlie fame Thing, with rcfpeft to the principal Point in Difputc, whether the pretended Right of punifhing Hereticks is lodged in the Church feparately, or in the Charch and State conjoint- ly, this Part of the Controverfy (fo fiercely contorted among, the Rnmafiip tlicmfclves) is here dcftgnedly omitted, as not worth attending to; — efpecially as the Advocates for Perfecu- tion confine thit fi-ippofed Right to the Profeflbrs of the Catho- lick Faith, and would make the World believe, that though they have a Right to pcrfccutc Hereticks, Heretical Governon have 720 P.ight to perfecute Catholick Subjedls. Therefore the grand Queflion illll returns, Whether the Chrijiian Religion gives the Popifh Church, or a Popilli State (it matters not which) a Right to perfecute thofe who dillent from them in fuch Matters of L onfcicncc, as are confijhut with the Piio- ciplcs of Civil Government. •f This is meant with regard to the Laity among the Rro- tejlants; for as to their C/f;-^^, it is certain, tliat they are perfe« cutcd even unto Dccftb in moft Popljh Countries, efpecially in France, as may be fccn by the Edius of 1 686, i 724, and 1 745. And there are recent Examples of the Execution of theft crud S.di^s 00 feveral wo; tJi}' Prpt^ftant Clergymen. ,^^ > PREFATORY DISCOURSE. i9 extirpate Herefy hy deftroying Hereticks^ the lat- ter by haraffing and opprefling them. And to thefe two Opinions we may add a third, efpoufed by the more moderate Members of this Church, that though the Church and Chriftian State are invejled with an undoubted Right of infii[ling civil Penalties on He- re ticks, it is not ahvays expedient to exercife it. — And this Difference in Opinion produces as great a Diverfity in the Argur/ieyits advanced to vindicate the Perfeciiiions of the Church of Rome. III. THE Spanifli "Divines, and all the Defend- ers of the Inquifition, endeavour to jufiify its great efi Cruelties upon the principles of the antient Jewilli Church ; and quote with much Parade the Examples c/ Mofes, JoOiua, and the b efi Kings of X'ix^tX, in Vindication of their modern Praoiice of putting Here- ticks to Death. This they do, zvithout fo much as attempting to fhsw that the Cafes are parallel -, and therefore we nrujl charitably hope, they do not fee the Impropriety of bringing fuch Authorities, inafmuch as they take the very Thing for granted^ zvhich ought firfi to be proved. IV. IT will therefore be highly expedient, to ex- amine into the original Inftitution of the Hebrew Government, in order to fee, whether it bears fuch an Analogy to the Civil Governments now fubfiffing, as would jufiify the Arguments and Conclufions fo often brought iji Support of the fnofl fierce and bloody Per- fecutions. NOlVthe great and fundamental Articles of this Conftitution was, that the God of Ifrael was like- wife their temporal Prince, the great King }e ho- VAH, vi PREFATORY DISCOURSE. Vah, who made the temple his Palace, and the Holy cf Holies the Chamber of his Prefence, where He re- Jided by a Shekinah, or vif.ble Glory, and gave Au^ dience to the High-Priejli his great Minijler of State^ Thus it came to pafs, that the main or diftinguifh- ing Principles of the Religion of the People of Itrael became in Pra^ice the Tokens and Evidences of the Homage and Allegiance due to their Prince. In fuch Circumflances, thofe capital Deviations from the Duty prefcribed, as tended to overthrow the Conjlitu- Hon, were to be confidered as fo many Overt- A^s of Treafon and Rebellion. And as every Government fnuji have the Power of providing for its own Pre- fervation, fo it is exprefly commanded in the Law of Mofes, that fuch Subjects as would not conform to their Duty, efpecially if they fell off to Idolatry, weri to fuffer a temporal Death ; Idolatry, and fuch like Crimes, being not only AEls of Apoftafy in refpe£t to Religion, ^«/ Anno Dom. 1663. for the Naturalization of allPerfons concerned in the Manufadures of Linen andTapeftry^ the Recital of which may not be unacceptable to fome of my Readers. jfn A£i for encouraging the Mannfadlures of making Linen Cloth, andTa^eJiry. *' I. Where AS va^ Quantities of Linen Cloth, and *' other Manufactures of Hemp and Flax, and of Ta- ** peflry Hangings, are daily imported into this King- " dom from foreign Parts, to the great Detriment and *' Impoverifliment thereof; the Monies and quick Stock '* of this Kingdom being thereby daily exhaufted and *^ diminiflicd, and the Poor thereof unemployed ; while *' the Materials for the making of fuch Hangings are ** here more plentiful, and better, and cheaper, than *' in thofe Places from whence they are imported; and ** Flax and Hemp might be had here in great Abun- ** dance, and very good, if by fctting up the Manu- *' failures of fuch Commodities as are made thereof, it *« would be taken oiF the Hands of fuch as fow and C( plant the fame. ♦* If. For the Encouragement therefore of thofc Ma- •* nufa£lures, Beit enafted, and it is hereby enabled by •' the King's Moft Excellent Majefty, by and with the *' Advice and Confent of the Lords Spiritual and Tcm- *' poral, and Commons in this prefcnt Parliament af- " fcmbled, and by the Authority thereof, that from •* and after the Firft Day of OHoher next enfuing, it ** fhall and may be lawful for any Perfon or Perfons ** whatfoever. Native or Foreigner., freely, and with- '■' out paying a^ry Acknowledgment, Fee, or other Gratui- ^* xy for the fame, in ^ny Place of England or IValesy ** Privileged late Naturalization Bill. 5 ing, and Coach-making, Statuary, Painting, and Prints, alio in Nurembiirg, and ibme other Sorts ** Privileged or Unprivileged, Corporate or not Corpo- " ratey to fet up and exercife the Trade, Occupation, " or Myftery of breaking, hickling, or dreffing of *' Hemp or Flax; as alfo for making and whitening of " Thread, and of fpinning, weaving, making, white- *' ning, or bleaching of any Sort of Cloth whatfoever, " made of Hemp or Flax only : As alfo the Trade, Oc- *' cupation, or Myftery of making of Twine or Nets ♦* for Fifhery, or of ftowing of Cordage; as alfo the *' Trade, Occupation, or Myftery of making any Sort *' of Tapeftry-Hangings, any Law^ Statute^ or Ufage **■ to the contrary in any wife notwithjianding. " III. And all Foreigners that fhall really, and bona *' fide, fet up and ufe any of the Trades and Manufac- *' tures aforefaid, by the Space of three Years, in this ** Kingdom of England., Dominion of IVales, and *' Town of Berwick upon Tweed, fhall from thenceforth, " taking the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy be- *' fore two Juftices of the Peace, near unto their Dwell- '* ings, who are hereby authorifed to adminifter the " fame, enjoy all Privileges whatfoever, as the natural- •^ horn Suhje£is of this Kingdom. ** IV. And it is hereby ena£ted and declared. That " fuch Foreigners as fhall exercife any of the Trades '* aforefaid by Virtue of this A6t, fhall not at any Time '* be liable to any other or greater Taxes, Payments, *' or Impofitions, than fuch as are or fhall be paid by *' his Majefty's natural-born Subjects, unlefs they fhall ** ufe and exercife Merchandize into and from Foreign '• Parts; in which Cafe, they fhall be liable to pay fuch '* Cuftoms as have ufually been paid by Aliens, during *' the 3pace of five Years next enfuing, and no longer,,'* It (f QU E R I E S occaftaned by the Sorts of Toys, making of Soap, Porcelaine, and Drefling fome Kinds of Leather, Cutting and Engraving upon Glafs, making and temper- ing of Steel, Gfr. &c. And whether it be not the Intereft of the People of England to give a rational Livitation to fuch Foreign Manufac- turers to fettle here, for the Increafe of ufeful and induftrious Hands, which are beyond Dif- pute the Strength and Riches of a Nation ? III. Whether theTradeof Grf^/J5r//^?/;z is not capable of being farther extended ?— • And whether more Hands, New Adventur- ers, a larger Correfpondence, greater Induftry, Frugality, and Sobriety, might not encreafe our Manufactures, Commerce, Navigation, and national Riches? And whether the Con- nection of thofe that come hither with their Relations and Acquaintance left behind, would not extend our Trade by New Correfpondence, New Commiffions, andNew Traffick? SECTION I T were greatly to he wiflied, that the Contents of this Law were univcrfally known, that the Publick might reap the Benefit intended by it ; for at prefent it feems to be ahiioft as much forgot, as if it had never been made. However, this is a fufficient Proof, that the Naturalization of Foreign Manufa<5turers, according to the Opinion of the Legiflature, is a Means of employ- ing the Poor, not of taking the Bread out of their Msiiths. late Naturalization-Bill. 7 SECTION III. Materials for Labour^ and for Employing the Poor. I. TT THETHER we work up at prefent W all fuch raw Materials as either are^ or might be raifed in Great Britain, Ireland^ and our own Plantations, or imported frdm Abroad? That is, Whether we might not make ufe of much larger Quantities of * Wool, raw Silk, Cotton, Hemp, Flax, Iron, Cop- per, .■..•• 1 *WooL.] The Oppofers of this Bill here objea, that we lately worked up all the Wool that grew in the Kingdom, without the Affiftance of Foreigners j there- fore they infer, there would not be Wool enough for a greater Number.— ——But they are defired to con- fider, I. That this Kingdom might raife and feed much greater Quantities of Sheep, than there are at prefent, by proper Improvements, without taking any Lands from Tillage ; — nay, greatly to the enriching of the ploughed Grounds. The Method of feeding Sheep upon Tur- neps during Winter, is fcarce known in the Principa- lity of IVales, and very little praftifed in many Counties \n England y fo that they are obliged to fell off their In- creafe every Year, left they fliguld have too large a Stock for the Winter Fodder. II. That the French import annually from Bilboa, &c. about 12000 Bags of fine Woolj befides the vaft Quantities of a coarfer Sort, which are brought into Provence 8 QU E R I E S occaftoned by the per, Brafs, * Tin, Lead, &c. in our refped:ive Manufa(5lures, than we now do? And whether there can be a Want of Materials, as long as they may be either raifed at Home, or import- ed from Abroad ? II. Whether Provence and Languedoc^ from Catalonia and the South of Spain: Whereas the Englijh do not import 5000 Bags in all. Likewife the French bring Wool from Af- rica and Turkey, alfo from the Aujhian Netherlands^ and Poland 'y all which Markets might be as open to the Englijh as they are to the Frenchy if our Commerce were fufficiently enlarged. III. If there ihould, by Means of a large and open Trade, and in Exchange for our Filhand Manufadures, be an Increnfe of the Importation of raw Silk, Cotton, Flax, ^c. to be worked up and wore at Home,— the Confequence would be the fame to the Kingdom, as if there was an a6lual Incrcafe of the Growth of Wool, becaufe this would be a Means of faving fo much Wool to be manufactured for other Purpofes. IV. I F the above Reafoning of the Obje6^ors were conclufive, then it would follow, that the French irajft difmifs at leafl three fourths of their Woolen Manufac- turers, as there is hardly Wool enough growing in France to employ a fourth Part of their prcfcnt Num- bers : And the Englijh muft fend away all their Silk Manufacturers, as there is no raw Silk growing in Eng- land, Thefe are the Conclufions which necclfarily follow from fuch Principles! * Tin.] An higher Duty upon the Exportation of Block-Tin, and proper Encouragement for exporting it when manufactured, would create Employment for thoufands of our Poor: By thefe Means we (hould reap all poffiblc Advantage from this valuable Metal,— espe- cially as it is almoft entirely in our own Hands. late Naturalization Bill. 9 II. W H E T H E R in fa6t any Country wants the neceflliry Materials for Labour, either in it- felf, or by Introdudlion, if the Inhabitants were inclined to ufe them, and were properly in- ftruded? III. Whether we may not give a better Account of fome Perforis at prefent wanting Employment, than by the Suppofition of want of Materials for Labour? SECTION IV. The Caufes of fo many Perfom behig now un- employed, 1. T S there not fuch a Thing as the Circular \^ tion of LiCibQur^ as well as the Circula-* tion of Money"^ And whether the Circula- tion of Money without Labour, is not rather prejudicial than ferviceable to Society ? . ■■ Are not Lotteries, Gaming, ^c, flrong and melanchoUy Proofs of this Matter? II. Whether the true Method of finding out the Caufes of the want of Employment is not, firft to enquire, What are the Imped'nnents to the Circulation of Labour ? III. Whether Labour can fo well be cir- culated in a Country thinly peopled, as in one C very 10 QJJ E R I E S Gccafioned by the very populous, where the Inhabitants create mutual Employment for each other? And whether it is not obfervable, that the People in thofe Countries which are thinly inhabited, are forced to feek for Employment in dijlant populous Places, for want of Work at Home? IV. Whether Monopolies, exclulive Privileges, and Combinations, are not fo many Clogs upon the Circulation of Labour? V. Whether the * artificial Wants of Mankind, properly circiwiftanced^ and under due Regidations, are not the great Mailer-Spring of the Machine of Commerce ? VI. But * T H E natural Wants of Mankind can be but few. Food, and Raiment, and Shelter from the Weather, are very fimple Things, which the moft indolent Pcr- fons might generally procure for themfelves, as far as would anfwer the Purpofes of Animal Life. But as fuch a State would be little different from that of Brutes^ moft of thofe moral Obligations which now conftitute fecial Virtue, or relative Duty, would have been unknown. — If therefore it was the Wifdom of Providence, that there fhould be Relations and Subordinations in Society, the artijicial Wants of Mankind will ever be found to be relative to their Stations ; and the better any Perfon dif- charges the Duties of that Sphere of Life he belongs to, the more he will be enabled to contribute to the prefent Happinefs of Society, by promoting a regular and per- manent Circulation of Induftry and Labour, through the feveral Ranks he is connected with. This is an ejfen- tial Point, in which Mankind differ from the Brute Cre- ation. late Naturalization Bill, ii VI. But when thefe Wants degenerate into Vice^ Litempet'd/ice^ and Extravagance^ whe- ther they do not then become a great Obstacle to the CGnJiant and regular Motion of this Ma-^ chine; — and indeed, have a neceflary Terir dency to make it flop at lafl^y^ ^j VII. Whether Comvierce, confidered ip its general Extent, and Good Morals, are not infeparably connedled? Whether therer fore, the great Corruption of Morals now pre"- vailing, is not the tiue Source of many Per- .fons wanting Employment, as they becom^e difinclined to Labour, and cannot be truiie|i with Materials to work up? VIII. Whether the artificial Wants pf Gin-drinkers are of fo cxtenfroe or commercial .2^ Nature, as thofe of fober, frugal, and induf- trious People, who exchange their own La- bour for the Neceilaries and Conveniencies of Life, that is, for the Labour of others; and increafe the Number of Inhabitants by breed- ing up Families to continue the fame honed Courfe after them ? IX. Whether Gaming and Debauchery, Poverty, Idlcnefs, and Diieafe, can, in the main, create any Employment, but for tv/o Sorts of Occupations, the Hangman^ and the Sexton? C 2 X. V/hether 12 QJJ E R I E S occajioned by the X. Whether a depraved and vicious Peo- ple will work ^s cheapo or as ivell^ as thofc that are fober and vjrtuoiis ? Whether our Trade to foreign Parts doth not fufFer upon this Account? And whether more Goods might not be exported, if we worked either cheaper or better than we now do? Whether tlierefore our National Vices are not in this View alfo another Caufe of the want of Em- ployment ? XI. I N controverted Points of Commerce (where there are Petitions and Counter-Peti- tions, where Merchants and Traders in their Applications to Parliament afTert direct Con- tradid:ions) is there not an eafy natural Way of difcovering the general and national Inter- eft, mz, 8:f= TVhich Scheme tends to find a cm- fiant Employ for mofi Hands at Heme, and to export mofi Labour Abroad^ And wliether the Anfwer to this Queftion ought not alivays to decide the Controverfy? XII. Whether the keeping out of fober, frugal, and induftrious Foreigners, will create more Employment at Home, or be a Means of exporting greater Quantities of Manufadures Abroad ? SECTION late Naturalization Bill; 13 SECTION V. Other fuppofed Caiifes of the ivant of Employ- ment propofed and confidered, I. T TT 7 HETHER it is poffible in the Na- YY ture of Things, for all Trades and Profeffions to be over-ftocked? And whether, if you were to remove any proportional Num- ber from each Calling, the Remainder would not have the fame Grounds of Complaint they had before ? II. Whether, in fadt, any Tradefman thinks there are too many of other Occupa- tions to become /j/i Customers; — tho' narrow, felfifh Views lead him to wifh there v/ere few- er of his own Trade ? III. * If a particular Trade is at any Tim.e over-flocked, will not the Difeafe cure itfelf ? That is, Will not fome Perfons take to other Trades, * Some Trades muft ever be fluduating according to the Changes of Drefs^ilJid the Caprice of Fafhions; and therefore, for the moft Part, will either have too niany^ or too few Hands belonging to them. In fuch Circum- ilances, many Perfons belonging to the Trade which is deferted by the Mode, will want Employment: But who can urge this as an Argument againft a Naturalization Bill? And would not the fame 'I'hing happen, if there were but a Tenth of the People in England which now are ? And do not all Towns thinly inhabited typeri- pnce this ? LiKJZWISB '4 QJ/ E R I E S occiifioned by the Trades, and fewer young People be bred up to that which is leaft profitable ? And Whe- ther any other Remedy but this, is not, in fadl, the curing one^ tranfient Diforder, by bringing on many which are dangerous and will grow inveterate'^ IV. If we have a confiderable Number of Hands now unemployed, for the want of a Demand for their Labour, Which would be the right Policy, To drive out fome of the prefent? Or admit more Confumers ? V. Suppose the Expulfion of one half of the People of all Denominations in Great Bri^- /^/;2j_Would this be a Means of procuring more Work for them that remained? Or would not Jive Millions more of People in- creafe all Employments and Confumptions one half? VI. Whether Sir Jojiah Child did not call it a Vulgar Error to fay, We have more Hands than we can employ f Whether he was a Judge of Trade ? Aik^- Whether it is not an infallible Maxim, Tlkit one Man's Labour creates Employment for another ? SECTION Likewise a long and general National Mourning is another Caufe, why there mufl be a great Demand for one Species of Goods, and none at all for another. — But Accidents of this Nature are not to be prevented ; and the fame Thing might have happened in Franccy or in any other Country, without any Relation to the Number of People in that Country. iafe Naturalization Bill. 15 SECTION VI. ^he P/ra, " Let us firft find Employment for " thefe Foreigners before we invite them " over," conjidered and examined. I. TTTHETHERa Naturalization Bill VV Q^^vdid, 01: can pafs in any Coun- try upon fuch a Plan? And Whether this Reafoning would be admitted in any other Cafe ? II. I F Vacancies are firft to be found out in fome particular Trades, and kept iinjilled, before the Foreigners are permitted to come over, What Kind of Trades are they to be? And What Cujlomers can wait fo long? III. Are not young People bound Appren- tices every Day to Bakers, Butchers, Taylors, ^c^ Do they know of any Vacancies before they fet up ? Or is it poffible, if a Perfon wants to bny Bread, Meat, or Cloaths, he can (lay till the Apprentices are out of their Time, and have fet up for themfelves ? IV. What Vacancies are there now in Holland^ And yet if forty thoufand Foreign- ers were to offer to fettle there. Would they not be all accepted ? V. WflBTHER i6 QU E R I E S octafwned by the V. Whether the Quantity of Labour, of the Means of Employment, are not in Pro- portion to the Number of Inhabitants ? Whe- ther therefore, if there were but ten thoufand People in this Illand, Many of thofe would not want Employ? And Whether indeed, upon fuch a Suppofition, the People would not be in the fame Cafe with the wild lndian$ of America ^ VI. If there were but ten thoufand Inhabi*- tants, and mofl of thofe in want of a proper and regular Employ, Would this be a good Reafon why no Foreigners fliould be called in? —Or if this want of Employment for the Na- tives is a fufficient Reafon againft the Admiflion of Foreigners, doth it not hold equally con- clulive againft permitting more Children to be born, till thofe who are already born are all provided with Employments? VII. How different from this is our own Policy with Regard to our Plantations, where the Value of N umbers of People is juftly re- garded ? SECTION VII. T^e Encreafe of Inhabitants the Strength of a Kingdom, I. TTTHETHER there be not a certain VV Text in the Bible, in relation to which. /^/^ Naturalization Bill. 17 which the Generality of the Ettglip are heredi^ /^ry Infidels, viz. Prov. xiv. 28. In the Mul- titude of People is the King's Honour^ Whe- ther this agrees with their Maxim, That wc have too many People already ? II. Whether the French do not pay a greater Regard to this Obfervation of the wif- eft of Men, than we do ? And while they are encouraging Matrimony in poor People, by the moft engaging and honourable Methods, Whether our Church-wardens in the Country do not often ufurp a Power to forbid the Banns of poor People, left they (hould become bur- denfome to the Parifh ? III. Whether the young DukeofJ5«r- gwndy, when he arrives to thirty Years of Age, may not be able to bring into the Field a con- fiderable Body of young Men, in the Flower of their Age, who owed their Birth to his? Whether it is to be expedled, that one EngliJIjman is to beat ten of thefe? IV. What is the Strength of a Country? Whether thofe Countries arc not the ftrongeft {cc^teris paribus) which are the moft populous ? V. C A N a poor Nation equip or maintain a large Naval Force ? Can a Country thinly inhabited be otherwife than poor? Or can D fucb i8 QJJ E R I E S occaftoned by the fuch a Country fpare fufEcient Numbers to fight its Battels, without greatly injuring its Agri- culture and Manufadures? VI. Which is the jufteft Notion, this of the Engli/h, That they are too populous j-^-^or that of Sir William Petty^ who wifhed, That all the Inhabitants of Scotland and Ireland were tran(]3ianted into England, and then thofe Countries funk in the Sea ? VII. Whether, according to thefe nar- row Notions, ^hat we have too many People already, it doth not follow, that it is a ;?^- tional Advantage, that fo many People lay violent Hands upon themfelves, left we {hould be over-burdened with Numbers ? VIII. Whether there is any Country, in which there are fo frequent Executions, — or fo many who kill themfelves by their Intem- perance and Debauchery, SiS in England ? IX. Is there any Nation, Proteftant or Po- pifli, where the Mode of living Batchelors prevails fo much as it doth at prefent among Us? — Where there are fo few Children the IfTue of the Marriage State: — And where fo many young Pcrfons die between the Birth and the Age of Twenty One Years? Whether therefore there is any Country where a Na- turalization Bill is fo neceffary as it is now in England^ late Naturalization Bill. 19 'England, for the keeping up the prefent Stock of Inhabitants ? SECTION VIII. 72?^ Increafe of People the Riches of a Country. 'AT are the Riches of a Country? ■Land? Money? or Labour? What is the Value of Land, but in Propor- tion to the Numbers of People ? What is Mo- ney, but a Common Meafure, Tally, or Coun- ter, to fet forth or denominate the Price of Labour in the feveral Transfers of it ? II. If Labour is the true Riches, and Money only the Sign or Tally, Is not that Country the wealthieft, which has the moft Labour? And hath not that Country the moft Labour, which hath the moft People to create mutual Employment for each other? III. W A s a Country thinly inhabited ever rich? Was a populous Country cwq^c poor? IV. Whether the fingle Province of 7i?(?/- land * is above half as large as the County of Devon f * The Sentiments of his lateHighncfs the Prince of Orange, may be worth confidering on this Occalion, both on account of the Authority of the Perfon and the Keafon of the Thing. In the Trad entitkd, Propofals D 2 made 20 QtJ E R I E S occafioned by the Devon? Whether it hath not ten Times the Inhabitants, and at leaft twenty Times the Riches ? Does not raife more Money for pub- lick Service;, and furnilh larger Fleets and Armies ? V. What fmade to the States General for redrejftng and amending the 'Xrade of the Republ'ick^ he obferves, Page 12 and 13, That among the moral and political Cauies for the fet- tling and eftablifning of Commerce in that PvCpublick, the following v('ere the chief, *' The unalterable Maxin» •' and fundamental Law, relating to the free Exercife of •' different Religions. — This Toleration and Connivance •' hath been found the mofl effectual Means to draw ** Foreigners to fettle and refide here, and fo becomfe ** inftrumental to the peopling of thefe Provinces. '•'" The conftarit Policy of the Republick has been to •' make this Country a perpetual, fafe, and fecure A^y- ** lum for all perfecuted and opprelTed Strangers: No " Alliance, no Treaty or Regard for, or Solicitations *' from any Potentate whatever, has at any Time been " able to weaken or deflroy, or make the State recede •* from prote(riing thofe who have fled to it for thei* •' own Security and Sclf-Prefervation. « Throughout the whole Courfe of all the Perfe- «« cutions and Oppreflions that have occurred in other *' Countries, the fteady Adherence of the Republick to- ** this fundamental Law, has been the Caufc that many «' People have not only fled hither for Refuge, with ** their whole Stock in ready Cafh, and their mofl va- «' luable Effe£ls, but have alfo fettled and eftablifhcd «* many Trades, Fabricks, Manufadurcs, Arts and *« Sciences in this Country, tS^notwithftanding the firft «« Materials for the faid Fabricks and Manufactures «* were almofl wholly wanting in it, and not to be pro- *' cujed but at a jrcat Eixpepg^ frcjn foreign Parts.'* /t^r^ Naturalization Bill. 21 V. What is the Balance of Trade in fa- vour of one Nation againft another ?— If there are forty thoufand Perfons in Frwice or Swe- den^ working up their Manufad:ures to fend to EngLzjid j'^^nd only ten thoufand at work in England for France or Sweden^ Which Nation hath the Balance? If it is allowed tliat France and Swedeti hsith. the Balance, would it not be to the Advantage of England to get that Number of Manufad:urers, by which they exceed us, removed out of France and Sweden^ and fettled here? 3lqo34coo,oof T ''\ VII. Were an Eftimate to be taken of the Wealth of England^ which Way would it be rated? By Acres? ByHoufes? By Stockf By Merchandize ? But do not.all thefe depend on the Number of Inhabitants, who are to oc- cupy, to ufe, to buy and fell, to manu&d:ure, transfer, and export thefe Things, or the Pro* duceof them? SECTION IX; ^'he Licrcafe of People the Increafe c/KehT to the Landlord. I. T Tf 7 HETHER Lands near London are V V not rented at forty Times the Va- lue of Lai>ds -of equal Good ncfs in foo^e of the remote 22 QJJ E R I E S occqfioned by the remote Parts of England^ Wales^ and Scotland^ What is this Difference in the Rent owing to, but the fuperior Number of Inhabitants ? And that thefe diflant Lands * pay any Rent at all, is it not owing to the carrying the Produce of them to diftant populous Places ? II. If the City of Brijlol could be removed forty Miles off, would not all the Eftates now around it fink in Value ? f. III. If a Peftilence was to fweep away 100,000 People in the North or Weft of E^rg-- land^ and none from other Parts permitted to come in to fupply this Lofs, would not the Rents of Lands immediately fall in thofe Coun- ties?—On the contrary, if 100,000 Foreign- ers, of various Employments, were to be na- turalized, and increafe the Confumptions of the Produce of the neighbouring Lands, would there not be a proportionable Rife in its Value? IV. How can Tenants pay their Rents, if they cannot find a Market ? And what is a Market, but a CoUedion of Inhabitants? SECTION late Naturalization Bill.' 23 SECTION X. T^he Improvements of Lands depend upon the lucre a fe of Peopie. I. TTTHETHER the Lands of Great V V Britain are improved to the ut- moft ? And what is the Reafon that one Acre of Land near a large Town, fhall pro- duce ten times the Crop that an Acre oi unim^ provedL^nd (though in itfelf of equal Good- nefs) generally yields in a diftant Country Place? If the Soil of the Town is the Caufe of this Fertility, what occafions fuch a Quan- tity of Soil or Compofl ? Is it not the Num- ber of Inhabitants? II. Are there not Millions of Acres In pri- vate Hands (befides Commons, Marfhes, Fens, Heaths, and Forefts) v/hich might produce ten Times the Quantity of Herbage or Pro- vifions they now do, were they properly cul- tivated, and a Demand for the Produce ? III. Wh at Encouragement hath a Gentle- man to cultivate and improve his Lands, if his Gains thereby are not at leaft equal to the Expence he may be at? And from whence ^^an his Gains arife in an i?2land County, but from 24 QU E R I E S occafioned by the from an Increafe of Inhabitants to confume the Increafe of Produce ? IV. I s the prefent Complaint a jaft one. That Country People are too fond of breeding up their Children to eafy handicraft Trades, rather than to the laborious Buiinefs of Huf- bandry ? And will the keeping out of Foreign- ers mend that Matter ? V. If the Country is the great Source of Re- cruits for Trades and Services, whether thofe Foreigners, who now come over as Journey- men and Footmen, do not eventually prevent the taking great Numbers from the Plough ? — Suppofe thefe Foreigners were all expelled, would not their Places be filled up, for the moft Part, with Perfons who muft otherwife have been bred up to Country Bufinefs ? VI. Are there no Improvements yet to be learned from other Nations in point of Agri- culture? And are we fure that Foreigners, from whom we have received fo many ufeful Difcoveries in fowing of Grafles, in Gardening, and other Parts of Hufbandry, can teach us no- thing more ? VII. Was a Country thinly inhabited ever well cultivated? Which Parts of England are the befl improved ? Thofe v/hich have the feweft. hte Naturalization Bill. 2^ feweft, or thofe which have the greateH; Num- ber of Inhabitants ? ' i .I'j ^^.r VIII. Is it Policy and good Prudence to leave fo many vaft Wilds and Commons near the Metf opol i s of a Kingdom ? What are they now but a Rendezvous for Highway-Men, ^ Scene for the Commiffion of Robberies, and a Means of efcaping?. iCould all this have been, if thefe Places were well cultivated, and properly enclofedy and better inhabited? SECTION XL ^he Landed and the Commercial Interefis of the Kingdom center in the fame Point, I. "f T T H AT is the true Landed Intereft ? V V - — Can any Scheme advantageous to our National Commerce be repugnant to the Intereft of the Land-holders ? II. If Commerce is deprefTed, if our Rivals get our Trade, if Houfes are forfaken, Mer- chants remove, and Manufadlurers forced to fly away,— what then becomes of Farms and Dairies ? How will the Tenant pay his Rent ? How will the Landed Gentleman be able to fupport his Rank and Station, and al- low for Taxes and Repairs ? E III. If S$ QUERIES cccafioned l^y the III. If Commerce be encouraged, and Merchants and Manufadlurers grow more nu- merous, if all Fetters and Shackles upon Trade are taken off, if there be a brifker Circulation, and a furer Market, where will thefe Advan- tages terminate but upon the Landed Intereft ? IV. Wh EN Landed Gentlemen are perfwad- ed to exclude Foreigners, and to lay Reflraints upon Trade, do they not adt againft their own Intereft? And are they not the Dupes of thofe monopolizing Tr2i^t{mtT\ J who have fet Vp a low, perfonal Intereft of their own in Oppofition to that of the Publick? SECTION XIL ^he Cafe of Foreigners who have Money in the Publick Fwidsj and of rich Merchants and *Tradefmen in fome foreign Countries* I. TT F Labour be the Riches of a Country, _|^ what Sort of Inhabitants create moft Labour? — Thofe that can afford to purchafe a few of the Conveniencies and Ornaments of Life? Or thofe who are able to pay for a great many? If the latter, whether it is not the Intereft of the Nation to invite all the Foreigners, who have Money in our publick Funds, to come over, andfpend it araongUs? n. If 4 bte Naturalization Bill. 57 II. If there are between 15 and 20 Millions of Money in our publick Funds due to Foreign- ers, is not this Sum to be confidered in the fame Ligiit as a Mortgage on a private Gentle- ma-h's Eftate?,..— And in that Cale, is it not ^eBorrower'sInterefl to INVITE and Request the Le^ider to reiide on, and pay Rent foi: Part of the mortgaged Eftate, and to buy all he wants of the Tenants and Tradefmen there- unto belonging ? Mud the Lender /5//c// this Matter as an efpecial Favour^ and pay a large Sum of Money for the Permi£ion of fpendihg the Intereft of the borrowed Money on th(? Borrower's Eflate ? III. Are there not fome late Inflances to be given of Foreigners, where they have put their Money in our Funds for the ^ke of Se- curity, and yet have chofe to refide out of England^ on account of the Averfion oi^zl^ng^ UJh towards Foreigners j* IV. Are there not many Countries in Eu^ ropL\ where Merchants and Tradefmen are treated with much Contempt on account of their ProfeiTion? Are there not fome, where they dare not appear wealthy, or difcover their Riches? Would it be any Detriment to this Kingdom, if fuch Perfons were invited here, f And ought they not to be told by the public k Voice of the Nation, that they fhall be welcome, and enjoy the Benefit of a freeConlHtution? E 2 V, Are ^8 C^UERIES occa/ioned by the V. Are foreign Tradefmen, Merchants, and Mechanicks acquainted with the Nature of our Conftitution ? Do they reafon and debate about Politicks as we do in England ? And when they hear that a Naturalization Bill is re^ jedted by the Reprefentatives of the Englijh Nation, what can they conclude, but that Fo» reigners are refufed Admittance ;- — or at leaft, that they are not protested by the general Laws of the Kingdom, in the fame Manner as thQ Natives are ? Ought we not therefore to un-r deceive thern in fo material ^ Point? ^,^ ,. SECTION XIIL T'axes of all Kinds, particularly ^he Foor Tax^ I. /'~\ N what are all Taxes to be raifed, V^^ but on the Labour of the People, and the Things they confume? And in which Country will the Taxes produce mofl ? Where there are few, or many Lihabitants? IL If a certain Sum mufl: be raifed for the; Exigencies of the Government, and the Pay- ing of the Intereft of the publick Debts, and there be a Deficiency in the leveral Branches of Cuftoms and Excifcs, .How is this De- ficiency to be made up, but by an heavier hand-Taxi Whether therefore the wholp Body late Naturalization Bill. 29 Body of the haiided Inter eft are not concerned on thii account, as well as all others, to promote the Increafe of Inhabitants ? III. Whether the French Refugees did not maintain their own Poor? And were alfa affefled in many Places towards the Support of the Englijh Poor ? — If this is the Fa<5t, what Grounds were there for the Clamour, That a Naturalization Bill would encreafe the Poor Tax? IV. Would it be any Difad vantage to the Landed and Commercial Interests of the King- dom, that fo many Foreigners come over as would eafe the Natives by contributing 20, or 30,000/. a Year to the Relief of their Poor? V. Suppose all the Foreigners fettled here' for feventy Years paft, and their Defcendants were now expelled, — Would this be a Means of lefTening the Numbers of the Engliftj Poor, or reducing the Poor Tax ? Would not the Burden be ftill heavier upon the Landed In-*i tpreft ? VI. Whether the beft Way of judging ai the Expediency of the Admiflion of Fo- reigners, would not be by keeping an Account, by way of Debtor and Creditor, between Efig- hmd and the Foreigners who have fetded here for feventy Yeiirs paft? Viz. England JO QU E R I E S oCctipfie-i by 'the ^^ - England Debtor to Foreigners for Manu* fadiures, Rents of Houfes and Lands, Con- fumption of Provifions, Increafe of Commerce and Navigation, Payment of Taxes, Cuftems, and Excifes. England Creditor to Foreigners by Sums expended on, or Charities given to fuch Fo- reigners., And on which Side would the immenfe Balance fall? V/ VT SECTION XIV. ."i«^' ^he * Birth-right of an EngliJJjjjian, I. T T T H A T is the Birth-right of an Eng- V V lijhman ? Is it a Right or Pri- vilege to be poor and miferable, while his Neigh- bours are increafing in Wealth and Commerce? Is fuch a Birth-right worth T'wehe-pence?'/' Is' it' worth preferving? II. Who e^M ti -Q^y tQ come to the Subjc^ I have now under- ••■ taken, which is to examine what the Confequchces *'. .would be, upon the Suppolition that the IVhigs were ** now reftored to their Power. — 7'he Bill [for the Na- ** turalization of foreign ProtcilantsJ n«w to be repealed, «* would then be re-enaJted; and the Birth-right of an *' EngUjhman reduced again to the Vhluc of Twelve^ •♦ pintf." E /. A :.i I N E r7 N" XX V . Jan. 25. 1710. late Naturalization Bill. 31 II. Who are the Perfons that would at*, tempt to deprive Englijhmcn of their Birth-right ? —Such who propofe to make England rich and flourifliing, the Center of Trade, and a Magazine for other Nations ?— -Or thofe that would cramp and confine its Commerce, coun- tenance Monopolies and Combinations, pre- vent the Increafe of Inhabitants and the Con- fumption of Labour, under a Pretence of pre- ferving the Purity of the Englip Blood? III. Are not all Attempts to deprive us of ihe Benefits of Labour, Attempts upon our- Birth-rights? Are not all Limitations and Reftridlions, whereby Englifimen are obliged to buy the dearer and fell the cheaper^ fo many Invalions on their Rights and Liberties ? Who aie the Perfons guilty of thefe Crimes ? IV. W A s there any Claufe ever offered in a Naturalization Bill to deprive the Freemen of Towns Corporate of their Rights and Pri- vileges? And was it not always declared by the Promoters of fuch Bills, that Freemen Hiould preferve thefe {fuppofed] Privileges, as long as they thcmfelves would chufe to keep them, and till they would petition to be re- leafed from them ? SECTION 32 QV E R I E S occafioned hy the S E C T I O N XV. '^the real Inter ejl of Tradefmen. I. TTTHAT are the Privileges of Free-' V V men ?— .Are they real, or imagi- nary ? Would the Inhabitants of Birming" haniy Manchejler, and Leedsy accept fuch Pri- vileges if they were offered them ? II. Are the Tradefmen in We/imw/ier the poorer for being without y or the Tradefinen in London the richer for being within the Liber- ties of the City? III. Ira Tradefman fells the dearer by ex- cluding thofe who are not free^ doth he not. buy the dearer of other Tradefmen for the like Reafon ? If his Intention is only to exclude Rivals, do not the Freemen of other Trades exclude their Rivals upon the fame Motives? —And when othei^' Tradefmen exclude their Rivals, do they nof in fa(5l exclude fuch as might be his Cuftomers ? IV. Is not every Tradefman willing to buy as cheap y and fell as much as may be? But liow can he do either where Trade is not free ? SECTION late NATURALIZAt ION BiLL. 33 SECTION XVI. Tljere ftmji be Rivals tn Commerce either at Home or Abroad, I. "T F there will and muft be Rivals either at J[ Home or Abroad^^^v^hich. is the mofl detrimental to a Kingdom? — To have Compe- titars at Home ? or to be out-rivalled Abro la ? : jfIT - IT. Was a Nation ever hurt by Competitions at Home? And is not the Proverb, Penny wife and Pound foolijl:), manifeflly verified in thofcj who would prevent Competitions be- tween Merchants^ Tradefmen, and Mecha- nicks ? III. What is the PublickGood? Is it not, for the mod Part, the Refult of Emula- tion among the Members of the fame Society ? And what would become of Induftry, Tem- perance, Frugality, and the Defire of Excel- ling, if there were no Emulation?" IV. Which is befl for the Publick,— -To have Emulations among Tradefmen and Ma- nufacturers, oi Combinations^ And which of thefe hath the ftrongeft Tendency to heighten the Price of exportable Goods, and impoveriih our Country ? F SECTION 34- Qjy E R I E S occafioned by the SECTION XVII. *]!he Object 077 y " That Foreigners would take " the Bread out of the Mouths of the Na- " tives,— and carry away the Myfleries of " Trade," confidered and examined, I. TTTHICH Sort of Foreigners are mofl V V to be dreaded, as taking the Bread out of the Mouths of the Natives? — Thofe thciit the Kingdom? or thofe within f II, If the good People of E;z^/^«// could fee through a Telefcope thofe Merchants and Manufad:urers in the feveral Parts of Europe who out-rival them, and prevent the Sale of their Manuiadtures, would they not ra- ther fay, 9::^ ^hofe are the People that take the Bread out of our Mouths? But will the Re- fufal of a Naturalization Bill be a Means of curing this Evil? III. Who are thofe that have carried the Myfteries of Trade out of this Kingdom ?— Foreigners? or E?igli/J:men? And whether there are not Englijhmen very lately fettled in moft Kingdoms in Europe, who teach the Na- tives of thofe Countries the particular Trades in which we moft excel? Whether alfo tl^ere are not undeniable Proofs of their having folicited late Naturalization Bill. 35 folicited Charters to exclude Goods of the lame Kind coming from England? IV. Are there not a Variety of Tools now making in England, and daily fhipping ofF for the ufe of Manufadurers in Foreign Coun- tries? And will not the Englifi Mafters and Journeymen go over to teach Foreigners the Ufe of thofe Tools, if they are invited and fuf- ficiently encouraged? V. If the Kings o{ France, Spain, Fortu- gal, Frujjia, &c. are intent upon fetting up any Engliflj Manufadures, — which would be their likeliefl Way to fuccecd ? To draw off" Englip Manufadurers by Premiums and Salaries? or to be at the Expence of fending their own Subjecfts, and maintaining them here a long Time to learn the Trade ? Which is the moll expeditious Method? The moft fecure, the cheapeft, and that which has been moft frequently and fuccefsfully pradifed? SECTION XVIII. 77'^' permitting the Natives to go to our Colonies and Plantations,-^ and the Inviting of Fc^ reigners to come in to inayaje our JSfumberSy JJjcwn to terminate in the fame good Folicy? J. TTTH ETHER there is not a certain VV Fundamental Principle in Govern- F 2 mcnt ^6 QU E R I E S occajtoned by the ment and Commerce, That an Increafe of La- bour will be attended with an Increafe of People ? II. Whether Colonies and Plantations, tinder * proper Regulations^ do not increafe Labour ? III. Whether the Kingdom of Spain would have been depopulated by the Spanijh Settlements in America^ if all the Manufac- tures fent to that Country had been worked up in Old Spain ? IV. A s great Multitudes of French^ Eng- lifij Dutchy Italiarjs^ and other Nations, are now employed in the making of Manufac- tures, and the fending of Provilions to the SpaniJJ} Wefi hrdies, would not Old Spain be a very populous Country, if thefe People, with their Wives and Families, were tranf- planted there? V. If there is an Increafe of Labour in any 4 free Town, will not the People flock thither from other Parts of the Kingdom, in Propor- tion to that Increafe ? And whether the like would * The Regulations here referred to may be fecn in the Vlllth PropoOl of the Brief Ejfay on Trade^ 2d Edit. Page 92. printed for T. Trycy Hollorn. And I fuppofe Sir Joftah Child muft have had feme fueh Regu- lations in his Thoughts, when he pronounced it to be a Vulgar Error to fay. That Colonies do le/}en the Number of People in the Mother Country, 1 late Naturalization Bill. 37 would not hold good with refped to the whole Kingdom, if Foreigners were admitted? VI. If Foreigners were not admitted, whe- ther the above mentioned Increafe of Labour will not for fake that City, Country, or King- dom, and fix in another where Work is cheapo ejl done? Whether any Statutes, Reftraints, or Prohibitions, can prevent this Confequence ? —And whether the Spmiiards^ who have experienced this Truth to their Coft, are not now fetting about to amend their Error by an Admiflion of Foreigners? Yet do not the 'Englijld feem inclined to run into the lame Er- ror more and more ? VII. Whether it is not prudent to keep open two Doors in a State, one for fuch Per- fons to go cut to our Colonies, as may have their Reafons for fuch Departure, and the other to admit thofe Perfons \n, as are inclined to live among us ? VIII. I F any among ourfelves have been imprudent or unfortunate, and would i?^'illing- ly retire to a Place where their pad Condud was not known ; — or if any are moved by Am- bition to feek their Fortunes in foreign Coun- tries, is it not the beft Policy to open a Way for fuch Adventurers to go to oitr oumQoVAnt^ and Plantations, rather than to let them retire to other Countries, and probably to our Rivals ? SECTION 38 Cty E R I E S occafioned by the SECTION XIX. If a Naturalization Bill wai to pafs^ Whether Beggars would be the likeliejl to come over f I. 1 ^ O Beggars want the Inducement of JLy a Naturalization Bill ? If a thou- fand foreign Beggars were now to come over, have the * Juftices of the Peace, the Mayors, or other Civil Magiftrates, any legal Authority of ordering them out of the Kingdom of Great Britain, or of levying a Tax, or applying any Publick Money for that Purpofe? If they have not, what Encouragement would a Na- turalization Bill give to Beggars more than they have already ? II. Are the Lazy and Indolent the likeli- eft to leave their native Country ? Do even fuch among the Scotcbj Welfi^ (tho' upon the fame Continent) or Irijlo, as are Beggars by Trofe/jion^ take the Pains to come into Eng- land to fet up that Trade? If any of the Na^ lives of thofe Countries are found begging in England, are they not, for the moft part, in- duftrious People who came for work, but were taken fick, or reduced by unavoidable Mis- fortunes? III. What * The Juftices of the Peace have a Power of pajjing^ that is of fending awav hijh Beggars into Ireland^ but no Foreigners as I am informed, /^r^ Naturalization Bill. 3^ III. What could a lazy and indolent Fo- reigner propofe to himfelf by coming into England^ where he doth not underftand fo much as the Language of the Country? Or how would fuch a Perfon defray the Expence of a PafTage hither? .1^ - * >. 4.4 IV. If any Englifiman propofes to pu{h hi$ Fortune in a foreign Country, doth he intend to live by Lazinefs andldlenefs? And can a foreign Merchant or Mechanick here in Eng^ land hope to thrive by any other Means, than by an Application and Induftry equal at leiafl, if not fuperior to that of the Natives? V. IsthatObjedion, " That we fhall fwarm " with foreign Beggars," coniiflent with, tlie other, " That Foreigners will come over to " underwork the Natives, and take the Bread " out of their Mouths?'%^£ns., SECTION XX. If a Nafuralizatio?! Billfioidd pafs^ Whether the Vicious atid Abandoned would be the like- liejl to come ffver. I. T T T H A T Reftraints are put upon the V V Vicious and Abandoned from com- ing over now ?— Do not all the Rakes in Eu- rope know by the Example and Convcrfatioii of the Englifi that travel Abroad, that Eng- land 46 (^y E R I E S occafwned by the land is a Country where People may be as wicked as they pleafe ? And what is it to a Rake, a Proftitute, Gtf Sharper, whether they are naturalized or not? Are not they, for the ttioft part, Citizens of the World f II. When foreign Merchants and Tradef- men are obliged to leave their Country on Motives of Confcience and Religion, are they fb likely to increafe our Luxuries, and debauch our Morals, as foreign Cooks, Singers, Dan- cers, and Fidlers, v^^hole very Livelihood de- pends upon adding Incentives to our Follies^ gnd feeding our Vices ? III. I F our Rivals had it in their Choice to fend either a Colony of Merchants and Manu- facturers,—.or of Singers and Fidlers into each Trading Town in England^ Which of the two would they be the likelieft to fend ? And which do we feem mojl difpofed to received IV. Whether the Manufa(5turing Poor in any Country are fo debauched and immoral as in England"^ Is there not therefore a greater Danger, that the Englip fhould corrupt the Foreigners, than be corrupted by them ? V. Is not Holland o^tn to all the World? And arc the People obferved to be more de- bauched upon that Account?. Or was it found by Experience, that we in this Nation were /^/^ Nat uRALizATioN Bill, 41 were corrupted in our Morals by the Recep- tion of the Flemi/b and French Refugees? SECTION XXI. 7'be moji efficacious, as loell as the gentle ft Me^ thods of reforming a People* s Morals. I. X S the Naturalization of Foreign Pro- JL teftants inconfiftent with any good Scheme that can be devifed for the Reforma- tion of Morals? And indeed, will not both Schemes co-operate bed together? That is. Will not good Examples be the beft Recom- mendation and Enforcement of good Laws ? II. Is not Emulation a ftrong Principle in human Nature? And particularly* fo in the * Th E ingenious Mhe du Bos, in his Critical Re^ jUnions on Poetry and Painting, Vol. II. Ciiap. xv. Page 196. makes a very pertinent and ufeful Observa- tion on this Head. *' The prefent EngUJJ), fays he, are not defccnded, ** generally fpeaking, from the Britons who inhabited *' that Ifland when the Romans fubdued it. Nevcrthe- ** lefs, the Strokes with which Civfar and Tacitus cha- •* radterifc the Britons, are extremely well fuitcd to the '* EngliJJ); for the one were not more fuhjcd to Jea- *' loufy [the Impatience of being outrivalled] than the " other. Tacitus obferves, that Agricola found no bct- *' tcr Method of engaging the ancient Britons to make G " their 42 . QV E R I E S otcafioned by the the Inhabitants of this Ifland in regard to Fa- reigners? Might it not therefore be made very inftrumental in promoting the Reformation of the Natives? III. Hath not the Method of Whipping, fending to Bridewel, to the Plantations, and even Hanging, been long enough pradtifed ? — yet thefe *' their Children learn Latin, as well as Rhetorick, and ** the other polite Arts in ufe among the Rowans^ than ** to excite their Emulation^ by making them afliamcd *' to. fee themfelves excelled by the Gii.uls. The Spirit "of the. Britons, hid Jgricola, is of a tetter Frame **• tlian that of the G(7?//5 j-and if thcvliave a mind to ** take Pains, it depends entirely on themfelves to fur- *' pafs their Neighbours. . //^//Vc/rt's Artilicehad its de- ** fired Effect i and the Britons, who before fcorned to *'. fpeak Latin, grew even deijrous of acq^uiring the Beau- ** ties of the Roman Elotjtience. r^-Let the Englijh theni- ** fdlves judge, whether the Artitice u fed by Agricola *' might not be employed among them at prefent with " the like Succef:." The Reader peihaps will not be difpleafed at the mentioning another Example of the like Nature, though of an inferior Kind, as it is fo recent and applicable to the prefent Subjcdt. The chief Gardiner of a late noble Lord employed a great Number of Englijh and Irijh La- bourers in making new Gardens; but could not get them to perform their Work with any tolerable Degree of In- duilry and Care, 'till he hit upon the happy Expedient of fcparating the two Nations, and exciting their Emu- lation againll each other. This had all the Succefs he could defire : And they did more Work, and in a bet- t.^r Manner, when they were told, \t\\'7S for the Honour cf England, — and for the Honour of Ireland^ than for an}ot})cr Confidcnuions he could urge. hte Naturalization Bill. 43 thefe Seventies have had no good Influence on the Morals of the People. Is it not therefore requiflte that fome other Expedient fhoald be tried? And if it has been made evident, that a Naturalization Bill 'would be an Inducernent only to fober and induftrious Foreigners to come over, may not a Spirit of Emulation incite the '^nglijld to rival them in the like virtuous Prac- tices ? IV. Suppose a Set of Journeymen and Manufadlurers entered into a Combination to work only three Days in a Week, and to have an exorbitant Price for that Time, , , What Arguments are to be ufed, or Methods taken, to break this defl:ru(^ive Confederacy ? Will the Terror of the Civil Magiflrate in fuch a Conftitution as ours he fo effectual as the Force of Emulation ? Will the Sot or the Debauchee be fo foon reclaimed by any Severity, as by feeing Foreigners employed in cafe he refufes to work? And is not the railing of Emula- tion a much more humane and gentle Method, more agreeable to the Genius of a free People, and in all Refpects moft conducive to thePub- Ijck Good ? G 2 SECTION 44 Qi/ E R I E S occafwned by the SECTION XXII. A Regard to the Conjlitiition both in Church and State, I. T N what Refpe(5l would the Introdudlion Jjl^ of Foreign Protectants endanger the Eftabliihnient of our excellent Church ? What was the Opinion of our Reformers ? II. Have the Churches Abroad ever ex- prefTedan Averfion to Epifcopacy, — to the Ufe of Liturgies, — to our Articles and Homilies, —or to any Part of our Ecclefiaftical Conftitu- tion? And have not they often confidered the Church of England as the Pillar and Glo- ry of the Reformation ? III. Are not the Englijh noted throughout Europe at this Day for broaching Heterodox Syftems and Latitudinarian Opinions? And is there any Country, where the grand and fundamental Articles both of Natural and Re- vealed Religion arc attacked in fo outrageous a Manner as they are in England? Is there therefore any Danger that we fliould be cor- rupted in our Principles by the Introdudion of Foreigners? IV^ Are late Naturalization Bill. 45 IV. Are not the principal Clergy in Foreign Countries, ho\h.Cahi?iiJis2inALutherans, Mem- bers of our Society for propagating the Go/pel in Foreign Parts^ according to the DoisXlO}^, when made X^t: Rendezvon: of a //wf^ Fleet. ^U APPENDIX. tions. For it- would be very flrange, and an ill Requital of Favour and Protcftion, if the Che- vaher, when King, fhould put the Subjefts of that Crown, who rcftored him to hiSy upon a worfe Footing than the reft of Europe within his Dominions. The Produce of /r^wf^, when im- jx)rted here, pays heavier Duties at prefent tharr that of other Nations ; and her Wines are charged about two thirds more than thofe of Portugal^ which was wifely done in Confequence of an ex- prefs Treaty with the King of Portugal, for the Grant of a favourable Admiflion of our Woollen ManufacElures, and other Commodities, into his Dominions. Can we imagine then that France would not embrace fuch an Opportunity as here fuppofed, to get thefe exceffive and difcouraging Duties repealed ? And doth not the Thing itfelf look very plaufible, carrying a Face of Equity that it fhould be fo? In fliort, tht Chevalier and his Friends, cannot, in point of Decency, Ho- nour, or Gratitude, refufe to concur in fuch a Repeal i or if they would, they dare not. What then would be the Confequence with refpedl to us ? — French Goods, of various Sorts, would be imported, as we are fo tond of their Fafliions, and their People work fo much cheaper than ours, to the utter Ruin of our own Manu- faftures: French V\^'mQS \^ou\(\ be almoft univer- fally drank inftead of Port, whereby that moft va- luable Part of all our Commerce, the Trade to Pcrlugal, would be entirely loft, and very pro- bably pafs from our Hands into thofe of the French^ Thus there would enfue a general Stagnation of Trade and Manufadlures ; and our prefent read)^ Specie would daily diminifli, by being carried a- way APPENDIX. 55 way into France, withoutanyProfpedof its Return, orof receiving frefh Supplies from other Countries. V. Seeing fuch a Reign as here fuppofed muft unavoidably be produftive of infupportable Griev- ances, and Matters of jujl Complaint, the Number of Makcontents and dijjatisfied Perfons would be much greater, and their Clamours more violent than ever. And as the prefent Reigning Family would be looked upon, at that fuppofed J undu re, as the Pretenders and Rivals to the Throne, the Difcontented and Difaffe5ted would be fo much the more formidable. Therefore a very numerous Army would become neceffary to keep in Awe a free People, unaccuftomedto bear the Yoke of Op- preffion; — or a new Revolution would foon enfue. Hence Taxes, inftead of being diminifhed, would inevitably be tnultiplied, as the Government would have the fame Load of National Debt it hath ac prefent, or mull haveRecourfe to a Spunge to wipe it off: For in fuch Circumftances there could be no other Method of paying it. And if this Ihould be thought the belt Expedient,* then the whole Publick Credit muft fink of courfej IVidows, and OrphanSy * By the Tenor of the Che'valieri Manifefto, publiihcd daring the Rebellion, it fhould feem, that he prefciTcd the "Expedient of /iv.r.ihilath:g the Publick Debts to that of Paying them. For he is pleafed to inveigh againll them as contrafted to ktcf out his Family, which is by no Means true of the great- er Part of them. For they were really contradled to withlland the exorbitant Power oi France; which is a Duty fo incumbent on every Jirittijh King, that the Stuart Family themfelves ought to have done the very fame Thing, if they had continued on the Throne. He then goes on, faying, " He would leave the " Matter to a free Parliament, whether thefe Debts fliould be " paid or not:" That is, in plain iTw^/f'/i?', The firlT: Parliament he called after his Vi(i;tories, compoled only of his own Friends and followers, and th« Soldiers of Fs>rtune 'for at fuch a Junc- ture 56 APPENDIX. Orphans, and thoufands of Perfons of good Fa* fhion, be reduced to the moft indigent and abje6t State; and many Publick Charitable Foujidations of Schools, Hofpitals, Infirmaries, &c. be obliged to be fhut up. But if the fame Debts are fuppof- cd to remain, then the prodigious Expcnces of the Service, joined to the Intereft payable to the Publick Creditors, would put the Government un- der a Necefllty of laying on many new and heavy Taxes, when the Trade or Money circulating ia the Nation would bear no Proportion to anfwa* them. VI. After thefe Things impartially confider- ed, we may clearly obferve, that the continual Afliftance of france would become fo abfolutely neceffary, that it would be impoflible to fupport fuch a tottering Crown without it. And there- fore it would be the Intereft of the Chevalier, to fee Flanders always in the Hands of France, as he could receive AfTiftance, with great Eaie, from his potent Ally, by Means of the Flemijh Ports, to quell any Attempts of the Friends of Liberty to recover their Freedom : And it would be the In- tereft of France to foment all our domeftick Di- vifions, at leaft not to take away the Caufe of them, in order to keep the Crown o^ Great Britain ftill dependant. — So that in fad, the Chevalier would be little better than a Vice-Roy, or Lord Lieutenant, under the Grand Monarch-, and the Brittijh Subjects would actually be in a jnuch worfe State, than if they were under an immediate French Government. VIL There ture none others could dare to appear) would then determine, whether they fliould pay the publick Creditors, or fhare the Spoils among themfclves.—- And it is ealy to rcfolve which they would chufe to do. APPENDIX. ^f VII. There can be nothing which the Favourers of this Gentleman have to reply to thefeObferva- tions, but this, that when he is once fettled upon the Throne, he will then confult the Interefts of the 5nV/^ Nation only, and difappoint the Expec- tations of the Courts of France or Spain I have Ihewn, that he cannot do this, confiftently with Gratitude, Honour, or Juftice. But if, notwith- ftanding, it is ftill infifted, that he will, — I afk^ What Security can we have, that fuch a Prince will be mort confcientious in performing his Engage- ments to Us, over whom he will confider that he hath an indefeafible Property, than to others, over whom he hath no fuch Claims, and to whom he hath been fo much obliged^ and fo deeply engaged ? Besides, it will not be in his Power to a6t in this Refped as he pleafes. . — France, enlarged by Conqueft, having her Frontiers fecured by the Rhine, her Commerce encreafed and raifed upon the Deftru6lion of ours, and in PofTcfTion of all the Ports of Flanders, which are within a fe^ Hours fail of our own Coalls, could eafily compel the diftradled and divided People of Great Britain^ funk in Trade, deftitute of Credit, and without Finances or Allies, to fubmit to her own Terms. And it is evidently no more the Defign of that Crown to raife the Power of the Pretender to a State o^ Independence, capable of turning his Arms againft her, than it is to favour the Interefts of the prefent Royal Family. For whenever fhe af- fifts, Ihe doth it with no other VieW, tlian of mak- ing Tools of the Party afTifted, by efpoufing their Interefts m/uch a Manner as fhall make them fub- 1 fervient 58 APPENDIX. firvient to her own-, which, in the Nature of Things, muft be contrary to the Intereft of Great Britain. What then can be expelled from the Suc- cefs of the Pretender ? — Nothing certainly in point of A^/3//c»^/ Advantage : So that there can be urged no Motives of that Sort to induce any one to em- bark in the Undertaking, or even to countenance a Spirit of Difaffe^ion. VIII. L E T us therefore examine in the next Place, how the Matter (lands, and on which Side the Argument would conclude in point of Duty. 1. It is an undoubted Maxim, founded in the Reafon of Things, that Protedion and Allegiance are reciprocal. As therefore we have received the one, we ought the more chearfully to pay the other, and be vigorous in the Support of a Go- vernment, which hath fo long proteded us in the Enjoyment of all our Rights, Civil and Religious ; — and that in a greater Degree than ever was known before. 2. Both Prince and People have entered into mutual Stipulations^ and the mofty^j/^ww Engage- ments to aflift and defend each other ; which there- fore, neither Party have a Right to break through at Pleafure: Now let any one look over the De- claration of Rights and Liberties made by the Lords and Commons in the very Year of the Revolution, viz. 1688, and fay, whether he thinks in his Con- fcience, thatthe People are debarred of the fuUPof- feflion APPENDIX. s6 fefTion oF any one of them. And if they are nor, how can any Man of Honour or common Honefty be free from his Engagements ? — More efpecially a Christian, after having, in the moft folemn Manner, called God to witnefs to the Sincerity of hi§ Profeflions of Loyalty and Obedience ? 3. Should any one be fo weak^ or ignorant of cur free Conftitution, as to doubt of the Title of the prefent Royal Family (which in every Viev^ hath a much better Original, and Plea of Right\ than any other Family fince the Time of the Sax^', ons, who by the bafe^ Treachery ufiirped the Go-' vernment from their Mafters:) Nay evenfuppof- ing there was a real I)efe5l,* — Why, St P^«/hatIi, decided in fuch a Cafe, that an ejlablijijed Con-j ftitution, which anfwers the general Ends of Go- vernment, is not to be refifted, becaufe the Title. happens to be controverted : A defective Title be-, ing the very Pretence of the JewSy and Judaizing Chrijiians, for their Reluctance to obey the Romaru Government, viz. becaufe, in their Opinion, it was not ordained of G o d. And yet the Apoftle would by no Means admit of this Plea, but lays it down as a general Rule, that every fettled Go- vernment \T^he Powers that le] exercifing that Office for the Good of the People, is fo far or- dained of God, as to have a fu^cient, and there- fore in that Senfe a Divine Right, to the Loyalty of the Subjedt; which Service he cannot lefui'e without committing a very heinous Sin. I 2 4. This * See my lid DiiTertation againil lAxCkubh, viz. on Rym.xiix, Frinted for T. Trye, Ho/bom. 6o APPENDIX. 4. This DecUratlon of the Apoftle, concern- ing Obedience to the Powers in PoJUeJfion, is in- corporated into, and made an ejfential Part of our Conftitution both in Church and Stati;. As to the Church, the fame Doftrlne is con- tained in the Homilies, where King John, though a moft notorious Ufurper, is lliled. Our natural Lord and Sovereign ; and it is obfervable, that before the Civil Wars, there is not one Inftance that the contrary Pofition was ever held. Nay farther, the very Convocation exprefly called to- gether by the firft King of the Stuart Line reign^ ing in England, to deliberate on fuch Points, gave their Judgments as follows ; " If any Man fhall *' affirm, — That when any new Forms of Go- *' vernment, begun by Rebellion, are after tho- *' roughly fettled, the Authority in them is not *' of God ; or that any who live within the Ter- *' ritories of fuch new Governments, are not bound to be fubje6l to God*s Authority, which is there executed, — he doth greatly err,"*^* (C Ano * Biftiop O'verall'i Convocation Book, Canon XXIII. Page 59. N. B. This Quotation is brought with no other View, but to fet forth the Senfe of the Clergy of the Church of England at that Jundure, concerning contro'verted or defeainje Titles in the reigning Powers,— defedive I mean, with regard to Claims before Poffeflion, or the Pretenfions of a Ri'val ; for after Pofleffion, the Subjf^ is precluded, according to the Senfe of this Canon, from making any Objeftions againft the Law- fulnefs of obeying fuch a Government, or giving Counte- nance to the Pretenfions of a Rival, that would difturb it when once quietly cftablifiicd. APPENDIX. 61, And with refpedl to the State,* It hath Seqn the conftant and invariable Maxim of the Ccmmn Law oi England to afcribe the. fame Powers aii^d Prerogatives, Ecciefiaftical, Civil, and Military,, to a King de Fa^o^ as to a King de Jure. And to prevent any Pcflibility of Doubt on this Head, the Legiflature itfelf pafled an Ad, theiithof Henry VII. exprelly limiting the Obedieuce of thq S ubj e(5t to the Kmg for the Time being. After chis^ it might appear fuperfluous to recite the Autho- rity of the Courts of Judicature,, in which the Stain tutes of both Sorts of Kings are always allowed to carry equal Force and Obligation ; — or the Opini- ons of the mod eminent Lawyers, who are con^^ fequently the beft Judges of the Englijh legai, Conftitution, and yet never made any Scruptp to affert, that the Loyalty of the Subjed: was i^rnitgd to the King in Pojejfton. - y^ j,^ IX. But even allowing that all thefe Argu- ments are inconcluftve, and that nothing can make Amends for the Want of a regular Succeflion of the next of Kinj^the grand Queftion therefore is. Who hath the bed Pretenfions to the Crowii by Virtue of this SuccefTion .'' -j-The Stuart Family can have no Right-, for their Claim muft defcend from King John, who was not only a grofs Ufurper^ but * Those who wiili to have a clearer and more perfedl Vieyjr of ail thefe Points, would do well to confult that exccllen'lf JBook of Dr Bigcicn on the EiigUfo Conltitution, with the De- fences annexed to it. f See this proved at large in Ballatitytic's Hereditar}' Right of King George II. aflerted: Sold b^ M. Cooler jn Pater-Nojier 62 APPENDIX. but a Murderer of his King : And his Children be- ing alfo illegitimate y the whole hereditary Right muft have paffed from him to his Sifter Maudj the Daughter and only furviving IfTue of Henry II. (in whom, N. B. the Norman and Saxon Lines were united.) And from this Princefs, married to the Duke of Bavaria^ His prefent Majefty, King G^^^^ II. is LINEALLY defcended. So that tho* the Plea of an indefeafihle hereditary Right is cer- tainly a very weak one, and fuch as every Friend to our prefent happy Conftitution would heartily difclaim, yet it may have its Ufe merely as an Argumentum ad Hominem, and ferve to confute the Defenders of a wild, extravagant Opinion, upon their own Principles. X. Lastly, The Faults of the Adminiftration, the Number of our Taxes, and the vaft Load of the National Debt, are made ftanding Subjects of Complaint. As to Faults and Mi/carriages, there is no Doubt to be made, but every human Inftitution is fubjeft to them ; and with refpeft to our own, its beft Friends will the more readily acknowledge it, as they are the moft zealous in their Endea- vours to rectify what may feem amifs, and to render our Conftitution ftill more complete and perfed. For it is one Thing to aim at the Im- provement and Perfection of the Government u*i- der which we live, and another to plot its Ruin, and fide with its Enemies. Moreover, it is an indifputable Faft, that many Things have been made Matters of great Complaint, which really deferved APPENDIX. 63 v3eferved Commendation; and that fome of the moft violent Clamours againft Male Adminiftra- tion have had no other Grounds, than either a Spi- rit of Dz/^/'f^^«> or the Views of Ambition, As to the National Debts, the real Fa£l (lands thus : The firfi Article upon the Lift was a Debt con- trafted in the Time of King Charles II. when he fhut up the Exchequer, and rewarded that Gentle- man (Mr Clifford) with a Peerage, and raifed him to the Office of Lord High Treafurer, who pro- jefted this infamous Scheme of robbing the Pub- lick Creditors. The fecond Caufe of necefTary Expence was thd Revolution-, concerning which it may be fufficient to fay, that either the Nation muft have taken thofe Meafures, or have fubmitted to the Lofs of all its Liberties, Civil and Religious, and been contented to wear the Chains of arbitrary Power, riveted by Popilh Bigottry and Perfecution, The third was the Redu^ion of Ireland, then in the Hands of an Army of French and Irijh Papifts, with King James at the Head of them, exercifing all Manner of Cruelties on the poor Proteftants of that Country, and ready to invade England at the firft Opportunity. T HZ fourth, and greateft of all, wasoccafioned by the long Wars with France; When the real Quellion was, Whether the Nation would prefer being 64 APPENDIX. being a free People, or fubmit to become a Pro" vince to the French Monarchy ? ' - i • Tfie fifth was owing to the Intrigues and Ca- bals of the difaffeSied Party at Home, who en- deavoured to fubvert the Government by deftroy- ing its Credit; — in which wicked Arts they fo faf fucceeded, as to caufe the Premiums, Difcounts, and Intereft of Money lent to the Publick, to be raifed to a moft exorbitant Height, and then made thefe Evils the Foundation of new Clamours ; thus going on in a Circle of Complaining, and creating more Caufes of Complaint. The fixth was the unwearied Attempts of the fame Party by. continual Plots and Intrigues, by repeated Infurreflions and Rebellions, which have occafioned the neceflary Expence of conftant Pre- cautions.— And therefore, when all thefe Things are taken into the Account, let it be fubmitted to the Judgment of the impartial World, who hath moft Reafon to complain of the Load of our Na- tional Debts, and to whofe Condufb and Behaviour it is chiefly to be imputed. Moreover, as to the Number of Taxes, that Part of them which is necelTary for the Payment of Intereft in the Funds, ought in Truth and Juf- tice to be fo far imputed to the difaffe^ed Party, as they have been the Occafion of the prefent Largenefs of our publick Debts. *And as to the remaining * See this, and the following Article, clearly demonftrated in a Pamphlet called f/re By-^fan.'ier, which contains many Other very folid and judicious Refleflions. Lonaa:, printed for y. Robhifo?!, at the dUenlMi in Liuigate Street. A p p E isr D I x: 6^ remaining Taxes, one Portion of them is now fb abfolutely appropriated to the Pnhlick Service, and fo entirely under the Command of the Parliament^ that an Examination is madej Accounts and Vouchers produced every Seflions*, an Happinefs this, which never could be obtained till the Revo- lution. And in regard to the other Part, called the Civil Lift, this is in fad lefs by one half than what it was in the Times of King Charles II. and King James II. that is, when the Sums expended on the Puhlick Service were taken out of the Sums granted by Parliament, or otherwife -received, the Balance* remaining in the Hands of the Crown at that Juncture was really double the Income of the prefent Gvil Lift, confidering the Difference between the Value of Money then and now. It may be farther obferved, what I do not rc*- colled hath ever yet been particularly taken No- tice of, that the Syftem of our Finances and Com- merce hath, in fome Meafure, been put upon a new Footing fmce the Revolution^ to the Nation's great Advantage-, — though there is ftill Room for very great Improvements. For with regard to our Finances, it is not fo much the Confidera- tion of the Su7n raifed, as of the Commodity or Per- fons tliat are to pay it, which fhould denominate a Tax ufeful or opprejfive : — Becaufe a Tax produc- K ing * " The Amount of the Oi-H Lift for three Years, and an *• half [that is, from the firll half Year after the Rcfloration, " ending at Chrillmafs 1660, till Chriftmafs 1663.] was " 6,075,855/. which is after the Rate of 1,735,900/. for one •* Year. And this may be fairly ftated, as upon a Medium, *« the Amunl Ci'vil Lift Revenue after the Reiteration." By- /lander, Pages 84, and 85, 66 APPENDIX. ing vaft Sums, may be laid on in fuch a Manner as to promote the Publick A^elfare, by checking thofe VICIOUS artificial Wants y which are preju- dicial to a general, lading, and extenfive Com- iperce : And on the other Hand, another may be fuppofed of fo fatal a Tendency, though its own Amount may be but a Trifle, as to prevent the Circulation of Millions, by ftopping the Ma- chine of Commerce in its firji Motions. Now this was too much the Cafe before the Revolution j for Taxes were laid upon the Exportation of our own Mar^pfadlures, and even upon Cloth itfelf. Nay the very Ingredients ufed in Dying of Cloth, paid a Duty upon Importation fo late as the 8 th o/ King George II. when in Purfuance of His Ma- jefty's mod Gracious Speech from the Throne, a Repeal was made of thofe abfurd and pernicious Laws, And as to the more immediate Concerns of Com- merce, it is a Principle not to be doubted, tho* never taken Notice of till the happy Revolution, thai many Branches of Commerce, greatly ad- vantageous to the Kingdom, are of fuch a Nature as not to afford a fufficient Profit to Individuals, unlefs hired at the Publick Expence, to engage in them. Hence therefore all our Bounties, Pre- miums, and Drawbacks, which are certainly right in themfelves, when judicioufl.y applied, though they are fubjeft, as every good Thing is, to ma- ny Frauds and Abufes. But if we want any Ex- ample or Illuftration of their ^^;z^r^/ Utility, we need have Recourfe to no other, than to the Cafe of the Bounty upon the Exportation pf Corn, For APPENDIX. 67 For fince the pafling of that ufeful Law in the Reign of our glorious Deliverer, King IVilliam, the whx)le Fare of this Country hath been changed ; io that from being fubjedl to a Famine every five or fix Years, we are now become the Granary of Europe^ to the unfpeakable Advantage both of the Landed and Commercial Interefti having a Suf- ficiency of Corn for ourfelves, and fome to ex- port in the worft of Sealbns. For the Dowm and High Lands will generally furnifh a Supply, when the Low Lands fail, — and vice verfa: — Not to mention that when both fucceed, the Farmer is ftill encouraged to plov/ again for a next Year's Crop, as he is fure of a Price for the Produce of his Labour, either at Home or Abroad. XI. These Confiderations are humbly fubmit- ted to the free and unbiajfed Judgment of every honeji Man, and Lover of his Country, of what- foever Denomination And if it fhould appear, that there can be no juji Motive for Difaffe5iion to the prefent Royal Family on account of either Principle or Interejl, may we not hope, that all Oppofition, derived from that Source, to the Naturalization of our perfecuted Fellow Protef- tants, will entirely ceafe.'' And would it be too much to expe6t, that this Affair fhould be deter- mined by every Man, in his own Coqfcience, ac- cording to the intrinfick Reafon of the Thing, and not according to the Didates of Party, or for- mer Prejudices and PrepoffefTions ? — It is furely a ftrange Proceeding, that an innocent, diftrefled Proteftant, fliould be denied a Shelter in this Country, merely becaufe he cannot to pay the high 68 APPENDIX. high Fees for Naturalization, which the poor Re- mains of his plundered Fortune cannot reach-, or is difliked for his Affeftion to the prcfent Royal Fa- mily,— but ftranger ftill, after it has been proved^ that his Labour, Skill, and Induftry, would be a new Acquifition of Strength and Riches to our own Kingdom and People-, or that his Affec- tion to His Majefty, and his Family, fhould be the very Inducement with every loyal Subjefti and Lover of his Country, to receive him with open Arms. N I S. ERRATA. IN the Preface, Page iii, Line 3 from the Bottom, for the read that. Page v, Line 3 from the Bottom, for Articles read Artick. — In the Queries, Page 6, Line 6, for rational read national. Page 31, Line 15, iov cheaper read /j/J. TRACTS Publijhed hy the fame Auibor. LAN E/Tay upon the comparative State of the Trade of **•**- Frame TiXxd Great Britain. Price 2/. 1; II. Two Di Her rations againll Mr Chubb. Price I/. ; III. An Inquiry into the Benefit and Damages arifing from low-priced Spirituous Liquors. Price 6 J. All thefe Printed for T. Trye, Holbomi A LETTER T O A FRIEND CONCERNING NATURALIZATIONS; SHEWING, I. What a Naturalization is not j II. What it IS ; III. What arc the Motives for the prefent Clamours againft the Bill pafied laft Seflions for enabling the Parlia- ment to Naturalize fuch Jews, as they (hall approve of. IV. Setting forth the Nature of this Affair confidered in a Religious Light. y. Propofmg a Scheme for the Prevention of all future Na- turalizations, by explaining, how the fame Ends may be obtained in a Way much more efficacious, and altogether Popular. With an Hint relating to the Orphan Fund in the City of London. By J O S I A H TUCKER, M. A. Rector of St S t E p h e n's in Bristol, AND Chaplain to the Right Rev. the Lord Biihop of Bristol. The SECOND EDITION, Correded. LONDON: Printed for Thomas Trye, near Graf ^- Inn Gatfy Ho/born. M.DCC.LIII. [Price Sixpence.] LETTER T O A F R I E N D, Who defired to hiow^ what was the true Meaning of the Term Naturalization, and ta what real Motives the prefent Clamours againjh the Naturalizing the Jews were to be afcribed^ SIR, N Anfwer to your Queflion, I here fend you the following Account, viz» Firji^ By fhewing, what a Naturali- zation Bill is not ; and. Secondly ^ What it is: And then I (hall proceed to the other Parts of your Enquiry, Now a Naturahzation Bill doth not give a Right fo much as to aParilh Settlement: But a Foreigner, without NaturaHzation, may acquire this Right, ei- ther by Service, Apprenticefhip, or Renting a Tene- ment of a certain Value, in the fame Manner as fuch Rights are obtained by Englijh-horn Subjefts : And a Female Foreigner may gain aParifh Settlement by Marriage. Nay, every Foreigner, if taken Jick, or A 2 rendered 4 A LETTER /ci^ Friend rendered incapahle of Labour, muft be relieved by a Poor-Rate in the Place, where he fliall then happen to refide, it he hath not acquired a legal Settlement in fome other Part of the Kingdom. So that in fact, 4 the Poor of all Nations^ and all Religions, are entitled 1 toaParifhSubfiftence in England (when they want it, and cannot otherwife be relieved) as much as any Natural-born Subjed: : For the Humanity of our Laws is fuch, that they will not fuffer any Pcrfon, let his Country or Religion be what they will, to perifli through "^^ant. Perhaps you may imagine, That the Law em- powers proper Officers to fend fuch indigent Foreign- ers to their native Countries: — But there neither is, nor eveV was, fuch legal Power fubfifling, by Virtue either of the Statute, or Common Law of the Realm, And * if 'Ten Thoufand Foreign Beggars were imme- diately to land, the Magiftrates are not empowered hy Law to fend them out; nor can they employ a Shilling of the public Money for fuch Purpofes. Pleafe to obferve, that I fay, — Foreign Beggars — ^to diHinguifh them from fuch, as belong to any Part of the Britijh Dominions ; becaufe indeed fuch poor People may be fent to their refpeflive Habitations ; but Foreigners cannot. This is the real Fadl j and this is Law. Again, a Naturalization Bill doth »g Foreigners a- broad as Faftors and Agents, if they will be con- tented with half the ConimiQion Money ^ which muft be paid the Englifi)^ and if they will difpofe of our own Labour and Produce in larger Qiiantities, or to greater Advantage, and make better Returns ? — No, in no wife : — And when our Tradefmen are once made fenfible, that a Naturalization Bill meant no more than this (and in Reality it means no more) they will be as zealous for it, as they are now pre- judiced againft it. The fame Artifice is ufed with regard to poor Journeymen and Day-Labourers. For it feems, they likewife are to be frightened with Bug-bears and Scare-crows about lowering their Wages, and reduc- ing them to a ftarving Condition. This is the Craft, by which thefe poor ignorant People are caught, and made to ad: againft their own Intereft. For a Naturalization Bill could never fink their Wages, nor touch their Privileges, real or imaginary-, but, on the contrary, it muft procure them a more conftanc Employment, by the brifker Circulation of Trade and Commerce. In fliort. Foreigners of all Coun- tries may come in at prefent without Naturalization, and work as Journeymen and Day-Labourers ; no? can any fend them* away : So that they are natura- lized already, as far as the Poor can either want, or enjoy that Privilege. The rich, I repeat it again, the rich Foreigners are the only Perfons, who are in any Degree excluded by the Laws of this Kingdom. Lajlly, Some well-difpofed Chriftians, who have more Zeal than Underftanding, are taught to be- lieve hncernhig Naturalizations, it lieve, That the Interefts of Religion are concerned in this Difpute. Now a good Intention always de- ferves a proper Regard, even when it is engaged in a bad Caufe. And as Religion is the Motive, it is to be hoped, that when they fee on which Side the Motives of Religion really lie, they will conform thereto, and not perfevere in an Error, becaufe they once mantained it. Therefore to cut this Matter fhort, and to put the Whole upon a fair Ifilie, I will fuppofe. That the Bible is the Religion of Pro- teftants, and that we have no Right to alter Chrif- tianity from what it was Seventeen Hundred Years ago. — 1 demand therefore the Chapter, the Text, the Verfc, which either fay or imply, That a rich Foreigner Ihall not be allowed to purchafe Lands, or to merchandife, without paying Alien Duty. Civil Policy, I grant (but falfely fo called) may lay Re- ftraints : But furely the benign Saviour of all Man- kind hath no where enjoined, that any Perfon, be- caufe he happened to be born on one Side of a River, a Mountain, or Arm of the Sea, fhould not freely negotiate Bufmefs, or purchafe a Piece of Land, on the other. Doth Religion interfere in this Matter ? Have we not all one Father ? Hath not one God created us ? And what fays common Humanity, — that excellent Principle, confirmed and improved by our bleifed Redeemer, of doing as we would be done unto .'' For in a Country, where Perfons of other Re- ligions had the Power, in what Light would a Prohi- bition to merchandife, or buy a Peice of Land, ap- pear to us Chriftians ? I afk therefore, by what Law or Maxim of Revelation, what Precept of our Lord, or his Apoftles, are Foreigners of all Nations, Reli- gions, and Conditions admitted to fettle in Great Britain^ and to carry on any legal Branch of Trade or Commerce, in a free and open Manner, — but not to import raw Materials j[or the Employment of Britijh B 2 Manufa^urers ? 12 A LETTER /o ^ Friend ManufaSlurers ? Nay, to lend out Money upon In- tereil, to trade in the Stocks, and even to take Land Security, — but not to purcbafe Lands ? This, Sir, is coming to the Point, and let us hear what they have to lay. — Perhaps, they will fay, we have gone too far already ; and therefore ought not to proceed farther. This they may fay, but how will they prove it ? — I a(k, how will they prove it, even in relation to naturalizing the Jews? For the Prayer of our Lord on the Crofs for his Murderers j the Interceflion of St Stephen for the fame People j the Reafonings of St Peter in the A5is, Chap. iii. Ver. 1 7. and all the Arguments of St Paul in the 9th, i oth, and I ith of the Romans, are juft the Reverfe of what they propofe. And how can any Perfons dare to call themfelves Chriftians, and yet attempt to change the Nature of Chriftianity, now it is eftablifiied, from what it was, when firft propagated .'' Who hath re- quired this at their Hands ? And the Caufe of what Church do they ferve in fo doing ? Besides, We will allow, for Argument's Sake, that we have gone, as they fay, too far already in this PermifTion granted to Foreigners of all Religions to fettle in England : Therefore what is now to be done, but to repent of our evil Deeds, — and drive them out ? And after we have expelled the Foreign- ers, we muft expel thofe of our own Countrymen, that do not conform to our Belief, becaufe the reli- gious Motives are the fame in the one Cafe as in the other ; — and for that Purpofe Officers of Inqui/ttion fhould be erefted in every Parifli •, and the Proceed- ings of bloody Qiieen Mary revived again. In fhort, there is no Medium between Toleration and Perfe- cution : And if a Foreigner is not to be tolerated on Account uf his Religion, why f?; uld a Native ? And why fhould we do the Work of the Lord de- ceitfully, — fince it is fo plainly our Duty to intrO' duce the Inquifition of Spain and Portugal, and to follow concerning Naturalizations. 13 follow the Examples of thofe Catholic Countries ia the Punifhment of Jews and Heretics ? But it is to be hoped, that the Proteftants of this Kingdom will never lb learn Chrift, nor pervert the Gofpel to fuch Antichriftian Purpofes. Indeed, even Proteftants are fometimes too much mifled by the Arts of defigning Men, and by MiiVeprefentation of Fa61s : Yet as long as they retain the conftituent Principles of their Religion, let us not defpair, but that they will, fooner or later, difcover the incon- fiftent Part they have been ading, and abhor the Method ufed to deceive them. They will, they muji fee, that as they are commanded to pray for the Converfion of the Jews^ they are certainly obliged to ufe fome benevolent Memis towards promoting that good End, and not content themfelves with oifering unto God a little, cheap, unavailing Lip-Labour, without advancing one Step towards attaining the Thing they pray for. Surely, this is not to be in earnej} in our Prayers, nor the Way to obtain the Thing we pray for. Our excellent Church requires us, on that folemn Day, in which we commemorate a Saviour fuffering on the Crofs for the Sins of the whole World, to petition. That God would be pleaf- ed X.0 fetch the Jews home to his Flock: And yet the pretended Sons of this charitable Mother think they do God Service, and the Church of England Honour, by acting counter to this Petition, and by behaving towards that People as uncharitably as they dare, both by Words and Adions. This is the Method they take towards fetching the Jews home to Chrift's Flock. But that eminent Prelate and Father of our Church, Bifhop Kidder, gives thofe Zealots, if they would hear him, a very different LeflTon, worthy of a Chriftian and Proteftant Bifhop : " I fear, faith he, " fpeaking of the Jews, there is not that done by *' Chriftian Rulers and People, that ought to be done " towards their Converfion. Chriftians do indeed " receive 14 -/^LETTER fo a Friend " receive the Jews into their Countries ; they ufcl <* them to many Purpofes relating to Trade and ** Traffic, to Intelligence and Correfpondencies ; " But they have not (ioo often it hath been lb) been " treated with that Humility and 'Tendernefs, as becomes *' theChriflian Dodrine. Inftead of that, they have " fometimes been feverely perfecuted and affii£ied, " and very often flouted and fcoffed at; contemned " as Men of no Wit, and not worthy of our Notice " and Regard. We have wanted th2.t CompaJ/ion, *' which we ought to have for their Souls, and not " treated them with due Tendernefs and Regard: And *' this hath but hardened them in their Obfiinacy^ and *' prejudiced them againft our holy Religion. ^^ — KidderV IDemonjlrat. of the MeJfiaSy Chap. I. § 4. Thus far this great and good Man : He did not think we had done too much already ; nay, he did not think we had done enough ; nor was his Patience tired out with waiting for the Converfion of this unhappy People, who, though at prefent under a dreadful Delufion, are ftill the natural Branches, and, when the divine Providence fhall think proper, will be graffed' again^ i. e. naturalized, into their own Olive Tree. In the mean Time, it ill becomes us to be impatient on Ac- count of the Delay, or to omit the proper Means for their Converfion. For why fliould we be weary of Well-doing ? And if God was to do fo by us, and to cut fhort his long Sufferings and gracious Forbear- ances, what could wc fay. But that the Meafure we dealt to others, was meafured to us again ? As to tht particular Methodsy which God will take to fetch home his ancient People, they are not re- vealed in Scripture ; and therefore we have no Grounds to determine any Thing about them.* But this we know * Alteram Signum [ultimi Judicii] eft illuftrior quasdam Ju- da?orum converfio, praedifla Rom. xi. 25, 26, 27. No/'o vosignorare fratresy Myfierium hoc, quia cadtas e^ parte contigit itt Ifrael, dfint* plenitude concerm'?2g "N AT UK A "LIZ AT 10 'SIS, 15 know with Certainty, that it is our Duty to make our Light to Ihine before Men, — That we ought to do every Thing in our Power towards the Promotion of the Gofpel, — and, if we can avoid it, never to put a StumbUng Block and Rock of Offence in any Perfon's Way. This being the Cafe, what Method fo proper for us to take, both for our own Sakes, and for others, as to increafe in the Fruits of the Spi- rit, Love, Joy, Peace, Long-fuffering, Gentlenefs, Goodnefs, Faith, Meeknefs, Temperance? And will any Man fay. That, to obferve fuch a Conduct to- wards the Jews, is to fly in the Face of Providence, and to endeavour to reverfe the Decrees of the Al- mighty ? Surely a Perfon muit be very far gone in the Infatuation of Party, and the fiery Madnefs of Enthufiafm, who advances any Arguments of this Nature. In fhort. Sir, I lliould be glad to be Ihewn a Jingle Pajfage either out of the Old or New Teftament, COMMANDING US to treat this People ill, — or, what comes to the fame, forbidding us to grant them the common Privileges of Subje5is : — I fay common Pri- vilegeSy not of Sovereigns, not of the governing Part of the Society, but of Subjeds, meer Subje5fs : For that is the Queftion now before us, and no other. But one would think from the Clamours, that have been raifed, flenitudo Gentium ifitraret ; ^ fi< amnis Ifrael fulvui Jierit : Sicut Scripturit eji, Feaiei ex Sion, qui eripiat, i^ a-uertai itr.pietatem a "Ja- cob, Sec. Quse adhuc CGinplementum fuum habitura videntur, Deo illuftriore magifque efficace ratione Jiai^os ad Chrifti gratiam vocante, indurationemque ipforum cordibus auferente. Artamea quoniam benef.cium hoc generaiihiis tantum verbis cnuntiatar, ni- bilque hie Speciale a Deo pr^eltandum promitcitur, nihil hie tefnere definiendiim eft, quafi nimirum Deus Jud^os in Tcrram fuam reduc- turus, rellitutoquc ipfis Sceptro ac priticipatu, foelicem fub Rege Chrifto vitam in terris largiturus eilet— E eontra, Deo hie taccnte, ratio ac modus, totaque ingentis hujus bencficii Adminiftratio Sa- pienti Dei Diredioni clc committenda. — ■&3'Et fide fincera of- Sciifque charitatis iVaterna; beneficio huic Divino n;:am qua/t pr that God will defend the Ignorant and Sim- ple from their deftrucSlive Snares, and caufe them to- fee the Truth as it is in Jefus Chrift. And now. Sir, I have done with the religious Part of this Difpute ; and fhall leave it to your own Judgment to determine, on which Side the Motives of Religion do truly preponderate. Be pleafed there- fore to re-confider the Whole attentively ; and re- prefent to your own Mind, what Part St Paul, the great Apoflle of the Gentiles, would have taken in a late Affair, if he had been upon Earth at the fame Junfture: — For the Conclufions drawn from his Reafonings and Arguments relating to xhtjews are the beft Rules for our own Conduit, and the moft unexceptionable Direftions. In fhort, the Genius of the Chriftian Religion is to diffufe Peace on Earth, and Good- will towards Men. This is its great and dillinguifliing Charafteriftic j and every Deviation from it is in Fa61: an Approach towards that Spirit oVJudaiftn, which prevailed in our Saviour's Time ; a Spirit he fo feverely rebuked, and * preached his divine Sermon on the Mount particularly to cor- ,re6t. Therefore let us take the more heed, that while we exprefs fo much Warmth and Refentment againfl the outward ProfelTion of the Jewijh Reli- gion ; we do not become Profelytes ourfelves to the inward Charafter o^ yudaifm; for it is too plain a Cafe, that a Man may be a nominal Chriftian, and yet a very Jew in his Temper and Difpofition. Nay,. ■from what hath appeared of late, we may obferve, that great Advances have been made not only to- wards the Temper, but even the conftituent Principles of the Jewijh Religion. For the Author of that exr traordinaryr * See Blair's Difcourfes, and the very Learned and Orthodox Dr Waterland'i recommendatory Preface. fc/^^^r;?//;^ Natural I zATioNs. 19 traordinary Performance, called an Apo!-ogy for the City of London, is pleafed to fay, — That the Jews are guilty of high Treafon againft God, and that not only in a fpiritual, but in a temporal Senfe. — Now this is Judaifm in the higheft Degree ; for the Confti- tution and Law here referred to concerning high'Trea- fon was never in Force, but during the MofaicalTheo- cracy \ and cannot be now confiilently revived, with- out bringing in all the Rites and Ceremonies of the JewiJJj Law. Thus do Men, very often, in the heat of Controverfy, run into the very Error they ex- •claimed againft, and intended to confute. As to the Jockyings of Ele^icneering, the Cabals of Party, and the fecret IVlachinations of Difloyalty and Difaffedtion, I defignedly omit them; becaufe in- deed they are too obvious to need any Illuitration, and you would think me mifpending Time, Ihould I attempt to prove, what every Perfon clearly fees. This being the Cafe, doth not a Jacobite, by delibe- rately and impioufly taking the Oaths to the prefent Government, upon the true Faith of a Chrijiian, as really blafpheme that worthy Name,, by which we are called^ as any Jew can poTTibly do ? The one affronts a Saviour he pretends to acknowledge ; the other, one he profefledly denies. And yet all this Anti- chrijiian Difloyalty hath entirely efcaped the Notice of our modern fliarp-fighted Obfervers. Here there- fore permit me to communicate to you one Anecdote, to fhew how deeply the Spirit of Difaffed:ion is root- ed in fome Minds, and to what Lengths it will car- ry them. It is in relation to the Attempt made laft Seffions of Parliament for opening the Trade to the Levant Seas, when a certain Perfon belonging to a great AJfembly conftantly oppofed the opening of that Trade ; and being afked his Reafons in private, he frankly declared. That as he was an oldTory^ he never would give a Vote for reverfing any of the Charters granted by the Houfe of Stuart This was the beft JReafon he could give j nor was he the only Man, C 2 who 20 j4 LETTER to a Friend who a6led upon fuch Principles ; though others were more fhy in avowing them. I do not fay indeed, that every Perfon, who was ftrenuous in that Oppo- fition, a6ted upon the fame Principles ; becaufe I am well perfuaded of the Contrary: — But this I do aver, — that if certain foreign Jews, now refiding in England, had been permitted to have been free of the Turkey Company, and to have imported Raw Materials and other Merchandife, without paying Alien Duty, the chief Object would have been ob- tained, for which they defired to be naturalized. And the true Reafon of the prefent Outcry being raifed againft them, is to prevent their obtaining this Freedom, and to hinder their tradin upon the fame Footing with other Merchants. Keligion was only the Pretence ; — but Monopoly the Noli we tangere, and the real Caufe of the Clamours — • If the Jezus had been content with getting rich as Stock-jobbers, as Brokers, or in any other Capacity hut 2i& Merchants, all would have been well ; and they might have gone on in making Purchafes (thofe I mean, who are Natives of the Kingdom, go* for there is no Law extani in our Statute Books, the only authentic Records in this Cafe, againft their pur- chafing Lands, and even * Advowjons) without- any Notice * Note, Before the paEng of the late Aft, the y^otJ, in pur- chafing Landed Eftates, got likewife the Patronage of fome Liv- ings i and yet thcle modern Watchmen and zealous Defenders of our Faith were 2 deep all this while. Not a Word was faid, not a Tongue moved. But when a Bill was brought in to abridge the ypT.>jj of this 'very Poiver, then truly our Zealots were all in a Flame ; the Chriftian Religion was betrayed ! '1 he Church was in Danger ! But let the Reader judge, who were the Betrayers of Religion; rnd by uhat Methods the Church oi Englmd, nay, and the whole Proceftant Cauie, is likelieft to be brought in Danger.— —A certain Writer hath been pleafed to corredt me for calling the printed Statute Books the only authentic Records. I ac- knowledge my Error ; the Rolls are the authentic Originals, and the printed Statutes authentic Copies. But what of aJl that ? Can he prove, that there is any Difference between the Originals and the Copies in this Particular.? He knows he canno;. Why then did he jnention the Rolls ? Poor, poor Shifts ! concerning Naturalizations. 2r Notice taken of them. But when one or x.Yfo Alien Jezvs wanted to get Footing within the Precindls of an exclttjive Company, and to Trade diredtly to Turkey^ without going round about by Leghorn, then Hea- ven and Earth were to be conjured, every Thing facred to be invoked ; 0 Religion ! 0 Liberty ! 0 my Country ! And all for what ? Why truly to prevent thefe wick- ed Jews from exporting Englijh Manufadures in the moil advantageous Way, and importing Raw Ma- terials for the farther Employment of our People. Therefore as to the prefent Clamours, whatever Confequences may attend them, one Thing is unde-. niable, that they were firft propagated, and are now continued, in order to bribe the Heart in a bad Caufe, and corrupt the Underftanding. And if this is not Bribery and Corruption in the worji of Senfes, I fhould be glad to know what is. But, — to put an End to all this commercial Canting •, and that we may hear no more of Natu- ralizations, either general or particular, I would humbly propofe the following Regulations : I. That Foreigners Ihould be enabled to buy Lands : but difqualified not only from all Offices of Truft or Power, but alfo from voting for Mem- bers of Parliament, or for the Eledion of Magif- trates in any County, or Corporation having a Right to fend Members to ferve in Parliament; and that no Jew Ihall be permitted to have the Patronage of Livings, Schools, &c. Now when thefe reftraining Claufes are added to the former, what reafonable Pretence can be devifed againfl granting to Foreign- ers the Liberty of Laying out their Money in the Purchafe of Eftates ? What Objeftion can be formed againft invefting the Father with a Privilege, which the Son, born in Engla?id, mud neceflarily enjoy in a 22 y^ LETTER /^ ^ Friend a much more extenfive Manner? To be plain witV you. Sir, I know but of one ; which indeed will have its Weight in private, though it is of fuch a Nature, as not to be propofed publicly : It is this ; If the Number of Bidders was encreafed, the Mar- ket Price of Lands would be raifed, and a Monopo- lizing Member of fome exclufive Company, who had got rich by confining the Commerce of the Kingdom, would be obliged to give fomething more for the Purchafe of Eftates. It is true, the Country Gentleman would be benefited thereby, who per- haps fold Part of his Eftate to portion out his Daughters, or to pay off a Mortgage : And the Kingdom would be enriched by fuch an Acceffion.of Wealth, as rich Foreigners would bring in; — nay, vaft Sums of Money would be prevented from go- ing out, which at prefent are yearly fent abroad, in order to pay the Intereftdue from the public Funds i — and if any Foreigner, originally poor, got rich in this Country by his Labour and Induftry, he might be enabled to lay out his Wealth, where he got it, inftead of carrying it away, as is the Cafe at prefent. Thefe are Advantages, National and Commercial;—. But what is all this to the Monopolift ? And why ihould he confider any Perfon or Thing, but his own particular Intereft? II. A Second Propofal is, that Foreigners refid- ing in England, and importing Kaw Materials in Eri- tijh Ships, navigated according to Law, for the Em- ployment of our own Poor, or other Merchandifes purchafed with Britijh Manufactures, Ihould pay no greater Duties or Impofitions of any Kind, than are paid by the Natural- born Subjeds. For, in the name of common Senfe, why fliould there be a Dif- ference ? And upon what Account muft the Intereft of a Nation be lacrificed for a few Individuals ?— Thus for Example, as the Importation of Camels Hair, v% toncernlng Natural ization?. j2§ Hair, Carmmia Wool and Goats Hair, Spmijh Wool, and all Sorts of Wool for making our tineft Cloths, Hats, ^c. feveral Sorts of Hair, and feveral Sorts of foreign Drugs for Dying ; Hemp, Flax, and un- wrought Iron j Furs, Kelp for making Glafs, fffr. Olive Oil for the Woollen and Soap Manufactures, "Raw Silk, Mohair Yarn, and other Sorts of Yarn, Cotton Wool, Wood, &c, ^c. I fay, as the Impor- tation of thefe, and fuch like Articks, is for the •Employment of the People in honeft Labour and Induftry, to the unfpeakable Advantage of the King- dom in general, and of the Landed Intereft in parti- cular, why fhould not fuch Raw Materials be im- ported as cheap as pofiible ? And what is it to the Kingdom, who hath the felling of them, provided the Manufacturers be not confined to one Market^ but may take their Choke, and deal with thofe that ufe them bed ? And if other Merchandifes are im- ported by way of Exchange for Britijh ManufacSiures, why fhould there be an additional Tax laid upon them ? That is, in plain Englijhy why fhould our own Manufactures be taxed the heavier, becaufe a Fo- reigner benefited this Country by exporting them ? — ' Private Intereft, I allow, will plead hard for Con- finements and ReftriCtions : — But the more it pleads for fuch Monopolies and Engrofiings, the more plainly it appears, that the public Good can only be promoted by a free and open Trade, and by Rival- Ihips and Competitions. in. I T is propofed, that all Foreigners refiding in England^ and navigating their Ships according to Law, fliall be fo far deemed Nathes, as -to be inti- tled to the Freedom of the Turkey, the Rujfia, or any other of our Companies trading to foreign Parts, up- on paying the ufual and legal Fines upon fuch Occar fions — The Reafons of this Propofal are fo obvious, that even Monopoly itfelf cannot openly oppofe them. 124 yl LETTER to a Friend them, but muft take a round-about Way in order to perplex the Subjeft, and to lead Men off from the true Scent. But let the Country Gentleman, let the Shop-keeper and Manufadlurer, let all Per- Ibns, who have the National Good truly at Heart, jeft the Matter upon this fmgle Point, that Rival- Ihips and Competitions are the beft Means of ex- porting the greateft Quantities of Britijh Manufac- tures, and of importing Raw Materials and other Merchandifes on the lowejl Terms. For all Men, whether Natives or Foreigners, would be Monopo- lifts, if they could : And therefore the only Way to ■caufe this monopolizing Spirit to operate for the public Benefit, is to create as many Rivals and . Competitors, as are willing to engage in the Trade. Put therefore the following Cafe, viz. Were a certain Number of Farmers, or Country Gentlemen, •to obtain an exclufive Charter for difpofing of their Corn at their own Price, — another Set for felling Hay, — another for Butter and Cheefe, — and a fourth for Flefli and Cattle ; would not the mono- polizing Member of fome exclufive Company im- mediately object to this Proceeding, and plead moft vehemently, that all Markets ought to be free and open? And yet, ■ Mutato Nomine, de te Fabula Narratur. This being the Cafe, it is to be hoped, the Landed Intereft will confider this Affair, and make the right Application. IV. The lafl: Propofal is, That the Merchants and Manufacturers of this Kingdom fhall be allow- ed to fend Commiffions to what Fa6lors or Agents abroad they Ihall think moft ufeful, for carrying on their Affairs. For if a foreign Fador, by fuperior Skill, rwfrfrw//?^ Naturalizations. 2^ Skill, or more extenfive Knowledge and Corre- fpondence, by greater (Economy, or lefs Fadorage, riiall be able to fell a greater Quantity of Britijh Manufaftures (fuppofe in Ruffia, or Turkey^ or our own Plantations) and make larger Returns of Raw Materials, than an Englijh Fador either would, or could do; v/hy lliould it be unlawful to employ this Foreigner ? That is, in other Words, why Ihould the Englifi Nation be made a Sacrifice ? Why fliould our Labour be taxed, and the Machines of Com- merce obflrufted in their Motion, meerly for the Sake of confining the Commifllon- Money to an Eng- lijh Fador, and of enriching one Man at the Ex- pence of the Public ? — If the Trade was free, every Man would naturally choofe that Agent, who would ferve him beft, let his Country be what it will And fuch Agent or Fador would be much likelier to continue faithful in his Service, as he knew he was on his good Behaviour^ feeing that his Principal was at liberty to employ others, if he did not ap- prove of him. In fhort, when Englijh Factors know, that their Conftituents at Home are reftrained from employing any but tbemfeheSy they naturally run into Combinations, and are tempted to make a bad ufe of this exclufive Privilege. For the Power of Harm is Harm : And many Kings have proved Tyrants meerly by the Temptation of defpotic Power, who in a limited Monarchy would have made excel- lent Princes. Thus, Sir, I have finifhed my Obfervatlons, ac- cording to your Defire : and have only to add, that if thefe four National Propofals were paffed into a Law, you never would hear of one Naturalization Bill more. For they contain all the Privileges (nay, and fome additional ones) that are implied under the Term Naturalization. And as the Country Gentle- man, the Shop-keeper, the Manufadurer, the Jour- D neyman 26 ^LETTER /o^Friend neyman, and the Day - Labourer, as Clergy and Laity, Churchmen and Diffenters, as Men of all Ranks and Conditions, can have no Objection to fuch a Law, — it were greatly to be wifhed, that it might pafs as ibon as poflible. Then the Naturalization of the Jews might be revoked ; then the Nation would fee clearly the true State of the Cafe, and be able to difcern who were real Patriots, who were Friends to their Country, who were honeft and upright Men, who were Chriftians indeed^ and who were not. But if a certain Part of the City of London (not the largejly the mod opulent , or the mod knoioing in mercantile Affairs, — nor yet the moft loyal to their Prince) fhould diQike the Contents of fuch a Bill, for Reafons well known to themfelves, and not whol- ly unknown to others, they may petition for an Ex- ception for their Port and City : — but furely it is too much to afk, that all Out-ports and the reft of the Kingdom fliould continue their Fetters and Chains, for the Sake of keeping them Company. Let me farther obferve, that whoever has a Mind to get a full Infight into the patriotical Views and upright Intentions of thofe, who greatly dijlin- guijhed themfelves in a late Affair , — he ihould make himfelf acquainted with the State of the Orphan Fund in the City of London: — A Fund ftill continued at 4 ^ Cent, while the Money of Widows and Orphans, at leaft equally diftreffed, is inFaft and Reality in the other Stocks under three. Such a remarkable Parti- ality will naturally lead him to inquire into the true Reafons and Motives for continuing this unnecejfr.ry Expence : — From whence will refult certain Difca- veries concerning the Cui Bono, or the particular Intereft and extenfive Influence fupported by thcfe Pensions. But what makes this Affair ftill the more extraordinary is, that this Orphan P\]nd is a National Debt, the firft contrafted in Point of Time, being the Money, for which King Charles II. fhut up the Exchequer, concerning N AT VRALiz AT IONS. iy Exchequer, and therefore ought to have been the firft upon the Redudion. — Add to this, that that honourable Gentleman, who diftinguifhed himfelffa zealoufly in the Redu6tion of the Intereft of the other Funds (which was truly an excellent Scheme) mofi undoubtedly would have chofe to have begun with Ihewing a good Example at Home^ — had he not met with fome Obftructions to fo good a Defign. — But what thefe Obilrudions are, mud be left to a Parliafnentary Inquiry to difcover. Lajlly, The Poft- poning of the Redudion of the Intereft of this Fund defcrves to be particularly taken Notice of, as the Tax alloted for the Support of ^o high an Intereft is the moft burdenfome, that can well be conceived, being a Tax upon Coals, i. e. upon Labour, Com- merce, and Navigation in every View, and particular- ly grievous to the poorer Inhabitants of l^ondon, Wefi- minjlery Soutbwark, and all the Country up ihcThames, and every Branch of it ; and therefore it ought to have been abolifhed as foon as poflible. N. B. Part of the Alien Duty goes to fupport this Orphan Fund. You will like wife be the better Judge, how far a regard to IVuth and Matters of Fa£i hath the Af- cendency in fome Minds, by attending to the extra- ordinary Poficions laid down in a certain Place., re- lating to the unfortunate Captain Codd otBriJiol, and the Rcfie(^ions then caft on the Out-ports in general ; — alfo by confro7iting fome Affcitions, moft pofitive- ly infifted on, relating to xht'Turkey Company, with the very By-haws of the f^id Company. I remain, Sir, ^e. Jodah Tucker. [28 ] v^-% ^^<^^'^^^^^^ POSTSCRIPT. SINCE the above Letter was fent to the Prefs, a Thought came into my Mind to compare the Quotation inferred Page 13, from Biftiop Kidder (as it (lands in the general Colledion o^ Boyle's Le^ures, Vol. I. Page 114) with his De- monjlration of the Mejfiah^ publifhed in three Parts : And, to my great Allonifhment, I find the fame ex- cellent Paragraph in Chap I. of Part II. and yet feveral Hints in Part III. of a quite contrary Ten- dency, wherein he particularly recommends, that the Jews fhould be kept low, in order to be made Chriftians. This is very different from what he had faid before, and in its Confequences muft end in all Kinds of Perfecution. Now fuch a glaring Incon- fiftency in fo great a Man, is a lamentable Proof of the Weaknefs of human Nature-, and fhews too plainly, how eafily even a good Mind may be in- fe6ted with the reigning Diftemper of the Times, — or at leaft not fufficiently firm to oppofe it. For it is obfervable,That thefe Sermons were preached about the Year 1693 •, and then, as his Mind had received no Taint from popular Clamours, he fpoke the true and genuine Sentiments of a benevolent Chriftian Divine. But about nine Years afterwards, when the Cry waxed hot, That the Church was in Danger ! and when every Man was infulted and reproached as a lukewarm Chriftian, as a Dijfenter, and perhaps a Deiji, POSTSCRIPT. 29 t)eiji, or even an Atheift, if he ventured to infinuate. That reafonable Arguments, propofed with Gentle- nefs and CompafTion, Peace and Love, were the only Chrijlian Methods of making Converts, and that Perfecution in every Shape tended to prejudice Per- fons againfl the Truth: —At this Junfture, I fay, the third and laft Part of Bifhop Kidder's Book was pub- Jifhed; towards the Clofe of which he feemed to ac- commodate his Reafons and Arguments too much to the prevailing Humour of thofe unhappy Times; And it is greatly to be feared, from what hath ap- peared of late, that the fame Spirit is reviving again, to the unfpeakable Grief of every true Member of the Church of England, the great Difcredit of the Proteftant Name, and the real Injury of the Chriftian Caufe. FINIS. Juji Puhlijhed, The Third Edition, correaed and enlarged, with great Additions, of I. The Brief Essay on Trade : Setting forth the Advantages and Difadvantages, which refpec- tively attend France and Great Britain, with Regard to Trade: With fome Proposals for Remedying the Principal Difadvan- tages of Great Britain, Price z s. II. ReJieSIions on the Expedie7icy of a Laiv for Naturalizing Foreign Protestants. Part I. and II. Price i j. each Part. III. j^n Impartial Enquiry itito the Benefit and Damage arifing from /iif iSfl/i? o/" /oou-^/tW Spirituous Liquors, Price td, 'IV. Two Dijfertations againfi Mr Chubb. Price i s. V. RefieBions on the Expediency of opening the Trade to Turkey. Price 3 Is there any Thing that I have faid equal to this ? But it feems the good People of Cities and Boroughs, would engage in no Qiiarrels but thofe of Mr Mayor : and him they thought themfelves bound in Duty and Honour to fupport per Fas aut Nefas, efpecially if it was in a Matter that regarded fomc other Town : For every Corporation thought themfelves in a State of JVar with the other, and that they had a Right to make Reprifals upon the Enemy ; — or, as Lord Coke ex- preflfes it, in his 2d Inftitute, p. 204. " The Mif- *' chief was. That divers Cities, the Cinque Ports, *' Boroughs, Towns Corporate, i^c. within this " Realm, did claim fuch a Cujiom, That if any of *' one City, Society, or Merchant-Guild, were in- •' debted to any of another-, — Then if any other *' Perfon of the fame City, Society, or Merchant- ** Guild that the Debtor was of, came into the City, *' Society, or Merchant-Guild whereof the Creditor ** was, — That he (the Creditor) would charge fucb " a Foreigner for the Debt of the other.** Doubt- lefs thefe were very happy Times ! And what a Pity is it, That thofe Perfons who are fo lavifh in their Praifes of Old England^ and dilTatisfied with our prefent modern Conftitution, had not lived in thefe golden Days, when they might have enjoyed Old Eng- land in Perfection ? B To 10 ^ feccn J Better to a Friend To return therefore to the general Subjeft:—— From what has been faid, you may conceive a fuf- ficienc Idea of the Nature of the Gothic Conftitu- tion -, at leaft fo far as relates to the Subject before us : For there is no need of defcending into minuter Diicinttions and Subdivifions. And from hence it ' appears, That all Perfons whatever were, in fome Senfe, either fighting Men or Slaves. As fighting Men they v/ere almoft continually in Exercife ; be- caufe the Kingdom was fcarce twelve Months toge- ther without Broils or Commotions, in one Part or other j fometimes the Kings and the Barons entered the Lifts with all the Fury and Rancour of a Civil War ; and very often the Barons made Inroads on each other, in which the neighbouring Towns and Cities were fure to be involved i at other Times the Scotch and JVelch held the Kingdom in perpetual Alarms. And where nothing of this happened, there were Feuds among themfelves, and fometimes Trials at Law decided by Duels, and fmgle Combats in a kind of judicial Way. Now in fuch a Situation to what Clafs of People could the Jews be fuppofed to belong ? not to the firft Clafs, becaufe thefe were the Barons of the Realm, the Knights, and Soldiers by Birth and Pro- fefTion : They v/ere the Men of Arms -, but the Jews would not have been allowed to carry Arms, had they atten^pted it. And as to the fecond Clafs, They were no other than Woodcutters, Forefters, Huntfmen, Herdf- n:cn, and Ploughmen, as far as the Knowledge of the Plough and Agriculture obtained in thofe bar- . barous Times. But the Jews were bred up to other Employments, and confequently were not fit for any of theie Purpofes. Not to mention that the Villains, or Slaves belonging to Manors, were Per- fons whofe Anceftors, for the moft Part, had ferved in concerning Naturalizations. ii in the fame Capacity, being regarded as Appendages to the Freehold. And with Refpeft to the third Clafs, the Citizens and BiirgefTes, it is eafy to fee, That they never would 'incorporate with the J^ix'^, both for Reafon of Monopoly and Self-Intereft, as well' as many others. — Indeed, if they had laid the former afide, there were feveral Confiderations that would have prevented. For the Jews were not only debarred the Ufe of Arms, but they could not join in the re- ligious ProcelTions in honour of their refpeftive tute- lar Saints, which was one great Employment of the Companies of Trades in thofe Times. Therefore, upon the Whole, in w^hat Light could thefe Jews be confidered at that Jundure, but as the immediate Dependants on the Crown, and wholly protected by the Royal Prerogative ? For they were not of the Military Order ; — They were not Villains belonging to Manors; — They were not BurgelTes : So that in (hort no ether State remained for them, but to be the immediate Vaflfals of the Crown. And I am fo far from denying what an eminent Perfon in the Law hath lately quoted out of Spelman^ and other old Writers, viz. Juddel £5? omnia fua Regis funt : i. e. " The Jews and all that belong .*' to them are the King's Property :" — I fay, I am fo far from denying it, that I maintain it muft have been fo at that Juncture, according to the Conftitu- tion then in being. — Nay, this farther appears, if wc confider, that the King had a Right to Military Service from all- Lands, and all Subjects whatever; therefore if the Jezvs were permitted to fettle in Eng^ land at fuch a Seafon, and to purchafe Lands, (of which the moft authentic Records are ftill extant) he had it in his Power to prefcribe what Terms, and Conditions he p leafed by way of equivalent for the Military Service, and as a Compenfation for his Royal Protedion. B ? Nay, 12 A feccnd Letter to a Friend Nay, fuppofe thefe People had not been 7^wi, but Orthodox Chrijlians, approved and countenanced by the Pope himfelf : — Yet if there had been fome- thing fo peculiar in their Condud, their Principles, or Behaviour, that they muft have remained a di^- tin6t People from the Reft of the Kingdom, in re- gard to their Ci'vil and Military Capacity, what could have been done with them, or how could they have been difpofed of, unlefs they took Shelter under the Protection of the Crown, and became its immediate Vaflals and Dependants ? Perhaps indeed the other Orders of the Kingdom, or the Pope himfelf, or ibme foreign State, might have interceeded in their behalf i fo that they might not have been altogether dependant upon arbitrary Will and Pleafure j — yet if nothing of this had intervened, I aflert they muft have become the Vafials and Property of the Crown at that Jun(5lure, becaufe there was no other Tenure remaining for them. But, in the Name of common Senfe, what is all this to us ? And why muft we be concluded in thefc modern Times, by obfolete Precedents and Exam- ples drawn from a Conftitution, which no more re- lates to us in this Affair^ than the Conftitution of Turky or Morocco ? For the Royal Prerogative is quite another Thing now, to what it was five hun- dred Years ago : And it is highly abfurd to quote the Power of our Kings, exercifed in former Times, as a fit Precedent for modern Practice. Befides, It /liould be confidered. That the Gothic Tenures, to- gether with the Courts of Wards and Liveries, were abolilhed at the Reftoration : And after that, the glorious Revolution put an entire Period to the very Remains of thole fhocking Tyrannies and Oppref- fions i and begun a new Syftem of Civil and Com- mercial Government. 1 have added Commercial Go- vernment : For the Revolution, and the Confequences gf it, gave a new Turn to qvery Branch of our Com- " ' * merce. fowf^r/?///^ Naturalizations-, ly merce Before that Period it was the wretched Po^ licy of our Kings^ iji. To reduce every Part of our Trade, Foreign and Donieftic, into Monopolies and Excluftons : idly. To lay Taxes on all our Manufac- tures, even Cloth itfelf, upon Exportation : 3^/y, To lay Taxes on all raw Materials coming into the Kingdom : 4/^/)', To admit the Goods and Manu- factures of our Rivals upon very eafy Duties, or in a manner Duty-free : 5/^/y, To take no Care for en- couraging particular Branches of Tr^de (not fuffi- ciently profitable to the Adventurer, tho* greatly (o to the Pubhc) by Means of Premiums and Bounties: 6tbfy, To admit of no Drawbacks of Duties upon the Re-exportation of Foreign Goods. Now all this wretched Policy, calculated only to impoverifli a Nation, was altered in a good Degree by the Re- volution, which therefore may be faid to have begun and carried on a new Syftem of Commerce. It was altered, I fay, as far as the Times would permit : For z great Deal ftill remains to be done. But as the Plan is chalked out for us we cannot err, unlefs Self- Intereft, Party, and Monopoly, fhall defeat the En- deavours of thofe, who truly mean the Public Good, and would purfue it fteadily. This is true Patriot- ifm, and acting for the Country, that is, the National Jnterefi ; whereas the other is only throwing Dufl: in People's Eyes, and the Cant of Fadlion. Thus, for Example, Ignorant and well-meaning People have been made to believe, That the Taxes before the Revolution were lighter than thofe that fucceed- cd it. But if they underftood the true Nature of Taxes, and the proper Methods of laying them on, they would entertain a very mean Opinion either of the Honejly or Capacity of thofe who broached this Falfhood. For High Taxes are one Thing, and Heavy Taxes are another : And it is as evident as any Propofition in Euclid^ That a Kingdom may be beg- gared by a Tax that produces no more than 500000/. a 14 A fecond Letter to a Friend a Year, and enriched by another that produces /joooooo/. In fliort, If the Taxes are fo laid on as to check or ilop the Circulation of Induftry and Labour, How can that Kingdom be rich ? But if they tend to promote and encourage it, How can fuch a Kingdom be poor ? Nay, are not the Taxes themfelves a Caufe of its Wealth ? It is a Pity that thefe plain Truths are fo little underftood, efpecially by the Gentlemen of the Landed Intereft, whom it mojl concerns. Thus, Sir, you fee what vaft Improvements have been made by the Revolution both in Civil and Com- mercial Liberty : And we might ftill fuccefsfully and happily proceed, were it not for thofe eternal Foes of the public Welfare, Parry and Monopoly. Civil Liberty is thereby turned into Licentioufnefs, and as to Commercial, every Man feems defirous of enjoying it himfelf, and denying it to others. However, fince this monopolizing Spirit is now exerting its baleful Influence againlt one or two Foreign Jews, pretending. That they ought not to be allowed the Privilege oi free Merchandife (or in plain Englifh, not to rival the 'Turky Company and the Monopo- lifls of London) becaufe they are Slaves by Condition-, I fay, as fuch is the Pretence, it hath given Occa- fion to examine into the Foundation of this Opinion : And what is the Refult of our Inquiries ? Why truly, hence it evidently appears. That the Slavery of the Jews under our former Kings, was no other than a neceffary Confequence of the Military Tenures and the Gothic Conftitution of thofe Times. But this Slavery, with other Kinds of Slavery, and a thoufand Articles of a fimilar Nature, have been long fmce aboliflied. Nor is it in the Power of the Crown to ftretch the Prerogative to the Detriment of the People Times were, when it was danger- ous for a Man to declare himfelf fo plainly on this Head : But, God be thanked, they are no more : And concerning Naturalizations. 15 And his prefent Majefty doth not want any Syco- phant to pay his Court to him, by faying, That he IS abfolute, and above the Law : He is the true Fa- ther of his People by protedling them in their juil Rights and Liberties, civil and religious, and by giving them the Opportunity of enjoying the Blef- iings of a free Conltitution. This is all he aims at 5 and this is his Glory. The Gentlemen of the Landed Interefl hold their Eftates by Tenures that are not fubjed to the Will and Pleafure of the Crown. They are not obliged to attend the King in his Progrefles. They cannot be fummoned to appear in this or that Part of the Kingdom by a certain Day at a general Rendezvous^ under a Pretence of going to the Wars, or taking their Advice on fome fuppofed Emergency : For they may peremtorily refufe, and yet run no Rifque of forfeiting either Liberty or Property : Nay, the meaneft Freeholder cannot be now compelled to ferve as a Soldier without his own Confent. And as to Fines and Forfeitures, Compofitions, Scutage. Mo- ney, Duties, ^c. i^c. they are now abolifhed ; and at prefent we know no more of them than their Names, as they ftand in old Records, and Books of Hiftory. Likewise the Commonalty of England, are now the freeft People under the Sun. They are their own Mailers, and maybe happy if they pleafe ; — The Law is as open for them as for the greateft Lords. And there is no fuch Thing as VafTalage of any Kind now fubfifting in England. Moreover, as to Cities and Boroughs; — In what Senfe can the Freemen of thefe Places be look- ed upon at prefent as Military Men^ or the Garrifons of their rcfpcclive Towns .? Indeed they fometimes march with Colours, but it is in a very peaceable Way, viz. on the 29th ot May, the 5t!i of Novem- her^ or fome fuch Day of Proccffion, where no War is i6 A fecond 'L'E.TT'ER to a Friend is fuppofed, or intended. Alfo the young Appren- tices in many Places walk about on Shrove-Tuefday^ their Spears decked with Ribbands, and themfelves drefled like Merry-Andrews, according to the Cuf- tom of the Champions of old, parading before they entered the Lifts : And this is all that we have re- maining of the antient Military Exercifes, the Haf- iiludiay or Tilting with Spears, formerly kept up in Towns and Cities. Be pleafed therefore to lay all thefe Things toge- ther •, and conlider alfo the vaft Alteration made in our Civil and Commercial Conftitution, fmce the Building of large Suburbs, the Eredion of many Towns of great Commerce, (each of them much more confiderable than London itfelf was formerly) where People live and exercife what Trade they pleafe, without being free of any Company or Cor- poration ; refieft likewife that thefe open Places are found to increafe, and tlirive much more than others ihut up with Charters, and exclufive Corporations. —And then I leave it to your own Judgment to de- termine whether there is any thing in the Nature of pur prefent Conftitution that forbids Jews to clafs with the Reft of the Subjeds, as far as relates to Matters of mere civil Concern in a private Station. And if there is not, what Pretence can remain at this Day, that they are ftill under the immediate- Prerogative of the Crown, and not upon the fame Footing with other People, as to their Civil Rights and Liberties ? In fliort, *CeJfante Ratione Legis cejfat ipfaLex, that is, " When the Reafon of the Law ceales, the Obligation ceafes,'* is an univerfal Maxim in the Common Law : And if it is not, there is no know- ing where to ftop ; there is no fuch Thing as fetting Bounds to the Prerogative, except in fuch Cafes as are particularly bounded by Afts of Parliament ; — And * Lord Coke quotes this Maxim in his Expofition of thf Magna Charta itfeU, 2d Inllitut, pa^e 1 1 . concerning Naturalizations^ 17 And if this Is to pals for Law, if the Prerogative is ftill in force in all other Points, God knows whofe Life, Liberty, or Property might be next in Dan- ger, had we a Prince on the Throne that would take Advantage of fuch fkocking Pofitions. But — No Thanks to thofe who are pleafed to call themfelves Patriots^ and the Country Party^ — we have nothing to fear on that Head. Besides, if the Jews are ftill the Vaffals and Pro- perty of the Crown, what is become of the Courts inftituted on purpofe for their vaffal State and Con- dition ? Where are now their Chief Juftices, their Regilters, Notaries, and other Officers formerly be- longing to them ? And when a Sum of Money is due from a Chriftian to a Jew^ doth the King de- mand that Debt, as his own Right, which our for- mer Kings really did (fee Molloy de Jure Maritimoy Book III. Chap, g.) when the Jews and their Effedti were confidered as Regal Property ? — No : All this is now no more : And if a Jew is to fue^ or be fued^ or to have a Trial at Law in any Refpeft whatever, there are no other Courts for the Caufe to be tried in, but the general Courts of the Kingdom : Nor is there a Tingle Inftance to be produced of a Royal Extent being taken out for a Debt due to a Jew ; which was the Cafe formerly, when fuch Debts were confidered as owing to the Crown. And happy fure it is for us, that thefe Things are fo much altered for the Better. Now this Circumftance alone, were there no other, is a plain Evidence, that the JewSy in the Eye of the Law, are regarded as free Subje£fSy the Liberi Homines Regni mentioned by Magna Charta. Thus far, Sir, I have proceeded in the argumen- tative Way, proving, from the Reafon of the Thing, That all Slavery is now abolifhed, and that every Man born in England is entitled to the common Pro- tcdion, and general Benefit of the Law. 10 A fee ond h^TTY.R to a Frienet Tfirs, I fay, is the Tenor of the Common Law of the Land, as it Jlands ai this Bay Indeed 1 grant that particular Statutes may make Exceptions, when- ever the Lcgiflature pleafes. But in Felation to the Je'ws, I afk. Have they yet done it ? Have they taken from them the mere civil Rights of Subje^s^ which the Common Law of the Land now gives them t No, they have not. What then is the In- ference, but that thefe Privileges remain to them by Birthright and Inheritance ? I WILL now, Sir, proceed to fhew. That what is here advanced is confirmed and fupported by the concurrent Teftimony of Lawyers of great Emi- nence : Some of thefe indeed are ftill alive, adorn- ing the higheft Stations in their Profeflion, and do- ing Honour to their Country : their Names I muft therefore fupprefs, as the prefent Hurry, in which this Treatife is written, prevents me from making an Application for Leave to publifh them. But as to others, the firft I Ihall mention is the late Lord Chief Juftice Raymond. And that I may not fail in Exaftnefs and Fidelity, I will tran- Icribe all the Cafes and Opinions in Order as they were given. OPINIOI^S of Counfel relating to the Power if the Jews to purchafe Lands, A. B. begot and born in England, but whofe Pa- rents were both Aliens, has an Intention to purchafe an Eftate in Fee. I. ^ere. Whether he can enjoy it, being the S(^n ©f an Alien, and of the Profeflion of a Jew ? Anjwer. I am of Opinion that A. B. is a natufd- horn Subjed of the King of Great Britain, and as fuch capable to purchafe, and enjoy Lands in Fee i and I do not know that the Law has put any Difabi- amcermfig "N AT VR All z ATI o i^s. 19 Jity upon him, upon account of his being by Profef- fiofl a Jew, II. ^ere. Whether fuch Lands will defcend to his IfTue, or be forfeited to the Crown ? Anfwer. I am of Opinion, That all Lands he fhall purchafe, will defcend to his Children, as the Lands of other Subjeds will, and not be forfeited to the Crown. III. ^tere. If he procures Letters of Denization, whether be may then purchafe, and enjoy Lands in Fee ? Anfwer. I take it Letters of Denization will not put him in a better Condition as to his Capacity of purchafing Lands, than he is in already by his being born a Subjed -to the Crown of Great Britain, Lincoln's Robert Raymond^ Inn, Feb. 23, 1718. ^€re. If ^ Subjeft of his Majefty born in Eng^ landy or of free Denizens, being a Jew, may pur- chafe Lands ? Mr LuTwiCH. I do not know that in any of the Law Books, there is any Diftindlion made between a Jew Subject born in England, or made Denizen, and any other : and there being no A6t of Parlia- ment, that I ever heard of, for difabling Jews from purchafing Lands, I conceive that they may pur- chafe in the fame Inftances, and witli the fame Ca- pacity as Chriflians, or Protejlants, may purchafe. Serj eantW nn AK£^. I am of Opinion that a Sub- je(5t of his Majelty born in England (though a Jew) may purchafe, and hold Lands fo purchafed in Blng- hnd ; and I am of Opinion, A free Denizen, after C 2 he 20 ^fecofjj Letter to ^Friend he Is fo made, may alfo purchafe, and hold Lands by him purchafed, though fuch Denizen be a Jew, Mr Talbot. I am of Opinion that he may pur- chafe Furchafes by Jews are not frequent, but I do not know any Law which renders them inca- pable of purchafing upon Account of Religion. Mr Kettelby. I am of Opinion, That a Jew born in England^ or being an Alien born, if he be denizated by Letters Patents, or naturalized by Ad: of Parliament, is as well qualified to purchafe Lands, and to hold, and enjoy them, as any other Subje(^ whatever. T. Reeve. I know of no Law that hath made Jews incapable of purchafing Lands •, and am of Opinion, That a Jew^ that is a natural-born Sub- ^e£t, or naturalized, or made Denizen, may purchafe Lands. February 2y^ lyi^. C. Wearg. I do not think there is any fufficient Foundation for the common Notion that Jews are not entitled to the fame civil Rights with People of other Religions : I apprehend while they are Aliens, they are fubjedl to the Incapacities of Aliens ; when they are made Denizens, or if born in England^ they are entitled to the fame civil Rights with Perfons of other Perfuafions, that are made Denizens, or born in England. March 2, 1729. To thefe might be added the unanimcus Opinions oF many eminent Perfonages now alive, each o\ whofe Judgments any Man would rely upon in Matters of Property, were it convenient to mention their And concerning Naturalizations. 21 And now. Sir, give me Leave to afl<:. What can any reafonable Man defire more ? Will he lay. That this is not Evidence enough ? I cannot per- fuade myfelf that he will : But if he fhould — Why then we have much more to produce : For though the Authority of Lord Chancellors, Lord Chief Juftices, Kings Attorneys General, Kings Counfelj and other Sages of the Law, is very great ;— yet the Authority of Public Charters, and Acts of the Le- giflature, is ftill greater : And to this Ihall be made the next Appeal. Only let me beg Leave to offer one previous Remark, concerning the Confequences of the pre- fent Difpute ; for this Conteft is of a Nature fo ex- tenfive and important, that every Briton in the uni- ted Kingdom is deeply interefted in the Event : It is a Conteft, whether a certain Number of his Ma- jefty*s Subjedls, Natives of Gr^^/ 5nV«/;^, who have been ufed, taken, and accepted as Freemen of the Realm in all Tranfa6lions puhlic and 'private^ for near an hundred Years laft paft, fhall now be ftripped of their Liberties, fo long enjoyed^ and deemed abjeft Slaves and Vaffals ? — And whether their Eftates, and PolTefllons of every kind, * computed at five Millions fterling^ are forfeitable to the Crown, and feizable at Pleafure ? This is the Difpute And the Advocates for taking fo bold a fiep do not pretend to fay, that the LegiilatLire hath granted any new Powers to the King tor doing fo : — but that he hath an old inhe- rent Right over their Lives and Fortunes, by virtue of the Royal Prerogative, as it flood five hundred Years ago. For it feems the Prerogative is of fuch a Nature, that no Change of Time, no Alteration of Circumftances, can abridge or alter it. Good Heavens ! Is this poflible ! And could any Minif- ter * See a Trad, entitled, Farther ConftJeratiom on the AH to per- mit Perj'ons profej/ing fhe Jev:ijb Religion, to h& naturalized Ly Par^ liamcKt, Page 35. 22 A fecond Letter to a FnifiND ter be fo midacioujly wicked, as to propofe to begin to enflave a free Country by fuch a thin Difguife, fo poor a Pretence ! — No, Sir, the Minifter did not propofe it : — His Majefty has given the Nation fuf- Bciently to urtderftand, that he reje^s fuch a Propo- fal with that honejl Indignation, which is worthy of a King ruHng over a free People ; — And all the Friends of this mild, legal, and happy Government, proteft againft it in the moft folemn Manner — Who then did propofe it ? Why, Sir, the pretended Pa- triots did propofe it : And thofe Gentlemen, who are pleafed to call tbemfelves the Country Interefi do ftill propofe it. Tlicy are the Men, and they only, that are for reviving obfokte Claims of the Prerogative, and fubje6ting Life, Liberty, and Property, to the abfolute Will and Pleafure of the Crown, without Judge or Jury. However, before we tamely give •up our Liberties, let us fee what can be faid in Vin- dication of them. Let us remember the Maxim, Principiis cbjia ; *' refill the Beginning of Slavery, and the firfl: Advances towards arbitrary Power.'* L Now firfl, we have to obferve. That even the '-Crown had divefted itfclf long ago of any Right or Title to theExercife of this bouncilefs Power. For the fame King John, who granted our Magna Charta^ granted alfo a Charter of Rights and Liberties to the Jews in the luilowing W^ord?. " John, by the Grace of God, i^c. Know ye, '' That VVe have granted to all the Jews of England " and Normandy, Ireely and honourably to rtfide *' in our Dominions, and to hold of us all thofe *' Things, which they held of King Henry, the *' Grandfather of our Father ; and all thofe which *^ they rigluly hold in o- Lands, Fiefs, Mortgages, " and Purchafes-, and that they fhall have all their '* Liberties and Culloms, as they enjoyed them, in .*' the Time of the aforelaid King Henry, Grand- *' father concerning Naturalizations^ 23 *« father of our Father, even better, more quietly^ and " honourably, &c'*. Now, Sir, judge you, and let every Reader judge, what legal Right, after the granting this Charter, had any * King of England to treat the Jews other- wife than a Free People y a People to be prote5ied by the Royal Prerogative, not erijlaved by it ? For if Regal Grants and Charters may be legalJy vacat- ed, whenever the King pieafes, I fhould be glad ta know, what Security will remain in future Times, that this fame Doctrine, now levelled at the Jews^ may not be turned on us, or our Pofterity ? This truly is an interefting Point, and deferves Attention : — And let me farther obferve. That the Charter. granted to the Jews, is equally clear and explicit with our Magna Charta 'l^ : — Not to mention that it was * In this Charter to the Jeivs the King did not mention hi* Heirs and Succejjors : But thefe Words are not neceffary for confti- tutjng the perpetual Validity of a Charter ; there being thoulands of Royal Grants, Public Inrtruments, Letters Patent, and even Afts of Parliament, binding the Heirs and SuccefTors of the Prince on the Throne, 'without naming them. •f- The great and cilcntial Difference between the Magna Charta, and the Charter granted to the "Jeios, coniifis in this,— That the Magna Charta was not an Act ofGracey but a Matter of legal and ccnjlitutional Right : For the Liberties and Priviieo-es contained in it, are little more than a folemn Confirmation of the Rights of the Subjefts, a:: they fubfiftcd by Virtue of the Common Law of the Realm, and the old Anglo-Saxon Conflitution before the Conquell. — Whereas the Charter to \}a& 'jc-jcs was a mere Gift, and Matter oi Favonr ; becaufe, as I have already fet forth, the "Jeivs were antiently confidered as the fole Property or Patri- mcny of the Croivn : Yet when a Grant is once made, it is not re- vocable at Pleafure. For as the King has then fo far parted with, fold, or transferred his Property : It therefore follows, that this Grant muft hold good againit all Claims, or Pretcnfions of the Prerogative, til! it is forfeited by a due Courfe of Law : other- wife, why was King James at all to be blamed for fcizing on the Charters of ihe City of Londofi ? And why may not every other Grant and Privilege be recalled, whenever it fhall plcafe the Prince, or the Miuifter, to do it ? Strange, that fuch Ddftriues at thefe fliould find any Countenance at this Time of Day ! 24 yi fecorJ Letter to a Friend was given freely and voluntarily, without For'ce or Compulfion ; nay more, it was prior in point of Time, to the Great Charter, by the Space of about jfifteen Years : So that the Jezvs themfclves, by be- ing at that Junflure Freemen of the Realm, Lii^eri Homines Regni, and polTefling certain Rights and Li- berties, were included in the Terms, and made a Part of the Magna Charta, and could not be dif- franchifed, but by a regular Courfe of Law. II. Having thus therefore made it plainly to ap- pear. That the fews were once a free People, let us now enquire, Whether they were ever legally and con^- ftitutionally diverted of their Liberties. Now by the 29th Chap, of Magna Charta (according to Lord Coke) or the 46th (according to Rapin) it is ex- prefsly provided. That no Freeman of the Realm ihall be banifhed by any Stretch of Power, or Pre- tence of Regal Prerogative. By what Law then, or Courfe of Juftice, came the yews to be banifhed the eighteenth of Edward I ? Perhaps you have heard it confidently afTerted, that they were baniflied by the Authority of Parliament : — But this is a grand Miftake ; and no fuch Ad hath ever yet been pro- duced ^For it is not in the Statutes at large ; — It is not to be found in any of the great Authors, who treat of the Law ; — Nor can thofe who would be glad to find it among the Rolls of Parliament, dif- cover it there. Nay more, the famous Statute de yudaifmo made at this very Juncture (fo often quot- ed in this Difpute, and fo little underftood) doth not expel the Jews at all, but only prevents their taking Ufury. And Lord Coke is fo far from faying. That they were expelled by Parliament, that he thinks, even the King did not expel them : But that the Jews finding themfelves deprived of their ufual Gains by Ufury, " made Petition to the King, that •' a certain Day might be prefixed to them to depart '' the cmcerning Naturalizations. 25 " the Realm, to the End that they might have the " King's Writ to his Sheriffs for their fate Con- *' du6l." See the Second Inftitute, Page 507. But even fuppofing that the King had ordered them to depart the Realm, (which indeed feems to be the more probable Opinion) the Queftion now is. What legal Right had he for fo doing ? — And if he had not, then the Charter, as fet forth, as it is not altered by fubfequent Cuftoms, and the Laws of the Realm, is ftill a valid Charter^ — at leaft it is valid againll any Pretenfions of the Crown, which is all that I am now contending for. III. But I will now allow even more than can poffibly be proved, vit.. That the Jews in King Ed- ward the Firft*s Time, were declared by Parliament to be the King's abfolute Slaves and Vaflals ; and will add, if you pleafe, that they were expelled the Kingdom by an A6t of the whole Legiflature now extant. — Yet what Conclufion can be drawn from hence, relative to the prefent Cafe, at this diftance of Time, and under fuch a total Change of Manners, Cuftoms, Circumftances, and National Policy? — Surely one would hope, that the Gentlemen on the other Side the Queftion are not fo ignoraut as to talk after this Rate. But if they are, it is proper to let them know, that long and uninterrupted Cuftoms will, in many Cafes, invalidate the Penalties of the ftrongeft A6ts of Parliament that ever were made ; efpecially if thefe Cuftoms have an evident Tendency to promote the National Welfare and Profpcrity. Nay, they are found to do fo, even where they arc plainly detrimental to the Public Welfare ; of the Truth of which, take the two following as fujjicient and fad Illuftrations. Firji, The Magna Charta expreQy fays, and fe- deral othej: Statutes confirm the fame under divers P Penalties, 26 A fecond Letter to a Friend Penalties, " That there fhall be but one Meafure nfed tbrcughout all the Land ;" yet, you know, the Cuftom is different, widely different. Neither can any Man venture to commence a Profecution againft the Of- fenders, though he hath all the Statutes of the Realm plainly on his Side. Secondly, AH Grants of Monopolies and exclufive Privileges, fubfcquent to Magna Charta, are exprefly contrary both to the Spirit and Letter of that famous Statute ; and they are likewife repugnant to the Com- mon Law of the Realm : — And yet, what fhall we fay of three Parts in four of the exclufive Privileges now fubfifting, all granted fmce that Period ? Are they valid, or are they not ? Particularly let the Cafe be put in refpeft to the Hudfon''s Bay Charter ; for this was granted by the very fame Prince who recalled the J ewsiuto England, I mean King Cbarlesll. and is of a fubfequent Date to many ot his Letters of Denization, granted to Alien Jewi/b Merchants. I SHALL now prefent you with one or two remark- able Inftances of a better Sort, viz. where falutary Cuftoms have prevailed over bad Laws. And Firjl, By the Statute De Judaifmo, before mentioned, no Intereft was to grow due for any Sums of Money lent by a Je^^ to a Chriftian ; and this Statute remains Hill unrepealed, at lead as far as concerns />m'^/(? Property: — yet will any Man be fo weak as to imagine, that if a Jew lends him Money upon Bond, the Jew cannot recover the legal Intereft fpecified in the Bond ? If he thinks fo, he will find himfelf egregioufly miftaken, and would make a very fooliOi Figure in the Courts of Juftice. But Secondly, We will come to Times nearer to our own, by at leaft 200 Years, and take our Ex- ample from no lefs a Place than the City of London, For the Inhabitants of that great City were pleafed to concerning Naturalizations. 27 to bring a lamentable Bill of * Complaint (thefe are their own Words) againft " Merchants Strangers, ** and Strangers Handicrafts-men, 'viz. That by the ** great Refort of Strangers Handicrafts-men to the '' faid City, great Portion of Corn and Victual, ** grown and bred within this Realm, was daily *' confumed. " Also, that Merchants Strangers did take " Warehoufes and Cellars, and therein put their '* Wares and Commodities: — And the fame Mer- *' chandifes and Wares they then fold to all manner " of People. " Also, they did buy the Commodities of the *' Realm, and fell the fame again at their Pleafure. " Moreover, the faid Merchants, nothing ponder- *' ing ne dreading the good Statutes herttofore made *' againft thefe Things, ne the Penalties therein con- ** tained, did likewife buy, in divers Places of this '* Realm, a great Quantity of Wool, and Woollen " Cloth, and other Merchandife of the King's Sub- " je6ls: — And much of the faid Wool they did de- " liver to Cloth- makers, thereof to make Cloth at *' their Pleafure. " Lastly, by their fubtil Devices, they did fend " and convey over the Sea, Bacon, Cheefe, Pow- " dered Beef, Mutton, and other Commodities of ** this Realm. " By all which Means the King's liege Subjects " were forely impoverifhed, minifhed, and almoft *' utterly decayed and deftroyed ; and many of them, *' for lack of Occupation, were conftrained to live *' in Idlenefs : By Occafion whereof they became *' Thieves, Beggars, Vagabonds, and People of *' vicious Living-, and continually fell into Thefr, *' Murder, and other great Crimes-, and fo were *' put to Death in great Numbers by the Laws of " this Realm." D 2 Thefe * See the Firft Volume of the Statutes at Large, ift Rich. III. Chap. 9. and the 2iftof /iV«7 v'iJ'I, together with the l)ecre« of the Star Chamber, in conlet^uence of the London Petition. 28 A fecond Letter to a Frienu ^ Thefewere fome of the Heads of divers Petition J of the City of London \ and, to complete the Farce, the Petitioners obtained feveral enacting Claufes to prevent fuch mifchievous Foreigners from bringing the like Evils upon Old England for the future. However, I am informed there is one FrancOy not only a Foreigner, but a Jew ; " who not pondering " ne dreading the Penalties contained in thefe hope- " ful Statutes, is guilty, in the nrfc Place, of cauf- *' ing a great, nay, a prodigious Portion of Corn " ajid Victual, grown and bred within this Realm, " to be daily confumed He alfo taketh Ware- " houfes and Cellars, and therein doth put his *' Wares, even Raw Silk, Cotton Wool, Sfanijh *^ Wool, Goats Hair, and Carmenia Wool, Drugs, " and Dye Stuff: — And the faid Wares he doth fell " to Silk Weavers, Clothiers, Dyers, and all Man- *' ner of Manufadurers. — Moreover, he doth buy " great Quantities of the Commodities of this " Realm, particularly Woollen Cloth in vaft abun- " dance, and doth fubtilly convey the fame over the *■' Sea, even to Turky, by Way of Leghorn^ to the *' great Difpleafure of the Tiirky Company : By rea- *' fon whereof, the faid Company be fore impover- " ifhed, minifhed, and brought to great Decay. *' Laftly,. he hath been guilty of introducing a i>ew " Species of Stuff Manufafture into this Kingdom ; *' fo that he hath caufed great Quantities of long *' Englijh Wool to be delivered to Wool-Combers *' and Stuff"- Makers, thereof to make Stuffs at his " Pleafure : And all the faid Stuffs he hath wickedly *' fent to Spain, and yearly bringeth Home great " Quantities of Money, Cochineal, and SpaniJhWool " in return." Now, Sir, for the Comfort and Satisfadlion of thofe worthy public -fpiriied Gentlemen, who fub- icribed the London Petition againft admitting this Foreign concerning Naturalizations* 29 Foreign Jew to be free of the * Turky Company, and to import Raw Materials without paying Alien Duty : — I fay, for their peculiar Satisfaction, it fhall be proved upon this wicked Foreign Jew, that he hath been guilty of all thefe high Crimes and Mifde- meanors ; lb that they may have Recourfe to Infor- mations and Profecutions as foon as they pleafe — And they will then fee which will prevail, — their ob- folete, abfurd Statutes-, or a long uninterrupted Cuf- tom, for near an hundred I'ears laft paji^ and flill growing, — and greatly to the National Advantage. Thus far, Sir, I am wilhng to proceed, even upon a Suppofition that the Jews were formerly ex- pelled by the Authority of Parliament, and that fuch an A(5b of the Legillature could now be produced; — and though I know this is not in the Power of my Antagonifts to do, yet I grant all that they can alk ; — and let tliem make the moll of the ConcelTion. IV. Wherefore, let us now fee how the Cafe ftood at the Reftoration The Jews having de- parted out of the Realm in the Year 1290, or being expelled by the Authority of Parliament, (it mat- ters not which) made no Efforts to return, till the Protedtorlhip of Olroer Cromwell-^ but this Negoci- ation is known to have proved unfuccefsful. How- ever, the Affair war. not dropped; for the next Appli- cation was to King Charles himfelf, then in his Exile at Bruges^ as appears by a "f Copy of a Commifllon, dated the 24th of September 1656, granted to Lieu- tenant * See the former Letter, on the Privileges and Advantages granted by Naturalization. f This Paper was found among the original Papers of Sir iTi/- nvard Nicholas, Secretary of State to King Charles i, and I], and was communicated to ir.e by a learned and vi'orthy JViend, who hath been lately honoured with much Abufc and Scurrility for having done Juflice to the Life and CharaAer of one of the bcft Men this 'Country prpduced, the Glory of cux Church and Na- tion. 30 A fecond Letter to a Friend tenant General Middkton, to treat with the Jews of Amjlerdam: " That whereas the Lieutenant General •* had reprefented to his Majefty their good Atfec* *' tion to him, and difowned the AppHcation lately '* made to Cromwell in their Behalf by fomePerfons *' of their Nation, as abfolutely without their Con- •' fent; the King empowers the Lieutenant General " to treat with them; — That if, in that Conjunc- " ture, they fhall affift his Majefty, by any Money, " Arms, or Ammunition, they Ihall find, when " God Ihould reftore him, that he would extend *' that Proteflion to them which they could reafon- *' ably expeft, and abate that Rigour of the Law " which was againft them in his feveral Dominions, *' and repay them." Now it appears from this Commiflion, that the King thought (or elfe pretended to think, in Order to make a greater Merit of the intended Favour) that the Laws of his Realms were very fevere againft the Jews : whereas in Fad, this was a great Mi In- take, at leaft as far as England is concerned. And the Sequel fhewed, that after his Reftoration he per- ceived his Error : For though he did every Thing to oblige the Jews, he repealed no Law againft them, becaufe indeed there were none extant ; but he granted feveral of them Letters of Denization, and encouraged their Settlement ; — nay, he inferted a non objlante Claufe in thefe Letters to free them from paying Alien Duty^ which indeed he had no legal Power to do. For the City of London (ever watch- ful over Things of this Nature, as you may fee in my hiftorical Account of Naturalizations, and ever for cramping and confining the general Commerce of the Kingdom) had caufed a Law to be paffed, as far back as Henry VII's Time, to difable the King from difpenfing with the Payment of thefe abfurd Duties, fo great a Clog to all our Trade and Manu- factures, concerning Naturalizations. 31 ftflures, fuch an Impediment to Navigation, and a general Difcouragement to National Induftry. But to proceed — -Thus you fee, that the Rejiora- tion of the Royal Family of the Stuarts^ is likewife to be confidered as the Refioration of the Jews into Great Britain. And how did they behave on their firft Ar- rival ? Did they fculk about as Convifls returned from Tranfportation ? Did they betray any Fear, or Apprehenfion, that they had tranfgrefled the Laws of the Land in coming over ? No ; they appeared openly, and converfed publicly, as Merchants of the Kingdom. And no Man fo much as propofed to revive thofe antient Courts of Judicature belonging to them in their VaiTal State, when they were before in England: — Yet this, if ever, was the Time for doing it. V. A FEW Years after the Refioration, an A61 was paffed to naturalize Perfons of all Religions, and all Countries, who fhould employ themfelyes only for the Space of three Years in any Branch of the Li- nen, Hemp, or Tapeftry Manufactures. And as there were no ReftriCtions, or Limitations in regard to Civil or Military Offices, ^c. then fubfifting, all Chriitian Foreigners, by virtue of this A6f, might have attained to the higheft Places and Pofts in the Kingdom. This, I confefs, I can by no Means ap- prove of •, becaufe it was giving them a Power that they ought not to enjoy. For there is a wide and eflential Difference between the Right of living ia any Society as peaceable and * concerning Naturalizations. 39 Interdifl; ufing the accuftomary Forms of tolling the Bells and lighting Candles. Thefe were the Times of glorious Old England: But what are thefe Times to us ? And doth any Man now make a Complaint againft the fews for tak- ing an higher Intereft than their Neighbours ? — No ; — The Complaint, if at all, is on the contrary Side ; viz, that by pouring in fuch vaft Sums of Money from Abroad, they have lowered the National In- tereft— A Crime, which every Man who loves his Country vnW readily forgive. B u T it feems, though we have not thefe Com- plaints, we muft and will have fome others. For certain Gentlemen, who have penned AddrefTes in News-Papers, Inftrudtions to Members of Parlia- ment, Petitions, and the like, are pleafed to make very free with the Judgments and Vifitations of Al- mighty God on this Occafion. They fcruple not loudly to complain, that we fhall draw down the fierceil of the divine Wrath and Difpleafure on this Nation for admitting the Jews to refide and trade, (or, as they would rather have it, to incorporate) among us. For it is pretended, that by fo doing, we become Partakers with them in their Impieties, and fhall have the fame Sentence palled and executed upon ourfelves, of becoming a Reproach in the Earth, a fugitive and vagabond People. Now if all thefe Evils are to arife from granting a PermilTion to the "Jews to refide in this Country, while they continue quiet and peaceable Subjefls, thefe Gentlemen ought to be reminded, that this is a Permifllon which did always fubiiil by Law, for the Jews were never legally expelled. They ihould likewife recolleil, that the Rcjloration of the Royal Family of the Stuarts ^c^'W^ was attended with the Re- turn of the Jews i'rjo Great Britain •, and that Lord Chancellor Clarendon granted to many of them Letters of Denization under the (jreat Seal. Now as this is near 40 A f€Cond Letter to a Friend near an hundred Years ago, let me afk, What re- markable Judgments have fallen upon thefe King- doms, fmce that famous Occurrence. Have we had more of the three great Scourges of Heaven, the Sword, Famine, and Peftilence, than in former Times ? Are there more Calamities, more Difhref- fes, more bad Seafons, {j^ not forgetting the remark- able Spring, Summer, and Autumn of the Year I '^1^1^ when the Jew Bill was paffed) than commonly uied to be? Nay, let thofe Gentlemen produce, if they can, any Period in the Hiftory of this Coun- try, when there have been fo few; or when there ■was more Wealth, Health and Plenty, Happinefs and National Profperity. Moreover, as to Spain and Portugal^ what fig- nal and diftinguifhing Bleffings hath Heaven con- ferred upon the Inhabitants of thofe Countries, for their Zeal and Piety in extirpating this accurfed Race ? For they indeed have literally no Fellowfhip or Concord with the fews: They do not bid them Godfpeed\ but l^nd them, as they imagine, flaming to the Devil : And yet wherein doth it appear, that they are become the Darlings and Favourites of Heaven by thefe Means ? In fhort. Sir, one is tired with confuting thefe Abfurdities; and it is really fhockmg and g:eatly offenfive to all fmcere Chriflians, to fee with what Bctdnefs and Blafphemy thefe Men have perverted the Language of Holy Scripture, without Regard to Circumftances or Con- text, and tortured its Meaning for the vile Purpofes of fupporting a finking Fadion againfl the next ge- neral Eleflion. But, above all, fince thefe Gentlemen are fo fure that this Nation will be curfed for Naturalizing the Jews^ why muft thefe Curfes fo particularly attend the Purchafmg of a Piece of Land, .r? Merchandiz- ing without paying Alien Duty, and obtaining the Freedom of the Turky Company ? For it is now confeffed concerning Naturalizations. 41 confefied on all Hands, that the Powers of Natura- hzation extend no farther ; and furely there are many J^atioJial Sins and Vices full as black as any of thcfe Therefore the Public has a Right to call upon thefe Gentlemen, to Ihew what particular Iniquity is there in thefe Things^ above any others, thus to draw down the hortefl Difplcafure of Almighty God ? — Indeed, if certain Pleads of Fadion, if Bigots, if Monopoliils had the Difpolal of the Thunderbolts of Heaven, I fliould not wonder that they were levelled at every Man who was truly and rationally a Chrif- tian, a Friend to his Country, and ui'eful to Society : But, — why they fhould think that the Divine Being is like themfelves, that his Thoughts are as their Thoughts, his Ways as their Ways, — this remains yet to be explained. The firft Chnjlian Emperors were of very different Sentim.ents from our modern Zealots; for they were not apprehenfive that their tolerating the Jews, and granting them even much greater Privileges than they can receive in England, would be attended with any fatal EfFedis of Divine Vengeance. Nay, the Fathers of the Primitive Church exprefTed themfelves on fuch Occafions, as if they thought it for the Ho- nour of Religion, and the Advancement of Chrilli- anity, that the Jews fhould be kindly and benevo- lently treated. " Tantum fcilicet (faith GrctiuSy ** De Imperio Summarum Potejlatum, circa Sacra, Cap. " XV. J Imperatores Chriftiani Judais largiti funt *' ob primordiam Veritatis, & fpem futuras Con- " verfionis ; ut antiqui Patres de eildem loq^ui amant." That is, " So great Privileges did the Chriftian Em- " perors beftow upon the Jews, by reafon that the *' true Religion began firft among them, and in hopes of " their future Converfion ; as the ancient Fathers lovs *' to fpeak of thefe People.'* Indeed thus much is certain, that kind Ufage is the only reafonahle and juftifiable Way of making F Con- 42 A fccond Letter to a Friend Converts : Nay, if it was indifferent which Courfe was taken, Experience hath fully proved, that Perlecution and ill Treatment, (and furely the propofing to make People Sla'ves is fome of the worft of Treatment) do not work any Convidion upon the "Jews ; therefore, . it the natural Branches are ever to be grafted again into their own Olive Tree, as the Scripture affures us they fhall be, — and if the Difperfed among the Gentiles are to be brought Home to the Chriftian Fold, fo that there may be one Flock under one Shepherd, — How is this to be effeded? By Chriftian, or An- tichriftianMeafures? Surely one would think, it is impoflible to make a Doubt of fuch a Matter. Be- fides, fmce the general Converfion of the Js~j:ijh Na- tion muft begin fomewhere^ and none can tell how foon, why fhould we endeavour to prevent its Begin- nwg here ? Why fliould the Members of the Church of England, the Glory of the Reformation, be the lafl to bring back the ancient People of God F — It Is really true, that the Jezvs are prejudiced, and juftly preju- diced againfh the Church of Rome, becaufe ot its ma- nifold Idolatry and perfecuting Spirit; but if they faw the Chriftian Religion tru^y profeffed and confcien- ticujly praftifed in a Protejiant Country, there might be a well-grounded Hope, that they would then ac- knowledge the true Meffiah, who is already come. Cod, blefj'edfor ever, and not look for another. Let me add likewife, that this is the propereft Way for Us Chriflians to prove the Orthodoxy of our own Faith, and the Purity of our Morals ; and not to go about to propofe Religious Tenets, however found and orthodox, as the Civil I'enure, whereby a Man is to hold his Life and Fortune. For this, I am fure, is neither Law nor Gofpel •, — nor was ever heard of till the prefent Juncture. For when an Englifh-hovn Subjcdt takes to his Eftate, or makes a Purchafe, doth he make any Declaration of his Faith, fign any Articles of Religion, or take any Teft what- concerning Naturalizations. 43 whatever ? No •, — He doth not ; nor is it ever en- quired into, whether he is oiany^ or what ReHgion upon fuch Occafions. As to the Affair of Offices, Religious, Civil., or Military^ they are not E dates, they are not 0*1 private Concern, but Matters of Truji^ and of a public Nature, and require fuch and fuch Salifications in thofe who are to execute them. Indeed, if any Perfons, even in 2i private Station, (hall maintain, and broach fuch Opinions as are no- torioufly deilruftive of the Peace of Civil Society, and fubverfive of the Government under which they live, they may be punifhed in their Perfons or E- ftates, according as the Legiflature fhall apprehend the Degree of Danger. Pleafe to obferve that I am wholly fpeaking ot Civil Cenfures, not Ecclejiafiical : and am confidering the prefent Subjedl merely in a Civil View. Theretore, I fay, it is tor this Reafoii only, that the Roman Catholics in Great Britain., are under the Difcouragement of a double Tax. They are not regarded as a Se£f in Religion, but a Faction in the State, whofe Intereft and Inclination it appa- rently is, to fupport a Pretender to his Majefty's Crown. And whenever they can give fuch Security for their Civil Behaviour, as is agreeable to the Na- ture of our Conllimtion to admit of, I make no Doubt but they Ihall be put on the common Foot- ing with other Subjeds : — But if they fiiould not, I llaall, for my own Part, make no Scruple to fay, that they are hardly, and unjuitly dealt with. But all this is nothing to the Cafe now before us; for if the Jews had even a temporal Mefllah now in View, their Principles will not admit them to pro- pofe to fet him up here : and the King fufpe6ls no Danger of any Rival of that fort to his Throne : nor do the Legiilature believe at all, that this imaginary Mefliah will ever appear to give them any Dillurb- ance. How then can the Cafe of the Papiils being doubly taxed be brought into this Controverfy ? Why truly 44 yi feCOfldh'ETTER to aFRIEND, &C, truly ic ferves to make a Noife and a Flourijh ; — yet even the Papifts pay no Duty {o abfurd as the Alien Duty. But to proceed : — I cannot apprehend, what the Gentlemen who have raifed theie Clamours, can propofe to themfelves by making Orthodoxy the UNIVERSAL Tenure ot Liberty and Property. For fure I am, that many of thofe who have appeared fo ftrenuous in this Controverfy, are fadly defedive themfelves in many ejfential Points of the Chriftian Faith, and Chriftian Practice. And though they appear at prefent as the fuppofed Champions for the Chriftian Religion, they would not choofe to have their own Principles and Actions examined into on the prefent Occafioni Thus, Sir, I have ventured to give you my Sg\ timents with that Impartiality which flows from the Heart of him, who has only Truth for his Objedt. I dedicate myfelf to no Party nor Faftion, am no Apologift for what is bad either in few or Chriftian^ and fpeak thofe bold Truths, which are grating to defigning Men of all Parties. This Impartiality, my very Enemies, (if I have given Caufe to any to be fuch) muft allow and acknowledge. As to the perfonal Abufe I have met with, or may meet with, 'tis my Difpofition as well as my Duty to forgive it, and pray to God to torgive the Au- thors of it. I would only offer one Requeft to my fevereft Adverfary, that before he condemns me, he would cooly read that divine Compofition, Saint Paul's Epiftle to the Romans, and then aflc his Con- fcience, whether he is not really convinced, that this great Apoftle, this free-born Roman, would have given his Suffrage, had he been a Member of the Briiijh Legiflature, — for the late Bill : — I draw no Inferences, but remain. Sir, Tour moji Humble Servant^ ^:::;Z^. ]°^^^^ Tucker. AN I I\I P A R T I A L INQUIRY INTO THE BENEFITS and DAMAGES Arifing to the Nation from the prefent very great Ufe of Low-priced SPIRITUOUS LIQ^UORS: W I T H Proper ESTIMATES thereupon, and fome Confiderations humbly offered for preventing the Introdudion of Foreign Spirits not paying the Duties. By J. T of Bripi. Author of the Brief EJay on the Jdvantages and D if advantages which refpeBively attend France and Great Britain, ^with regard to Trade. LONDON: Printed for T. Trve, near Graf s- Inn Cute, Holborn. 1751. [Price Six-Pence.] To the Right Honourable THE Earl of HALIFAX, Firft Lord Commiffioner For l^rade and Plantations, Scc^ My lord, NY Defign, wherein the Induftry, the Manufac- tures, the Morals, and Lives of the People of England are deeply concerned, could not poffibly be offered to a more pro- per Perfon than His Majefty's Firft Lord Commiffioner for Trade, &^c. But the great Abilities, the In* tcgrity, the Application to Bufinefs, A 2 the DEDICATION. the Zeal for the Welfare and Profpe- rity of his Country, which make His Majefty's Choice of that Great Offi- cer fo agreeable to the whole King- dom, would render it highly abfurd, not to fubmit the following Pages to your Lordlhip's favourable Perufal. I sHouLDbe juftly afraid of the Penetration of fo able a Judge, were I not as fully convinced of the great Candor with which he always receives any well intended Attempt. I HAVE the Honour to be, with the utmoft Refpedl, My LORD, Tour LordJJAp's moji Ohedteitt^ a7id' devoted Humble Servant^ ADVERTISEMENT. T T H INK it incumbent to adve?^-- •* tife the candid Reader-^ that he is not to expeSi in this EJfay a full and fathetical Defcriptio?i of the Mifef^ies and deflruSiive Co7ifeque7ices occajioned by Spirituous Liquors. The many TraBs and Difcourfes already publi^ed^ and particularly the lajiy by the Lord Bi- Jhop of Worcefter, render anyfuch At- tempt of 7nine entirely U7ineceffary. The Author s only View^ therefore^ is to pre- fent the i7npartial Reader.^ with a Se- ries of plain Anfwers to the fever al Ob- jeBions that may beflartedy and tofet forth fuch FaSls as feem neceffa7y to be inftfled on^ in order to re7nove every Prejudice and Obflacle^ which the pa7'- tial Represent at ions of private hjterefl will atte7npt to raife. AN IMPARTIAL INQUIRY INTO THE Benefits and Damages arifing to the Nation from the prefent very great Ufe of Low-priced Spirituous L I QJJ o R s, &c. H E pernicious Effe6ls of Spiritu- ous Liquors, and the exceflive Attachment of the Common Peo- ple to them, are to be taken for granted in the prefent Cafe. But if any one fhould doubt the Truth of the Pofition, he may too eafily obtain the moft indifputable Proof, njiz. Daily Ocular De- monstration. He may Hkewife obferve, that the Evil is Lncreafing every Day -, making its way from the MetropoHs into the Country Towns, and even Villages, and particularly in- B felting 2 An Inquiry concerning the felling Places of Manufaftures. So that if any Regard is due to Virtue and Religion, to the Souls and Bodies of Men, to the Good of our Country, the Health, Welfare, and Being of Pofterity, as well as to our own, it is high time to endeavour to. put ^njffe^iid Stop to this raging, and in fome 'refpefVs even worfe .than peftilential InfetSion. The Steps that have been already taken by the v/orchy Magiftrates. of the chief City of the Kingdom, afford the moft pleafing Plopes, that the Legiflature likewife will" take due Cognizance of fo important an Affair, and in their great Wif- dom, apply a R.emedy equal to the Difcafe. la the mean time, a fmali Infight into the Views of Mankind, will fuggefl, that thofe Pexfons, whofe immediate Intereit, unhappily for the Publick, leads them to wiOi for the Continuance of the Evil, will ufe every Effort to prevent, or invali- date fo falutary a Defign. It may not therefore be an unfcafonable Attempt at this Jundure to obviape fuch Objedions, aj\d to remove thofe Dif- ficuklcs, which are, or may be pretended, to ob- ilrud the carrying this laudable Purfuit into lull Execution. Let us therefore confider the niofc plaufible Objedions that can be oifered. Oljc^ion 1. If the Ufe of Gin and Enghjlj Spirits is reflrained or difcouraged, it will caufe ia very confiderable Deficiency in the Revenue. I, Anf'ujer. The DeHciency in the Revenue,will ht in a great Mcafurc made up by a larger Con- fumption Ufe . of Low-priced Spirituous Liquors. 3 fumption of Malt, Ale and Hops. The Trial hath been already made, * as appears below ; fo that we may Tpeak in the prefent Cafe with the Certainty of Experience. Moreover, as Spirituous Liquors deftroy the People, the preventing that Deflru6lion is adding to their Numbers. And an Addition of People to a trading Country, is an Addition to the Wealth of the Nation, and confequently to the Revenue of the Government: Every Tax, Cuftom, Duty, and Excife producing fo much the more, as the Num- ber of the Confumers encreafes. Confequently, the Lofs one way muft in a ihort Time be more than Gompenfated by the Gains in the other. It is indeed impofiible to conceive it to be the true Intereft of any Government to grant a gene- B 2 ral * In the Year 1737, being the Ye.. r after the Aft paft for prohibiting the Selling of Spirituous Liquors in lefs Quantities than two Gallons, and before the Dillillers and their Agents had found out lo many Means to evade it, there was a very l^rge Encreafe of the Revenue on Malt and Ale, compared with thi former Year, which very near made up the Deficiency of the Excife on Spirituous Liquors, as will appear by the following Account, viz. 1736 /. /. d. The Grofs Produce of the Excilc on Beer, I ^^oo r ^ Ale, ^c. ^ ' Ditto on Malt, 625765 1 5 4^ Ditto on lew Wines and Britilh Spirits, 1407-^6 7 q 1883190 9 3I 1737 The Grofs Produce of the Excife on Beer, 7 , ^ , „ t^t Ale, ^c. I "40625 7 ic. Ditto on Malt, 650723 17 iij Ditto on low Wines and Eritifh Spirits, SSg^-i- 9 o| iS79tj03 1^ iol 4 ^^? Inqjjiry comenitng tie ral Licence to the Subjefts to deftroy one another. The Principles of found Policy, to fay nothing of any higher Motive, would fuggeft, that the Defi- ciencies in the Revenue occafioned by the Numbers fo i" deftroy ed, muft beyond Comparifon be greater than the Gains arifing from the Sale of Licences for deftroy ing them. 2. Anfwer. If there fiiould be an immediate Deficiency for a ftiort Time -, or if the Encreafe on one Branch of the Revenue cannot be fo com- modioufly transferred, as to make up for the Lofs Hiftained in another, on Account of their feveral diftind Appropriations, there is no Doubt to be made, but the Sagacity and Prudence of the Le- gislature will eafily find out proper Equivalents. And if a private Member of Society may be al- lowed to offer his Sentiments on fuch an Occafion, he- would propofe, with due Submiffion to the Publick Judgement, fuch Taxes for Equivalents, as may not only bring in the neceftary Supplies, but alfo have a natural Tendency to promote the general good Ends of Commerce, and the Sup- preftion of Vice. Among which Number he hum- bly conceives the two following, liz. A Tax upon all Publick Places of Diverfion, by means of Stamp Tickets-, — and a Tax upon Batchelors. As to the former, Mr Fielding hath fo copioufly fet forth the evil Confeouences attending the m.aking Di- verfions cheap for People in common and middling Life, -f r?'/? Poftfcripc to the Lord Bifaop of W<,rcejler\ late De- dication to the Lord Mayor, iSc. T^fe of Low-priced Spirituous Liquors. ^ Life, that I fhall beg Leave to refer for fuller In- formation to his very feafonable and judiciousTrea- tife concerning the Caufes of the late Encreafe of Robberies, ^c. And with refpe6t to the latter, it may be affirmed with the utmoft Truth, that never antient Rome^ in the Time of Julius C^far^ nor any State, wanted a Lex Maritalis more than ours at this prefent. And thofe, who are difpofed to fee the extenfive ill EfFeds of this growing Evil of Celibacy on the Morals of both Sexes, and on the Commerce and Profperity of the Na- tion, may pleafe to confult the Brief Effay on Trade, Page 124, Printed for T. Trye, Holborn, 3. Anfwer. I'he prefent Laws concerning Bri- tifo Spirits, are found by Experience to be not only ruinous to the general Revenue in their Con- sequences, but to have opened a Door for great Evafions in regard to the Malt Tax. The Spirits diftilled from Corn are beyond Comparifon more in Quantity, than thofe which are extradted from all other Materials. All this Corn ought in Reafon to pay the Malt Duty: Yet the Diftillers find Means, in a great Meafure, to evade paying it : As they ufe no greater Qiiantity of Malt, than is neceflary to begin and fupport the Fermentation among the unmaltcd Corn. Whereas the Brewer makes ufe of none but malted Corn. Thus the Maltllcr and Brewer are both Sufterers by this Favour permitted to the Diftiller-, who confe- euently pays confiderably lefs Duty in making a .iquor infinitely prejudicial, than is paid by the B 2 others 6 An Inqjjiry concerning the others for making one, that is in itfelf very wholefome. 4. .'nfiver. Though an high additional Duty on any Commodity hath a natural Tendency to diminifh the Confumption, it doth not follow, that it will lelTcn the Revenue, in any confiderable Degree ; becaufe the Addition in one refpecl may make up for the Deficiency in the other. If it Ihould be judged becoming theWifdom of Parlia- ment to oblige the Diftillers to pay the Malt Du- ty for all the Corn they ufe, — to lay a nev/ Tax of ^J. ^. CaW'Uii ai the Still Head, — to compel the Retailers to take Annual Licences of 5/. each i and alfo to fubjei5t both Retailers and Compound- ers to theLav/s of Excife, at 6i.c|j>' Gallon, or more, if thought ncceiTary : Perhaps indeed the Quantity confumed would be diminifhed one half, or more, hut the Anriount of the Revenue would be much the fame : And in that Cafe, the Produce only on 2000000 of Gallons would be nearly equal to the prefent Income, on three times the Quantity. It appears by the annual Accounts of the general Excife on low Winea, ajid Britifh Spirits, from the Year 1736 to the Year 1750, that the feveral Laws, which their refpedive Preambles fct forth, as defigmd to check the e^cefTive Ufe of Spirituous Liquors, haye had no manner of Effe<5l. Tiie additional Duties laid on from time to time, have indeed encrcafcd the Revenue, but were not fuffi- cicntly heavy to difccurage the Vice. The grcfs Producecf Spirits for the Year 1750, was 66 1 30 n Gallons; : But the grof^ Produce of the Excife, both life of' Lew- priced Spirituous Liquors. 7 bojh on low Wines and Spirits, was only 334874/. 3 J. io\d. which fcarce amounts to more than I s. ^ Gallon, even though the Duties on low Wines are thrown into the Account. Now what Difcouragement can be expefted from fo fmall a Duty? — Efpecially if we confider, that the Dif- tillers could afford to fink their former Profits vaflly, and yet remain great Gainers ; for the Price of Spirits has been raifed within a few Years from nineteen and twenty to 28/. ^ Tun, not- withftanding they become more expert every Year in the Arts of their ProfelTion, by Compen- diums of Labour, Compoundings of Liquors, Cleaning * of the Spirit, and the like. Whereas were new Duties laid on, in fome Form or other that would certainly difcourage the Confumption, the Increafe by this Duty would yet very probably caufe ho Lofs to the Revenue, — perhaps an Ad- dition. OhjeBion II. The Paffing a Law, which muft be ruinous to the Perfons engaged in the Britijh Diftilleries, is a kind of Law ex poji faofo^ to de- prive People of their Subfiftance. I. Anfvier. The Paffing fuch a Law as here intended, can in no Senfe be called a Law ex pojl B 4 fa£lo: Cleaning of the Spirit.'^ Note, There h^ I N QjJ I R Y Concerning the " duced to 2od. ^ Stone, he left off; and that " that Sort of Corn he then fed Hogs with, is *' now iifelefs to him. That many Farmers have " left off feeding and breeding of Swine. For " they may as well throw their Corn away, as *' attempt to feed Swine upon an Average with *' the Diftillers : That the fprouted Corn, with ** which the Witnefs ufed to feed Hogs, he makes " very little ufe of at prefent : Some of it, he " faid, he had fold to a Perfon, who grinds Corn " for the Diftillers, at ji^s. ^ Quarter lefs than " the Price he had fold Corn at to the Maltfters : ** and the Perfon who bought it, fold it again " at ^j. «^ Quarter /^y}." Let the Publick by thcfe Inftances 'judge, how far the Diftillers are Benefadtors to the Farmers and the Landed Intereft. Secondly^ As to the Cafe o^ found Corn. It ap- pears by the Prices of Corn at Bear Key for the J aft Year, that Wheat (except the very Prime of ail) at a Medium was about ijs. ^ Quarter, and- Barley about i^s. Now, according to Mr ^'7//. Harijefi\ Account, when examined by the above- ^ mentioned Committee, 12 Quarters of Barley, will produce one Tun of Spirits, that is, 252 Gallons. But the fame Quantity of Wheat would have produced more. Yet we will fuppofe, that both Sorts of Grain produce only the fame Quan- • tity, and reckon equal Parts of Wheat and Barley to make the Quarter at 2 1 J. upon an Average. • Now the grofs Amount of the Britijld Diftilleries being TJfe of Low-priced Spirituous Liquors. 13 being 6613011 Gallons, for the Year 1750, there will be found, according to this Computation, to have been ufed 314905 Quarters of Grain, which at lis. ^ Quarter amounts to 330650 Pounds Sterling. Here then we fee the whole Amount of what is paid by the Diftillers to the Farmer and the Landed Intereft. If therefore the Sums are dedu6led, which are expended in Corn for making Spirits for Expor- tation, as it is not propofed to reftrain that Branch : — And what will ftill be ufed for home Confump- tion, notwithftanding any new Difcouragemenc both which Articles muft at leaft be computed to be one half of the grofs Sum •, then there remains 165325 Pounds, the Sum which the Diftillers are flippofed at prefent to expend on the Landed In- tereft ; — and which would fink, were the excef- five Drinking of Spirituous Liquors duly re- ftrain ed. N. B. It is to be particularly obferved, that the Calculations are made to run as high as poflible in the Diftillers Favour. For there is no Notice taken of the damaged Corn ufed, be it more or lefs : But all is fuppofed to be of the beft, and at the higheft Price. No Allowance is made for the advanced Price laft Year, on Account of the large Exportation to Spain, which may not happen ano- ther Year : It is here likewife granted, that equal Quantities of Wheat and Barley are confumed by the Diftillers, though the certain Fa(5t is, that there 14 ^« In Q^u TRY concerning the there are much greater Quantities of Barley; Moreover 1 2 Quarters of Corn are fuppofed to produce only 252 Gallons of Spirit; though the Treatife entitled, Difiilled Spirituous Liquors the Bane of the Nation^ (whofe excellent Author is above all Cenfure both as to Integrity and Judg- ment) pofitively afferts, page 21, That the Dif- tillers themfelves confefs, they can draw 23 Gal- lons of Proof Spirits from ^«(? Quarter of Corn, i.e. 276 Gallons from 12 Quarters. If therefore all thefe Items were taken into the Eflimation, there would not remain 1 00000 ;^. to *.the Credit Side of the Diftillers Account. But fuppofe the moil : — nay, fuppofe 200000;^. what is that to the preventing the Confumption of about TWO Millions a Year of the Produce of Land! and the yearly Lofs of very near four. Millions to the Nation in general ! (See the Efti- mates, andObfervationsonthem, in the Jppendix.) 4. Anfisjer. If the- prefent Ufe of Spirituous Liquors is beneficial to the Farmer, and the Landed Interelt -, then it follows. That the fewer the People, — and the lefs Work they do, — the poorer they are houfed and cloathed, — and the lefs Appetites they have for their Victuals ; the more would be the Profit of the Farmer and his Land- lord : That is. When the Farmer fells much lefs in ^antity than he otherwife would do, and for lefs * N. B- No Allovvantra is here made for the great Quaa- tity of Spirits drawn from Molafies, Treacle, or other Mate- rials, which would confiderably reduce this CaJculation. Ufe of Lovj-priccd Spirituous Lie|uors. i^ Ufs PnVf,—then he receives the more Money. This is fuch an Expedient for the Benefit of the Landed Intercft, for paying of Rents, Rates, and Taxes, employing the Poor, and preventing their be£oming a Burden to their refpeftive Parifhes ; — ,that I Ihall only obferve, thofe Pcrfons mufl: be hard put to it, who could not propofe a better, t^han that of converting Barley into Poifon to rnurder the Con Turners of Wheat and every other Produce of the Land. ObjeBion IV. The putting down, or difcou-' raging the: Britijh Diftilleries, will be only fo much Encouragement given for the Introdudion of Fo^ reign Spirits not paying the Duty : — A Prafticc too frequent already. *;; r. Anfwer. Foreign Spirits, though run, can- not do fo much Mifchief, as our own at prefentj becaufe they muft be necelTarily dearer, and con- fequently not fo eafy to be purchafed by ordinary and common People. Any fmall Quantity of the bed Gin (as it is called) may be retailed at the Rate of 9^. the Qiiart •, but the fame Quantity of Brandy can hardly be retailed for double the Sum, even upon the Sea-Coaft, where it is run. , 2. A'nfwer. In the Cafe of EngliJJj Spirits, the Inland Parts of the Kingdom, where the chief Manufa£iures are, fuffer equally with the Sea- Coafts ; becaufe Diflilleries may be, and are let up, wherever there is a Vent for the Commodity, \vhich is particularly found tp be in Places of M:t* nufa(^,urc. But thefc Inland Parts of the King- dcrri 1 6 ^;?2 I N QJJ I R Y concerning the dom cannot be much hurt by the Smuggling of Liquors from abroad, as the very Land Carriage, and the continual Rifque, enhance the Price, fo as to make it too dear for the manufafturing Poor to purchafe. 3. Anfwer. Some proper Methods may be taken even to fupprefs Smuggling. For fure the Evil is not altogether incurable, if fuch Expe- dients are happily found out as go to the Root of it, and are carried into juft Execution. It may indeed be too difficult for a private Per- fon, to find out a Remedy equal to a Difeafe fo univerfal, and of fo long Continuance : But yet as every well-meant Endeavour for the Publick Service is candidly accepted, when offered with Modefty and SubmifTion, it is to be hoped the following Thoughts, which proceed no farther than by Way of ^lere, will be favourably re- c^ved. ^,ere I. If the Privileges and Exemptions of the inands of Guernfey and Jerfey, &c. were aboUn-ied, and thofe perfectly united to the Britifi Crown, could the fame Frauds be then praftifed, as the running of Goods, which have had a Drawback granted them. Smuggling of French Wines, Brandies, Teas, Coffee, Chocolate, Silks, Lace, and all other Commodities, as are at prefent ?— Could the French Wines be mixt with Port, and then entered as if they were all the Growth of Portugal, to the great Detriment of the Revenue, the manifeft Injury of the Portugal Trade^ XJfc of Low-priced Spirituous Liquors. 17 Trade, the certain irreparable Lofs to the Nation^ and the open avov^ed Encouragement to P e r- )UR Y ? — Could the Smacks and Cruifers, which were defigned to guard the Coaft, have the fame I'retencc to enter the Ports of France^ which they have now to Hep into Giiernfey and Jerfey^ viz. to' fee what Veflels were lading, — and fcmetimes take in a Lading fot themfelves ? — Et quis Cujlodes cup todiat ipfos ? ^ere II. If tKe Jurlfiii6lidn of the jjle of Man was annexed to the Crown, in the fame Manner as the Hefeditable Jurifdidlions in Scotland lately were, could FyancCy Holland^ Denmark, &c. find any Place in okr own Seas, as a Storehdufe or Ma-- gamine, for depofitrng their feveral contraband Goods, m crrder to run them on the Coafts of Engla7id, IVales^ Scotland, and Ireland? If the CoUeftors of the Culloms of the prefcnt noble Proprietor of this Ifland, were obliged to lay be- fo're the Parliament their Books of Entries for the laft icv&n. Yeafs, and fuch Entries complred with the Accounts: that might be tranfmitted from France, Hdlland, Denmark, &c. would it not ap- pear, tha!t the rcfpeftive India Companies of thofe Countries had imported vaft Quah'tities of Teas,' and other India Goods, principally with a "View to make their Markets by Smugglirrg them into Creat Britain and Ireland? And ought not that Circumftafice alone be an alarming Confidera- tion to the Englifn Eajt- India Company; to the G6rernment, and the whole BritiJJj Nation ? Do the Frimk^ Dutch, Danes, &c. permit the EngUJJi i8 - y^;r I N QjJ I R Y con€eniing the to Life any Part of their refpeftivc Dominions for the like Purpofes ? And woul J it not be more advantageous to the Britifto Nation, as to the mere Articles of Profit and Lofsy to pay SubfKiics to thefe Countries ot 200000 Pounds ^ Annum, than to let Matters continue on the prefent Poot- ing ? Laflly, wich regard to our own Subjects, if this Illand -vTere annexed to the Crown, could the corrupt Part of the Commanders of the Smacks .and Cruifcrs receive any Emolument for conniving at the Evils here complained of? or the honeji Part • be infulted, and even imprifoned by the Deputy Governors or their Agents^ for difcharging faith- Juliy their Duty •, of which there hath been a very glaring and recent InHance ? And would it be pradicable to make as many fioam Exportations of Tobacco^ and other Goods entitled to a Draw- back, as it is at prefent ? *^tere III. Whether the prefent Methods o? colleding the Duties on French Brandies, and other Foreign Liquors, are not found to be cven- . tually productive'of great Temptations to fmuggle . them ? Vv hether fuch Te^iptations could pofli- bly be fo ilrong, if there was the fame PermiiTion granted to .the Importers of thefe Commodities, as there is to the Importers of Rum ; viz. 'To put them in the King's IVarehoufe, paying the Duties only for the ^antities they take out, luhen tbeyweet with . a Pur chafer^ and leaving the Reji to oiMinue ? . \Vhether a Smuggler with One hundred Pounds , Stock would run the Rifque of his Life and For- tune, which the prefent Laws fubjecl him to, if ■ ' " ^' he life of Lo^W'priced Spirituous Liquors. T9 he could commence a fair Trader, to fufEcienC Advantage, with fo fmall a Capital ? And whe- -ther, in Cafe of fuch a PermifTion, a Man could not carry on a more extenfive Trade with One hundred Pounds, than he can do now with fix times the Sum ? 1:;^ Whether the great Frauds in the Tobacco Trade, to the prodigious Detriment of the Re- venue, and the National Intereft, cannot likewifc be accounted for, upon the Principle here fug- -gefted ? And if the Importers of Tobacco were allowed the like Benefit as the Importers of Rum, -whether there would be any illicit Praftices in the Trade of the one, more than in that of the other ? • ^fri? IV. If all Seizures were abfolutely pro- 'hibited to be fold for home Confumption, could they then cover the vending any Quantity of un- ■accuftomed GoodS;, which are now vended in large Quantities by this Means ? — If the Seizures -were not to be ufed at home, would the Pur- chafers give more for fuch Goods, than they do -for others of the like intriafick Value ? And is not the advanced Price now given, a plain Indication of the Ufes to which they are applied ? > ^itere V. If the Commanders and Officers of the Smacks and Cruifers were to be paid only one ■half of their Salaries of Courfe, and the other half "by way of Gratuity, when it appeared that they ■had been vigilant and adlive to an high Degree, "Would not this quicken their Motions, and add -new Life and Vigour to their Endeavours ? — If thofc who could give no Proof of an extraordinary C 2 Vigilance 26 y^;/ Inquiry cmiccniing the Vigilance were to lofe fuch Gratuities, and others to receive them, as an additional Reward, who had diftinguiihed themfelves the moft eminently, would not this be a Means of raifing a Spirit of Emv>lation among them, and making the a^ve Principles of Intercft, Shame, Fear, Honour, t)if- <■ grac] d. ^ Week, 608333 6 8 T"hey drink lefs Malt Liquor, ^y aI T Week, -^ _-' 347619 o u> r "1 • " Carried oyer— 12.16666 13 4 APPENDIX. i^ I' s. d. Brought over — 1216666 13 ^ They ufe lefs Apparel and Cloathing of all Sorts, lefs Wafhing, Soap, i^c. hy 2d. ^ Week, — — — 173809 JO 5^ They ufe fewer Utenfils, and lefs Furniture \n their Houfes or Lodgings, lefs Change of Bedding, and Wafhing of ditto, lefs Fuel and Candle to Work by, by 2^.^ Week, 173809 10 5f They do lefs Work by u. 6^. 4* Week, — — . — 1564285 14 3f "^hat is above computed, re- lates only to Gin -Drinkers when alive ; but to this Ac- count mu(l be added the Loft which the Nation fuftains by the premature and untimely Deaths of fo many Labourers and Mechanicks, whofe Lives are continually fhortned or (deflroyed by means of this Poifon.— Likewife the Thefts, Robberies, and Executions )>ence occafioned. — The Pre- vention of the Encreafe of the Species, — The confequenc Lofifes and Deficiencies in the Working up all Sorts of M^- parried over — 3128571 8 ^|) 24 A-P P E N D I X, £. s. d. Brought over — 3128571 8 6^ nufaflures Lefs Provifions expended Sicknefs brought on The Numbers that daily . become a Burden upon their Parifhes.— The prodigious In- creafe of the Poor-Taxes, — and the Lofs of Labour from ALL thefe Caufes ; which, that we may be fure to put it low; . enough, fhall only be efti- ' mated at zs.^ V^ttk, — 2085714 5 8 J Dedufl the Annual Profits, as appears underneath, — 12 16666 13 ^ Remains for Total of Annual Lofs, — — — — 3997619 o iif . ■ ' ' I ' ■- A N N U A L P R O F I T. ' TH E above 400000 Per* fons of both Sexes in Great Britiop of 'Tunnt in Ireland. Confifting of great Variety of Tracts, wrore on the molt ufeful, intcrelling, and important Points and Dodrines of the Chrillian Religion. lo Four Volumes. Price bound 12/. A Colleflion of Trrtds on fcveral ufeful and interefting Sub- jects, relating to Publicic Affairs. Pr. i s. Philofophical Conjciftures on Xreal Influences, the probable Origin of Difealei: Addrelled to Dr Shaw, by Edmund Litton. The Power of Imagination in Pregnant Women, difcufi'ci With an Addrefs to the Ladies un the Occafion. By J- H. Mauci-eiic, M. D. Pr. \s. Pradical Refle£lions on the late Earthquakes, that have hap- pened in Europe and America, but chiefly in the Iflands o( Jamaica, England, Sicily, Malta, Sec. v.-ith a particular and hillorica! Account of them, and divers other Earthquakes. By John Shower : and a recommendatory Preface, by xMr Tho- mas Craddury. Pr. IS. 6d. An Appendix to the Rev. Mr John Shower's Pradical Rcflc" CO Ye a ^n Applicatiun adapicd to the prcfent Tirr.es, ^V. Pr- dd. 1 rat ■ I REFLECTIONS O N T H E EXPEDIENCY O F Opening the Trade T O T U R K Y. Humbly offered to Public Confideratlon, By a Sincere Well -Wisher to the Trade and Prosperity of Great -Britain. A New EDITION: To which is added. An APPENDIX. . Tros Tyriufq; m'lhi nullo disCRIMINE agetur. ViRC. LONDON: Pnnted for T. Trye, ntzx Gray's Inn-Gate in Holborn. M DCC LV. REFLECTIONS On the E X P £ D I E N C Y of Opening the Trade to TURKT, I. t^|tJ^tgtLL the Powers in Europe are tXt^ *|X| now endeavouring to extend iXt'^JXt ^h^'i^ Commerce; And if ^Xl^y^'iv^ Great BraxAiiX cannot, or 4- ^'H'+^'+^-f wtU 7iot extend hers m Pro- portion, fhe will be no longer able to pre- serve that Rank and Figure Ihe has hitherto maintained. II. Many of thofe Countries, Spahi in par- ticular, which ufed to admit great Quantities of TLngUp^ Mcrchandife, are now fetting up Manufa6lures of their own, and laying Bur- dens on ours, to prevent their Introduction : So that it is become more expedient than ever, to feek out as many ;zt^i£; Markets as we can. III. The T^urky Company are not ahii\ were they runlling, to fell the RnglijI: Manu- factures ib cheap as tlicy might he rendered by Virtue of a free Trade : I\;r A }. 4 T^he Expediency of Opening if}^ If no Ships are allowed to be employed, but the general Ships of the Company, or Inch as the Managers fliall appoint, a private Mem- ber has no Choice, but muft lubmit to all the Expences, Inconveniences, and Difcourage- ments, w^hich the Dire6lors and their Friends will pleafe to lay upon him : 2.dh^ The Carriage of the Goods up to Ijcndon^ the Gains of the Fa6lors, Clerks, Warehoufe-Keepers, and all intermediate Agents, are very heavy Taxes on the Manu- fafture, fufficient of themfelves to turn the Balance in Favour of our Rivals the Frenchy the natural Enemies of our Commerce : ldl)\ The Expence of Package, Porterage, Hallage, Loading, and Unloading, Cuftom- houfe Fees, and all Port Charges, are more exorbitant in London than in any Part of the Kingdom : /\.thly. The Dearnefs of Vi6lualling and Manning of Ships in the Port of London^ is another material Article > whereas many other Ports are not only cheaper, but more com^ modioufly filuated, as being nearer the Places, where the Goods are manufactured. IV. The Aims of an exclufive Company can never coincide with the Welfare of the Publics Inafmuch as Monopolies, eftabliflied by Law, are thereby fecured from Rivals ; So that their particular Interefts confift in felling as dear as they can ; whereas the In- tereft of private Adventurers is to fell as cheap the Trade to Turky. i^ as pofliblcj in order to get Cuflom by rival- ling each other. Thus the PubUc is benefited by Emulation, as it promotes the Circulation of Labour and univerfal Plenty ;— but is hurt byMono})olifls, who are a Check to Induflry, to the Circulation of Labour at home, and the Exportation of it abroad , and whofe only View, whatever may be pretended, ig to facrifice the general Intereft of the King- dom to that of a few Individuals. V. The Turky Company is a Monopoly In every Senfe,— »-*as no private Member is al^- lowed to fit out a Ship when he pleales, or to export and import what ^antities of Goods he would chufe, — As the Trade is confined to the fmgle expcnfive Port of Londc7i, -^ As the Freedom of the Company is limited to Mer- chants by ProfefTion, and has been obflru^ed * See the London Magazine (or xhc Months o^Ncv. and Dec. 1745, where thefc Points arc incontcftibly proved in the excellent Speeches of" L--d S-mls^ p. ^^o and 636 ; and of L,--dL-ngsdle, p. 57S. — See alio Sir 'JofiahCh'ilu^ Chap. 3. Concerning the Companies of Merchants \ where all the fuppofed Objections againft an open Trade are anfwered. Only the Reader is dcfired to take Notice, That as to what this celebrated Writer has faid about the NeceHity of exclufu'c Companies for the G/////^ nilts of their Charter. * 1 2 ^he Expediency of Opeiiing tempt made to render it free, great Pains would be taken, as there are now in the prefent Cafe, to fet forth the Danger of permitting Shop- keepers and low Tradefmen to go over to Spain and Portugal. " They will raife the Jealoufy of the Po- " pulace by interfering with their Trades,— •< " or inflame the Zeal of Bigots againft coun- " tenancing Heretics : — Low and indifcreet " People will import prohibited Books, and fo " draw down the Power and Vengeance of *' the Inquifition, — will give Offence by their " Behaviour while the Hod is pafiing by,-^ *' perhaps ridicule fom.e of their religious Pro- *' ceffions, and fo caufe Tumults and Infur- " re6lions :— .Or in general they will not fail " to excite an univerfal Odium by the Diver- " fity of their Drefs and Cufloms, and great " Licentioufnefs of Manners ^Therefore by *' attempting to throw the Trade open, wq " fliall infallibly lofe it all." Thus it appears. That Objections much more plaufibh might be raifed againft opening the Trade to Spain and Portugal, were it now in the Hands of a Company, than againft the Revocation of any exclufive Grant now fub- fifting. But indeed We muft confider all thefe Kinds of Objeclions as the mere DialeB of Monopolifts, who ufe it, mutatis mutandis, againft opening any Trade, in order to cover their own private Intereft under an Appear- ance of Public Good. the Trade to Turky. 13 But Common Senfe and daily Experience are continually expofmg the Falfity of fuch Suggeflions. And Vv^ere the Trade opened to Turky ^ there is no Degree of Probability, That Shop-keepers and low People would be fond of going there : — And if they did go, they certainly would agree with the Natives as well as the Englifi Sailors do now. XVI. If the Trade to Turky had a free Courfe, what Reafon is there to imagine. That it would be engrofled by the Jews? And why muft it be fuppofed, That the Eng- lifh in particular would fufFer in this Refpeft, more than the French, Dutch, or Italians ? Befides, as the 'Jews might infill upon the Freedom of the Company, as well as others, provided they are Merchants by Profeflion, and as they refide chiefly in London, and are a rich united Body of Merchants, this very Ob- jeftion might be urged with greater Force againft the Confining fuch a Trade to a Com- pany, than againft laying it open ; — Efpeci- ally. as the E?iglish Jews by Means of their Connexion with their Brethren in Turky^ who are the only Brokers in that Country, miL~ht be the better able to form a Combina- tion to engrofs the whole Trade to themfeives, and execute it with Succefs. But in fa6l, this ObjecStion betrays its own Weaknefs, and v/ould never have been brought, if a ftronger could be found : and it is the firft Time that the Jews were accufed of being injurious to the Interefts of a Trading Nation. 14 7h^ Expediency of Opening XVII. It is equally incredible, that the Government and People of Turky fliould be difpleafed at the Diflblution of the prefent Monopoly. And what Grounds are thei=e for fuch a Suppolition ? For in an open Trade, EftgUsb Manufactures would be imported in greater Quantity and Variety, and on cheaper Terms, — more Tiwkish Goods be taken in Barter, and a larger Revenue would arife to the Government. But in a confined Trade, fewer Manufactures are imported, more ex* orbitant in Price, demanding fewer Goods in Exchange, and paying lefs to the Cuitoms. And can we imagine, That the Turks would once hefitate, to which Side the Preference is due ? Or have we ever found. That any of thofe other Nations, to whom We once traded by exclufive Companies, have com- plained at the Diflblution of thefe deftru6tive Monopohes, and deflred their Reltoration ? To confirm this, We have a remarkable Speech recorded in Camde?is Ajinah oi one of the Czars of Mofcovy, when that Country was thought to be over-fpread with Ignorance and Barbarifm : which is mentioned by the Reverend and Ingenious MrSMii h in his Memoirs of Wool, Vol. I. p. 114. viz. " Theodore Joannides fucceeding to the *' Empire, granted to all Merchants, of what " Nation loever, freeAccefs mtoRuffia. And *' being oftentimes foUcited by the Queen *' [Elizabeth] to confirm the Privileges ** granted by his Father to xh.QMuJ'coviaQom' the Trade to Tui'ky. i^ *■ pany of Englijl: Merchants, To wit, That ' only EngUjh Men of that Compnny fhould ' come into, or trade in the North Parts of ' Riiffia^ and that Cuftom-free, in Regard ' they were the Firfl: that difcovered the Paf- ' lage thither by Sea : He thereupon defired ' her to give Liberty to aUth.QE77glish to trade ' into RuJJia -, For to permit fome and deny ' othen, was an Injiiffice. Princes, faid he, ' mull carry an indifferent Hand between ' their Subjefts, and not convert Trade ' (which by the Law of Nations ought to ' be common to cJl) into a Monopoly^ to the ' private Gain of difew. As for his Cuiloims, * he prom 1 fed to exaft leis by one half of '■ that Company than of the reft j becaufe ' they Firft difcovered the Paflage thither by ' Sea, In other Matters he confirmed their * former Privileges, and added fome few ' more, out of liis Refpeft to the Queen, ' and not for any Defirt, as lie faid, of the ' Company-, many of whom he foimd had * d^tfaljly with his Subjedfs/' XVIIL '^[jT when an exclufive Grant is once obtained, It mufl be defended by fome kind of Arguments, however weak and in- conclufive. Now the Twk^' Company was firft ere<5led, and afterwards eftabliihed in iiich Times, when the Principles of Trade, and the Nature of the Landed and Commer- cial Intcrefts of a Kingdom were nor tinder- ftood ; — or if undcrftood, not fuiiicif iitiy re- garded:—In fuchTimeSj wh^n Monopoliss 1 6 The Expediency of Opening anclExclufions carried all before them. Of the Truth of which Aflertion, we need only con- fult Rymer's F<^^fr^, and the common Hifto- rians for the Reigns of Queen Elizabeth, King James I. and King Charles I. to find fufficient Evidence J many of which Monopo- lies were again renewed by King Charles II. —.And at the I'ime of the Revolution^ were grown too powerful to be attacked with Safety. For as to Foreign T'rade^ There was an ex- clufive Company to Hamburgh and the Baltic^ — to Mo/covy and Greenland ^^^toGermany and Flanders ^.~-JiO France^ — *to Spain and Portugal, —to Italy, — and to Afriea. S'PECiAL Licences were alfo to be purchafed for the Import at ion J or Sale of Madder, Log- wood, Deal Boards, Wine and Tobacco : — Likewife for tho Exportation of Corn, Leather, and Butter : And idfyy as to ourDoMESTic Commerce, there were Pre-emptions or Monopolies for Tin, Salt, and Coals : Exclufive Patents for Sea- Weed, Kelp, and Glafs, — -Salt-petre and Gunpowder, — Soap and Starch, — Gold and Silver Lace, — Beaver Hats and Demi-Caftors, — Dying andDrefTmg of Cloth, — Making of AUum,.— and even for Gathering of Rags. Special Licences were alfo necefiary to be obtained for making Iron and cutting down Wood for Charcoal, — making of Butter Cafks, — ufing of V/ine Cafks ibr Ale and Beer; — alfo for making of Malt, — and Brew- ing of Ale for public Vent. Moreover the Trade to Turky. 17 Moreover the Gardeners for fix Miles round London were incorporated into an ex- clufive Company, as were alfo the Traders and Artificers within the Difl:ri6l of three Miles. Now all thefe MonopoHes andExclufions (and many more might be enumerated) fet out with pompous Titles, and great Profeflions of Zeal for the Public Welfare. " They were all " eflabhflied, either for thcEncreafe and good " Government of Trade — Or to keep up the ** Credit of the E?igUsh Manufaftures in fo- " reign Markets, — or for preventing the Ig- " norant and Unwary from being impofed " upon at home." — But the true Reafon of their Eftablilliment remains yet to be told, 'uiz. JoBB and Monopoly. This was the iEra, in which the Turky Company had its Birth and Education. And all the others, while in Being, had juft the fame Pretenfions of Public Good to alledge in their Favour : But Time has fliewn, That we are much happier without them. XIX. Ks London is the Capital o( the Bntisb Empire, and the Center of the Body Politic, every Accefiion of Wealth, Trade, Manufac- ture, Navigation, and Numbers of Inhabi- tants to other Parts of the Kingdom, muft redound to the Advantage of the Metropolis. For the Coitcr in the Body Politic is like the Heart in the natural Body, which receives Benefit itfelf by the brifk and regular Circu- lation of Blood in the Extremities. But if any one fhould doubt of this Parallel, let B 1 8 T^be Expediency of Opening Experience and Matter of Fa6l determine. For when almoft the whole Trade of the Kingdom was circumfcribed by exclufive Grants, and thofe Monopolies confined to the fingle City and Port oi London , this City made a very mean and inconfiderable Appear- ance, to what it doth at prefent : But in Pro- portion, as the inland Counties, and the Out- Ports began to fliake off fome of theirFetters, and extend their Commerce, in \htfame Pro- portion, did the Metropolis encreafe in Wealth, and Grandeur, Number of Inhabitants and Extent of Buildings. In fhort, if there was an Acceffion of Wealth to the farthefl liles of Scotlajidy it would, fooner, or later, find its Way to London, XX. Upon the whole therefore, The Con- tinuation of this exclufive Company is no other, in Effeft, than the Payment of a very large Trz tot annually to France j — Together with this mortifying Reflexion, That this is a Tribute we are not forced to pay, but do it njolu72tarily ; though we know. That fome of her befl Provinces are fupported by it, fome hundreds of Ships employed in the Naviga- tion, and the Government enabled to turn the Wealth and Strength, acquired by our Indolence and Mifmanagement, to our own Deffruftion. XXI. The Landed G^nthmtn in their re- fpeftive Counties are more particularly con- cerned to exert themfelves on this interefting Occafion 3 becaufe the Rents of Lands and the Trade to Turky. 19 ttoufes will be higher, and the Demand for the Produce of Eftates, Corn, Wool, Sheep, Cattle, Butter, Cheefe, Wood, Coal, &c. &c. will be greater, in Proportion as the Inhabi- tants of any Country do increafe in Numbers, Riches, and Manufa6lures. The Poor alfo will be lefs numerous, as there is more Em- ployment, — the Weight of Taxes will be lighter, when more Perfons fhare in the Bur- den,—and the Tenants, by having better Mar- kets, will be better able to pay their Rents. But thefe Advantages cannot be obtained, while the prefent Difficulties, which prevent Indufti-y and ftop the Circulation of Labour, are fufFered to remain e:^^ In one word, AH Monopolies are fo many Combinations againft the Landed Intereji, And the more violently they are contended for, the more clearly may the Gentlemen of Landed Pro- perty difcern, Whofe Intereft is promoted, and whofe is facrificed. XXIL The prefent Jun6lure feems the moft favourable for renewing our Applica- tions to Parliament, to be delivered from thefe Fetters and OpprelFions. For We have no Reafon to conclude, That We fhall meet with any Oppofition, but from thofe, whofe Self-Interefl is an unhappy Bias on their Judgments. And as a general Ele6lion is approaching, all Perfons and Parties may have an Opportunity of acquiring a laudable Popularity, by diftinguifhing their Zeal in fo National a Cause. B :> 20 The Expediency of Openings &c. AT". B. The fooner an Application is made to Parliament, before it is encumbered with a Multiplicity of Bufmefs, and while the Houfe is/////, the greater Probability of obtaining Redrefs. It was chiefly for want of attending to thefe neceflliry Circumftances, That fuch Attempts to extend our National Commerce, and break through Exclufions, have hitherto failed of their defired Succefs — The princi- pal Points to be proved at the Bar of both Houfes, are the following ; 1. That the EngUp} Manufa6lurers can rival the French T'tirky Cloth j 2. That the Port oi London is the dearefl in the Kingdom, both for Exporting and Importing of Goods , 3. That not only Woollens, butalmofl all other Parts of a Cargo to the Levant^ can be purchafed on cheaper Terms in England^ than ztMarfeilles -^ 4. That Freight and Infurance are very high ztMarfeillcSj as is alfo the Interefl of Money y 5. That the exclufive Powers of the T'urky Company, by reilraining and leflening the Exports of Englifij Manufactures^ leflen the Labour, and of Courfe the Wealth, Power, and Navigation of Great Britain. — And'by leflening the Imports of foreign raw Materials^ greatly obfl:ruft the Manufafturcs of thofe Materials. A71 APPENDIX to the fecond 'Edition of the foregoing Pamphlet, SOme time after the Publication of the above Pamphlet, a laudable and generous Refent- ment began to appear againft the monopolizing Pradlices of the ^urky Company. Several hun- dred Pounds were raifed by voluntary Subfcrip- tions for applying to Parliament to open the Trade ; the chief of which Money was raifed in Brijlol, and moftly from Perfons that afled wholly upon National Views, having no Defire to engage in the Trade themfelves. Liverpoole like- tvife furniflied a certain Proportion : And as to Petitions, ^Vithout Money, all Places were ready enough to fend them. When this Affair was to be brought before the Parliament, the firft Endeavours of the Mo- nopolifts and their Friends were. To vilify and difcredit the little Treatife, which had raifed fuch aKational Spirit againft them : One Advocate in particular was fo witty in a public News-Paper as to call it a Three-penny Pamphlet : Another, in a more formal Stile, was pleafed to infinuate. That it' was a Lie from Beginning to End : And all afTerted'in the moft pofitive manner. That the Trade wa^ under no Monopoly at all, and that the prefent low State of it ought to be afcribed to other Caufes. t'-fijj- rep}.y to thefe angry Invectives, and poor Extufes, the Friends to an Open Trade chole to confute the Monopolifts and their Advocates out of the very By-Laws and Regulations of their own Company, as being the fulleft and moft uiT- exceptionable Evidence, and at the fame Time the freeft from perfonal Altercation. They there- fore printed the Report of the Committee of the B 3 22 An A P P E N D I X. Honourable Houfe of Commons, made in the Year 1 744, when this Affair was laft upon the Tapis : And by this Report, extrafled from their own Books, it undeniably appears, That the Turky Company was intended to be a Monopoly at its original Inftitution •, and that their Aims have been, from time to time, to render this Monopoly ftill more injurious to the Nation. As to the original Inftitution, it was fo narrow and contracted, that none but mere Merchants (Noble- mens Sons excepted) could be admitted to be Members of this Society ; and even they could not be received without a Fine of 50/. if above twenty fix Years of Age, and 25 /. if under. Now a mere Merchant is a Perfon, who doth not fell out in lefs Quantities than he buys in : Or in other Words, He fells in Grofs as he buys in Grofs ; and, if you keep ftridly to this Idea, there are fcarce ten mere Merchants throughout the King- dom. Nay, the Turky Company thought proper to object to a Gentleman fome Years ago, as not being a me^'e Merchant, only for having fpared a Part of a Jar of fine eating Oil to his Friend out pf a Parcel he had juft imported : Judge there- fore, whether this fingle Article, even without taking the enormous Fine into Confideration, was not enough to create a Monopoly : And if you add to this the Power of making By-Laws and reftraining Regulations, what could be wanting to make it a moft detrimental and opprelTive Scheme ? Therefore, if the Advocates for the Turky Company can call this a/r^^, and open Trade, may we prefume to afk, What do they mean by a confined one ? — But the By-Laws of this Com- pany are ftill a farther Evidence of the Point in Queftion : For as foon as the Company was well eftabliftied, they prefently erefled their Batteries againft National Induftry,andNational Profperity. Thus, in the Year 1625 (which was but nineteen Years after their Eredign) they made an Order of An A P P E N D I X^ 23 General-Court, That no Manufadures or Commo- dities of the Kingdom Ihould be fent to Turky^ ei- ther direftly or indirectly, in any hut joint Ships to be appointed by the Company : But foreign Com- modities, fuch as Spices, Pepper, tsff. were except- ed from this Reftraint, and allowed to be carried in what Shipping, and from what Place any Man pleafed. Now the Reafon for this particular In- dulgence to foreign Commodities preferably to our -own,was this, — T\\tDutch and otherNations could, and would fupply the ^urks with thefe Commodi- ties at the cheapeft Rate, if the Company did not ; and therefore the Company were obliged to be as reafonable in their Gains in refpedt to thefe things, as other People : But in regard to our own Manu- factures, (the Labour and Induftry of our People, and the Riches of a State) no Man dared to inter- fere with the Monopolifts in that Branch of Trade; and therefore they refolved to difcourage the Ex- portation of £»^///!?>Manufa6lures as much as pof- fible, in order to get an enormous Profit on fmall Exports. Nay, as if they were afraid we fhould be at a Lofs to know their Meaning, they explain, themfelves in their By-Laws enabled two, three, and four Years afterwards. That they made thefe benevolent and patriotical Regulations with a View, — To keep up the Price ' Times of our Commerce: For three Years afterwards, viz. in the Year 1633, fome of the Company themfelves began to be alarmed at the Progrefs of the French and other Strangers, " who " taking Advantage (thefe are their own Words) " of our long Forbearance of fending Ships and " Goods to the feveral Parts of Turky, began to B 4 «4 An A P P E N D I X. " fupply thofe Places with their own Commodi- " ties •, which will redound to the great Prejudice '* of the Company, and the Trade thereof, if fome " fpeedy Courfe be not thought of for preventing *' it." But even this Remonftrance produced little or no Effcdl •, for the Defire of prefent Gain operates fo ftrongly with every Monopolift, that he is quite regardlels of Futurity ; hoping, that he will have made his Fortune before the Evil can reach himfelf ; and as to the Public, that was ne- ver his Concern. Accordingly we find. That ge- neral, and joint Shipping were the ufual Vehicles for carrying on this Trade ; and even thefe were not always permitted to go out, and return annu- ally i but fometimes were reftrained from making too frequent Vifits : Such were their Fears left the Nation Ihould get too rich by their Monopoly. And in this manner their Affairs were carried on (with now and then a Permiffion for 2l private Ship to fail) till we come to the fatal Year 171 8, when a kind of Embargo was laid on all Manufaflures intended for Turk)\ and all raw Materials intend- ed ^ov England-., which continued for two whole Tears and a garter. And tliat was the very Juncture in which the French T'urky Trade made fuch an amazing Progrefs : Indeed, well it might; For the Englijh themfelves were the Caufe of it. This Circumftance is ftrongly fet forth in a Me- morial of (tvtn of the principal Members of the ^«r/^/Company to aCommitee of the Honourable Houfe of Commons in the Year 1 718-19. viz. " The Remedy propofed by thefe Reftraints is, " |0" That Cloth may be bought the Cheaper " at Home, and fell the Dearer Abroad ; and that " [raw] Silk may be bought the Cheaper Abroad, " and fell the Dearer at Home.*' A noble Re- medy truly ! and a moft infallible Prefervative a- gainll thole two great National Evils, Wealth and Induflry ! " But all this while, fay the Memo- •* rialifts, the French and Dutch are encouraged An A P P E N D I X. 115 *' to fupply the Woolen Trade abroad ; and to *' fupply in a larger Degree the Silken Manufac- *' tures at home. And our own Manufa6lurers, *' in the mean time, both in Wool and Silk, arc ** fo far deprived of their Employments But *' fhould the Merchant lofe [by exporting too ^' many Englijh Ma nu failures, and importing too " great Qiiantities of raw Materials] yet the Na- ** tion muft gain It hath been farther objedled, " That by a Delay more Cloth will be exported ; " and fo probably there may ; fhould the Ships ** be yet detained twelve Months longer But *' then the Company fhould take Care to prohibit ** the French and Dutch, and the 'Turks too, who, *' at this very time, are carrying on a Cloth Ma- *' nufa<5ture of their own." The Reader by this time, I fuppofe, needs no farther Examples of the monopolizing Views of the ^urky Company ; and of the Affiftance they have given thereby to the Trade of France. Indeed, the Obfervation is fo obvious, that more Proofs, though many more there are, feem perfectly need- lefs. Nor is the Strength of this Obfervation at all weakned by the Pretence which their Advo- cates have fometimes urged, viz. That of late Years moft of thefe reftraining Orders have been revoked. For granting that they have 5. yet the^ Power which ena(5ted them, was not revoked ;. and while the Power remained,, what Security was there to the Individual, that it would not be ex- ercifed again, whenever the Company thought fit? In ihort, the Fact was fo glaring, and withal fo f}iockingly detrimental to die public Welfare, that the Monopolifts themfelves, and all their Advo- cates, were for once put to filence, and could no longer pretend, That the Trade to 'Turky was a free and open Trade. But when the Proceedings and Powers of the Company could be no longer juftified, they chang- ed their defenftve into an offenftve War : For their 26 An A P P E N D I X. next Endeavours were to clog and embarafs thei Bill, that was defigncd to lay the Trade open. And here, alas ! they have fucceeded too well : For by Dint of Teazing, Perplexing, Obje6ling, Wrangling, ^c. i^c. they have made the Bill to carry the Appearance of a good Law, without the Effentials of it : So that, though fome Good has been done by the late A6t, yet it is very inconfi- derable to what might have been expedcd. And the Friends to Liberty and the Freedom of Com- merce had the Mortification to find, that the Op- pofition of a few, when ftimulated by Self-Intereft, a6ts with more Vigour and Unanimity, than the languid, tho' pubHc-fpirited Wifhes and Defires of many. As to the particular Objedtions to be made to this Bill, they need not be repeated here; becaufe they are fet forth at large in * another Treatife, which, though not yet made public, is now in the Hands of many Perfons, and will foon be in many more. Let it fuffice therefore at pre- fent to oblerve. That this Trade can never be faid to be truly free, till it is put upon the fame Footing with that to Italy ^ Spain, or Portugal ; and that every Plea which can be brought againft laying it entirely open, would ferve much ftrong- er towards imprifoning thofe Trades within the narrow Limits of a Monopoly. However, the Attempt that has been already made towards fet- ting it at Liberty, may be confidered as a Pre- lude to a future : And fureiy it is to be hoped, that a Time will come, when this, and all other Remains of our antient Slavery fhall be aboliftied ; and when the Englijh Nation will be as free in regard to Charters of Exclufion, and other Shac- kles upon Trade, as they happily are in refpeft of civil and religious Liberty. But that nothing may remain unanfwered, if it hath even the Shadow of an Argument, I fhall * The Elements of Commerce, and Theory of Taxes, Part H. Chap. ii. Sea. 2. An A P P E N D I X. 27 not conclude, before I examine all that the Ad- vocates for the Company have thought proper to fay in their Vindication. I N the firji Place therefore. They are pleafed to affert. That the Increafe of the French Trade, and Decreafe of the Englijh, is not owing to the Exclufions and Reftraints of our Englijh Company trading to 'Turky, but to other Caufes, viz. The Dearnefs of Englijh Labour, and the Cheapnefs of that of the French. And as this is their grand Plea, let us confider it the more attentively. Here therefore, the Reader will immediately obferve. That this pretended Argument contra- dicts a known Fad : For Fa6l it is, and the Com- pany's own Books are a Proof thereof, That the French Trade to Turky both began, and encreajed in proportion as the Englijh Company laid Re- ftraints upon the Exportation of Eyiglijh Manufac- tures. Thus, in the Year 1633, ^^^ long Forbear- ance of fending Ships and Cloth to T'urky tempted the French to enter into that Trade : And in the Year 1720, the Exports from France became amazingly great : But why particularly in that Year? — The Reafon is plain, viz. Becaufe our Turky Company had laid an Embargo on all Ship- ping intended for the Levant ever iince the 26th of March 1718: which lafted for two Years and a Quarter. This being the Fa6t, to what pur- pofe is it to attempt to reafon againft,ordifproveit? But even allowing, That the French have fome Advantages over us in regard to the Cheapnefs of their Manufaftures, — What method of Procedure ought we to take ? Not furely to give them ftill greater Advantages by laying Reftraints upon our own Trade, but to counter-balance them by ex- citing a general Rivallhip and Emulation among ourfelves ; fo that ail aiay work, fell, export, and import for as little Profit as poflible. The more therefore it is infifted upon, That the French work cheaper than the EngUJh^ fo much ftronger is the 2^ An APPENDIX. Reafon againft continuing any Reftraints and Dif- couragements on the Englijh Manufadnrcs. But is it true in Fa6t, That the French do work np their Goods cheaper than the Englijh ? Nay, can any Manufadlures in Brafs, Iron, Steel, Cop- per, Lead, Pewter, Tin, i^c. ^c. be fabricated even as cheap in France^ as they are in England ? No •, they cannot by at leaft 20 per Cent, in many Articles : — And it is a Circumftance not to be denied. That mod of the Guns which the French carry to the Coaft of Guinea, are made in the Neighbourhood of Birmingham. This being the Cafe in regard to all Branches of the wf/^/ Trade, let us now come to the Woollen. In the frji Place therefore. Though Spinning may be fomewhat cheaper in France than in Eng- land, it doth not appear, that the Price of Weav- ing, Scribbling, Tucking, or Dying, is cheap in the fame Proportion. And the Reafon feems to be, becaufe thefe are confidered as Trades, which are incorporated into Companies : And all Com- panies are much more ftricl: in France in preferr- ing what is falfely and abfurdly called their Pri- vileges, than they are in England. This is a great Advantage, which we have over them : And- it is growing greater every Day, becaufe we are now proceeding upon the opening, enlarging Scheme, and they upon the narrowing and contrafting. 2. The Intereft of Money is much lower in England than in France : So that a Mafter Manu- fadturer will be content with lefs Profits here, than he would there. For no Man would run the Rifks of Trade, and fuffer its Fatigues, if he could get as much, or near as much, by living upon the In- tereft of his Money. 3. Our Capitals in Trade are much larger. — It is no uncommon Thing for a Manufadurer in England to have 20,000/. in Trade. But where is there an Example of the like kind to be met with in France? Nay, as foon as they get to An A P P E N D I X. 29 10,000/. is it not a common Pradlice with them to buy fome Charge, in order to ennoble their Fa- milies, and fo wipe off" the Difgrace of having been once ufeful to their Country > Now, this Circumftance of the Largenefs of our Capitals, together with the other of the low Intereft of our Money, are fufficient to over-balance a great many petty Difadvantages. For that Man who hath aCa- pital of 10,000/. in Trade, in a Country where the Intereft of Money is about 3^ per Cent, can, and will fell his Goods cheaper than another, who hath only a Capital of 2000/. in a Country where the Intereft is 6 per Cent. — I lay, he will fell his Goods cheaper, even though he pays higher Wages to every Workman that he employs. 4. But fourthly^ The Price of common, and nnd- dling Wool is much cheaper here than in France^ efpecially the South of France, where all the Cloth is made for the Levant. Now Wool is the firft Material ; and every Advance upon the raw Material, like an injudicious Tax, fpreads thro' all Parts of the Manufafture, and increafes as it goes. Note, The chief Coniiimption of Cloth, in ^urky, is that which is made from common^ and middling Wool. 5. In Regard not only to the Price, but alfo to the Preparing of all Wools in genera!, the Englijh greatly exceed the French. For the French ufe vaft Quantities of Cajiile Soap in fcouring the Wool from the Greafe -, which is not only a dear, but an improper. Method : Whereas the Englijh have a cheaper, and a more effecftual one -, lb that the fame Qiiantity of Wool in th^ Greafe fhall produce more Cloth, of equal Fine- nefs in England, than in France. Upon the whole, therefore, the Pretence of the comparative Cheapnefs, or Dcarnefs of La- bour, is a mere Bugbear. — And, indeed, if it v/as a Reality, why fhould that be a Rcalbn for our putting our Trade under ftill greater Difad- 30 An A P P E N D I X. vantages, by Means of an exclufive Company ? But the true State of the Cafe is really this : The French have invented a light, thin, hollow Cloth for a Summer Country, fuch as 'Turky ; in this they excel : And the Englijh have not yet been able to get into the Knack of imitating their Man- ner J nor is it likely, that they ever will, while the Trade is confined. But if it Ihould ever be thrown open, and a proper Emulation raifed among our Manutadurers, there is no Doubt to be made, but that our ingenious Workmen would rival them in this, as they have done in every other Branch of Manufafture, originally borrowed from them. In the mean Time, the Candid and Judicious will forgive a well-meant Hint of the Author, viz. That if our fine Flannels were a little thickened in the Mill, well drelTed, and dyed in bright Colours, they would be regarded as the true French Cloth, lb much bought up in 'Turky^ and might be fold much cheaper than the French Cloths now are. II. The fecond Plea of the Advocates of the Company is rather a Cavil againft others, than an Apology for themfelves, viz. " If the Out- *' Ports could fend Cloth to I'urky, v/ere the " Trade open. Why do they not fend Cloth at " prefent to Spain and Portugal, where they are *' at full Liberty ?" I call this a Cavil -^ becaufc it is a zvilftd Mifreprefentation of a plain Cafe. For, the Advocates for the Company muft know. That the Exporters of Cloth from London, to Spain or Portugal, have no exclufive Privilege whatever -, and therefore are, in no Refpeft, in a parallel Situation with the Exporters of Cloth to ^iirky. Flow then can you reafon from the one Cafe to the other .'' Or what Analogy is there be- tween them ? In Fafl, the London Merchants, trading to Spain and Portugal, being all inde- pendent of each other, and knowing that every Manjn the Kingdom may be their Rival, when- An A P P E N D I X. 31 fever he pleafes, do not keep up their Goods at an exorbitant Rate, but are content with mode- rate Profits, endeavouring to find their Account rather in the Scantily exported, than in the Dearnefs of the Price. And the Confequence is. That very few of the Merchants, in the other Ports of the Kingdom, will venture to commence their Rivals ; becaufe they do not exped:. That the Profits in this free Trade are very large ; and moreover, becaufe they are fure, That they cannot get Footing in any new Trade without a large Expence, which Expence will be ftill heigh- tened by the Difficulties and Difcouragements, which all the old Stagers will caft in their Way. Now this Realbning is confirmed by a remarkable Circumllance here at Home : For, though the »^/«r^/ Advantages o^ Newcajile are much greater than thofe oi Birmingham, in Regard to Naileries, and other Branches of the Iron Manufadlure j yet, as Birmingham is a free and open Town, and the Trade long fettled, the Inhabitants of Newcaflle have not been able to rival Birmingham in any one Article. But if you will fuppofe ten, or twenty People at Birmingham, invefted with an exclufive Charter (which muft be the Cafe to make it pa- rallel to the Turky Company) and the Inhabitants oi Newcaflle all free and independent, I afk, How long do you think it would be before the Trade would move .? And, what Grounds are there for fuppofing. That the Inhabitants of Neivcafile, and other Places, would not take the Advantage of fuch a Circumftance ? — • It is therefore very difingenuous in a certain Gentleman, to fay no worfc, to pretend to prophefy, That the Merchants in the Out-Ports would not enter into the Ttirky Trade ; — when the fame Perfon, who uttered thij? Prophecy, did all in his Power to prevent them, by rendring the Bill, in a great Meafure, inefTec- tual ; and by confining the Trade to the Port of London, thro' the Means of the Powers dill fub- filting in the Governors of the Company. 32 An A P P E N D I X. However, it is better to have a bad Bill, than none at all. For a bad Bill is eafily mended, but the Obtaining a perfe<5liy good one, all at once, is a Work of great Dif- ficulty. And as every Advance toward Liberty is fo much gained, therefore it renders an Oppofition, on the next Occafion, fo much the weaker. In a word. Mankind begin to fee more and more into the bafe and flavifh Original, and prefent iniquitous Chicane ot all exclufive Char- ters ; nor will they be led blindfold much longer by thofe, zi'hofe Intereft it is to deceive them. As to the above-mentioned Prophecy, the Event has fhewn. That it is (like Fortune-telling in other Cafes) partly true, and partly otherwife : For fome, in different Parrs of the Kingdom, have made themfelves free of the Company fince the late Bill, but not many ; the Reafons of which I have affigned before. But thofe who have, feem to agree fo well with their elder Brethren of the Company, that, I believe, they would not be found the moft fanguine in the farther Opening of the Trade ; it being too juft a Remark, That the Perlon, who cries the loudeft for Opening the Door, in order that himfelf may enter in, is fometimes the readiejl to Jhut it dgainfi thofe wh9 would come after him. But, neverthelefs, if the Trade fhould ever be thoroughly opened, we have at leaft as much Reafon to believe, That, in a Courfe of 7~ears., the Merchants of the Out- Ports would become as confidcrable Traders to Turkyy as they are at prefent in the Trade of Rujfia. For when that Trade was firfl: laid open to the Degree it is (though by-the-By it is not quite fo free as it ought to be) the Merchants of the Out-Ports did not rufh into it immediately, but came in by Degrees : And fo from fmall Beginnings they have gradually increafed,.till at Length they have more than doubled the Trade of the Metropolis ; — and they are ftill advancing: everv Day. F I N r S. ' TWO DISSERTATIONS On certain Passages of Holy Scripture, Viz. the First on LUKE xiv. 12, 13, 14. And the Second on ROM. xiii. i, 2, 3, 4. Wherein the Cavils and Objedions of the late Mr. Chubb, in the Firfl Volume of his Pofthumous Works, viz. Remarks on the Scriptures^ are particularly confidered and re- futed. By JOS lAH i:UC KER, A.M. Vicar of All Saints in Brijlol, LONDON, Printed for T. Try E, near Grays- Lm G^teyin Ho/hourn, and fold by J. Fletcher in Ox/crdj Mr. vV. Thurlborne in Ca?7ibridge, Mefl'. Leak and Frederick at Batb^ and by the Book- fellers at Brijiol. MDccxLix. [ Price One Shilling. ] TO THE HONOURABLE Sir Michael Fofter, One of the Juftices of his Ma- jefty's Court of King's Bench. PERMIT me, Sir, to addrefs the following Diflertations to you, in Teftimony of that Efteem you have fo worthily acquired in your publick Capacity, and of my Gratitude for perfonal Favours. In doing this, I fhall not prefume to fhelter myfelf under your Authority in order to pro- ted any Thing I have advanced, where Truth ii DEDICATION. Truth and Reafon will not fupport it. All that I can promife myfelf is, that the prefixing your Name may re- commend the Performance to a more candid Reading, and happily fcreen it from thofe Cenfures which Prejudice is too apt to throw out againft every new Method oi treating a Subjed, and every new Argument upon iisfirji h^~ pearance. It is almoft the peculiar Privilege and Bleffing of Rngltjhmen to deliver their Sentiments freely on Subjeds of Importance: A Privilege partiailarly valuable tn religious Matters. And though I would not be fuppofed to harbour a Thought tending towards a Defire of abridging Mankind of any of their Liberties civil or religious ; yet, I think, I may very confiftently and carneftly wifh, that they would .make DEDICATION. iii make a better Ufe of them than too many among us, to their Shame be it fpoken, now do. As to the facred Text itfelf, I am fully perfuaded, that though it may fometimes fuffer through Mtfreprefentatton and Calum- ny^ it will at length fhine forth with diftinguifhed Luftre, and Jthew itfelf more and more in the Eyes of eve- ry impartial Examiner to be the Wif- dom of God, and the Power of God. With Refpedl to the latter of thefe Differtations ; the Subjed of it muft be perfectly agreeable to every Perfon of your Sentiments, to every one who is a true Friend to the juil Rights and Liberties, the Peace and Tran- quillity of Mankind. I only wifb, that I had been able to have done fo much Juftice to it, as would have rendered the Performance more wor- thy iv DEDICATION. thy of your Patronage. Such as it is, I fubniit it to your Judgment, and that of the Public: And am, with great Regard, Honoured Sir^ Tour mofi obliged^ and mofl obedient , Humble Servant JosiAH Tucker. [iii] INTRODUCTION. MR. Chubb, in his late pojlhumous Works, has planned out a Scheme to introduce Infidelity the more efFedlually, by attempting to difcredit the Soundnefs and Reajbnablenefs of the Chrijiian Morals: which the thinking Part of the World have looked upon to be very fecure from Attempts of this Nature, when they confuiered, that they were better than thofe of any other Inftitution, and truly calculated for the Good oj Mankind. Mr. Chubb was not infenfible of the Influence, which this Argu- ment would always have with the mod con^ fiderate Men in Favour of Chrijtianity. He plainly faw, that this alone, unlefs it could be removed, would more than counterba- lance all the Difficulties he could raife in Speculation. Metaphyseal Subtleties and laboured Objedtions are not a Match againft Arguments fuppofed to be grounded on Fabi and Experience, Therefore he ufed all his A Efforts iv INTRODUCTION. Efforts to difprove the Notion, that the Chriftian Morals deferved to be fo much ef. teemedy and to be preferred above others. This was a Tafk he was obliged to un- dertake. The Catife of Infidelity called up- on him to do it. And it muft be allow ed, that the Method he propofed was well devifed, and artful enough. But how he fucceededy I hope, the following Pages will fufficiently fhew : His Aim was, to repre- Cent the Chrifiian Morals either as contain- ing no more than any other Syflem didj or elfe as confifting in certain Peculiarities^ which were utterly falfe^ irrational ^ or ab- furd. This was an home Charge : And I have waited to fee, whether it would call forth the Zeal of feme abler Perfon to take the Caufe in hand, and to refcue the Oracles of God from Mr. Chubb' s grofs Mfrepre- Jentations of them. ^ One at Length ap- peared, whofe Succefs againft Mr. Chubb in his Life-time^ gave me the greater Hopes, that his engaging to anfwer the * Mr. Caleb Flmlng, a DilTcnting Miniflcr, I fup- poflhu' INTRODUCTION. v pojlhumoiis Works of his Adverfary, would have fuperfcded any Attempt of mine. But whether it was, that he defignedly checked the Vigour of his Mind againfl an Antagonift, who now could reply no more J or whether fome of thefe Subjedls were fuch, as he had not given fo parti- cular an Attention to (for noManisMaf- ter of all Subjedts alike) Whatever was the Caufe, yet fo, I think, it was, that his Reply to thefe pofthumous Works, did not carry with it that Author's ufual Strength and Clearnefs. . I have therefore put together the hints I had minuted, and the Obfervations I firft made on the Occafion ; and now fubmit them to the Judgment of the Pubiick. One thing 1 muft advertife my Reader of, that tho' I do not pretend toanfwer Two whole Volumes in 061 avo j yet I conceive, I have feledled the very Flower and Strength of Mr. Chubb' s Objedions to combat with, in the fol- lowing DiiTertations. And if I have confu- ted them to the Reader's Satisfadion ; he may conclude, that all the reft are no ways confiderable, but for their Numbers. Not to mention, that xki'z far major Part of thefe remain- vi INTRODUCTION. remaining Objedlions, are in fadt no Ob- jedions againft Revelatw?2, (though he de^ figned them fo) but againft the Religion of Nature itfelf, againft the Attributes and Moral Government of God, and the Duty of Man, as a reafonabky Jocial, and dependent Creature. DI5SER- ( ' ) DISSERTATION I. Luke xiv. 12, 13, 14. Then faid he alfo to Mm that bad hiniy Whe?t thou makeji a Dinner or a Supper^ call not thy Friends^ nor thy Brethren^ neither thy Kinfmen, nor thy rich Neighbours ; lejl they alfo bid thee again, and a Recom^ pe?tce be made thee. But whefi thou ma- keji a Feaflj call the Poor, the Maimed, the Lame, the Blind : And thou Jhalt be bleffed'y for they cannot recompenfe thee : For thou /halt be rcco?npenJed at the Refur- rcBiofi oj the fujl, N'' O W agalnft this Precept or Injunc- tion of our Lord Mr. Chubb has been — pleafed to raife various Cavils and Obje(5tions j which I will endeavour to fum up, and methodize, fo as to prefent them to the Reader in their full Strength. For I do not think it is conliftent with Honefly to conceal or difguife the Force of any Part of an Objedion, to which we pretend to give a full Anfwer. B I. Mr > 2 DISSERTATION I. 1. Mr. Chubb fets forth, that this Injunc- tion is one of thofe which is peculiar to the Chriftian Rcligwi. He goes on arguing to this Effcd : That if the Rich had only been commanded to relieve the Poor and Necefii- tous in a IVay fmtablc to their Stations and Conditions^ the Precept would have had no- thing in it different from the Morals of many other Inftitutions. But what particularly di- fiingtiifbed it, and made it a Chriftian Pre^ cept, was, the being obliged to call in the Poor, the Maimed, the Lame, the Blind to our Tables, to the Exclufion of our own Re- lations our Friends, and Equals. 2. That this Injunction ought to be taken in the literal Seiifc j becaufe it is a plain Di- reBion about making a Feaft, where Pules are laid down, and Reajofis given, who (hall be invited to the Feall;, and ivho fliall not. Therefore the Paffa2;e before us can admit of no Lojtinefs of Language, but muft be un- derflood, according to the natural and obvi- ous Meaning of the Words, without Figures or Hyperboles. 3. As the Injunction is 2. peculiar and di- ■/li?}guiJJji?2g InpndWon, whereby the Chriftian Religion is made to differ from all others ; for that very Rcafcn it (hould be obeyed lite- rally by ^// thofe, who acknowledge Chrift as their Majler and Lawgiver. For though, fays he, a proper Obedience paid to other Laws, grounded on other Principles, may con- DISSERTATION I. 3 conftitute a geod Man ; yet it is a Jiri£l Ad- herence to thofe Laws, that are peculiarly Chriftian, which conftitute a good or true Cbrijliariy when a good Chriflian is contra- diftinguiflied from a good Man. Yet, 4. The Ab/urdity of this Precept, in the literal Senfe of it, is fo palpable and glarings that 720 Manner of Regard is paid to it, not only by the thoughtlefs Multitude, but alio by the Learned, the Sober, and the Sagacious, and even by thofe who pretend to have ob- tained Patents from Heaven for being Maf- ters and lJJl:ers in Chrifl's School. A Com- pliance with fuch a Precept would be very improper and irrational; becaufe it would promote the Happinefs of neither Rich, nor Poor ', not of the Rich, as it would debar them of one of the grcatejl Enjoyments in Life, the Company and Co?iverfation of their Relations, Frie?ids, and Equals ; not of the Poor, as it would be much more agreeable- to them to dine among the777jelves, according to their own Way, without Rejerve, than to par- take of the Tables of the Great, to whofc Modes and Manners they are not accuflomed. Therefore the Precept meets with an imiver- Jal Difregard and Noncompliance. Even a Right Reverend, or a Moft Reverend Father in God, and in Chrijl Jejiis our Lord,y<:/7/- ples not every Day to adl quite contrary to this Injundlion : Pie invites his Friends and rich Neighbours to partake of his Entertain- B 2 mcnts, 4 DISSERTATION I. inents,and excludes the Poor,the Maimed^ the Lame^ andthe|B//;/^/, from ht'm^ p?'ejejit with hi?n at the Table on thofe Occafions. This is the Sum of what Mr. Chubb has advanced, and, I flatter myfelf, the Reader will eafily believe, that I have done him Ju- ftice. His Objedions have lo/i nothing of their Force and Strength in pafling through my Hands. And yet I hope to prove, to the Reader's full Satisfaction , that all Chriftians at this Day are fo far from living in a conti- nued Difobedience to this Injunction of their IjOrd and Majler^ that they render a better and more perfect Obedience to it, according to the true Spirit and Meaning thereof, than perhaps to many other of his Commands. Words and Phrafes relative to Modes, Cuflioms, and Opinions wholly different from our own, are not to be explained or com- mented upon, without a previous Enquiry into fuch Modes, Cuftoms, or Opinions. • This ought to have been Mr. Chubb' s Rule ; And I take it, his Capital Error arofe from not obferving it. He reafoned upon the Paflage according to his modern Ideas of the Nature of Feafling and Entertainments ^ and fo impojed both upon himfelf, and others. I will endeavour to fiipply his 0?n?JJion^ by pre- fenting the Reader with fuch a previous State of the Cafe, as, I hope, will enable him to judge, not according to the Turn of his tuodern Ideas, but according to the true State 2 of DISSERTATION I. 5 of Things, as it then was, when the Words were fpoken. Let us therefore confiJer the Difpofitiono^ Mind thofe Perfons were in, to whom thcfe Words were originally addrefled. In fo do- ing we divejl ourfelves of the Prepoffejions arifing from the Modes and Cudoms of onr 0W71 T'i?nes^ and place ourfelves in that right Pofition, which is nccejjary to fee the Subjedl in its true Light. Now the Perfon who in- vited our Loid was a Pharifee ; and proba- bly all the reft of the Company were Phari- fees likewife ; as it is well known, that they chofe always to afTociate together, and had a fovereign Contempt for others. What there- fore we have to do, is to confider the Senti- ments of iht Pharifees^ and, through them, of the much greater Part of the ye-wifi Nation, as far as it may throw a Light on the prefent Subject. In the firfl: Place, the Pharifees had a ge- neral ExpcBation of a temporal^ '-oidlorious MeJJiah. Indeed the whole Nation had their Heads turned with the Notions of the fecu- lar Power, and earthly Pleafures, which they were to enjoy under this Reign. And the Words of yohn the Baptijl^ which he put into the Mouths of his Difciples, when he fent them to Jejiis (undoubtedly not for his own Convidlion but for theirs) are very ex- prejjive of the State and T^cmper of Mind the ye%vs were in at that Sea/on 3 viz. Art B 3 thou 6 DISSERTATION I. thou he that JJooiild come ? Or do we look for another. The Jews in general, as I obferv- ed before, were looking out every Day, as it were, with great Eagernefs for him that jhould co?7ie. And the Pharifees put this ve- ry Queftion to our Saviour, when the King- dom of God Jhould come ? To whom he an- fwered in Juch a Manner, as fufficiently in- forms us concerning the Notions, then enter- tained of the State and Nature of the MeJJi- ^/6'j Kingdom ; viz. T^ he Kingdom of God co- meth not with Ob/ervation : Or as it is in the Margin of our Bibles, with outward Shew. The Original implies both the one and the other. They obferi)ed, they watched, when it {hould appear; becaufe they expected, it would appear with all pofTible Eclat o1 out- ward Shew J (o that they might fay, when they dejcryed it coming, ho here ! or Lo there ! After mentioning theie Particulars, we need not wonder, that the Apoftles (hould have a Strife among themfelves, who fkould be the Greatest. For as they looked upoji Christ in the Light of being that Mefjiah, who was to restore the Kingdom to Ifrael, it was natural for them to pufi their Interest, as Courtiers do, as far as they could. I might yet add many other Particulars in Confirma- tion of the Point here advanced. But what I have faid, I hope, will be fufficient. And the reft I fliall referve for the II. Difertation-, v/ith which Subjc:(ft, 1 conceive, they have a very DISSERTATION I. 7 very -particular Connedion. A temporal Kingdom then, with all it's Confeqnen- ces of worldly Riches^ Pleajures^ and De- lights, was the Ground of their RxpeBations, and the Foundation of all their Hopes. Such a mijlaken Principle to fet out with, could not fail in the Sequel, of begetting in them many extraordmary Millakes of a pradlical Nature. Wherefore 2^^^ this will lead us to ob- ferve, in what Manner they were drawn in- to the Miftake of fuppofing, that they were to be treated, and to treat one another with elegant and continual Feaftings under the Reign of their Mejjiah. For as they whol- ly took their Patterns and Ideas of his Court and Kingdom from the Modes and Cuftoms oi earthly Princes, it need not fecmjl range to us, that they expcSfed to partake of the Jame kind of Pleafures and Entertaiments, which other Courtiers did; only in a much higher Degree. If any one can doubt, whe- ther tiiey had any fuch Notion of Corporeal Feafting ; the very Words fubfequent to the PafTage now in Difpute, may ferve to con- vince him, viz. j!l?id when one of them that fat at Meat with him, heard thefe things, he (aid unto him, Blejjedishc that Jl:all cat Bread in the Kingdotn oj God. 7he Kingdom of God was a fynonymous Term for the King- dom of the McJJiah ; and the eating Bread is an Eajiern Phrafe for a Rcpaft or Entcrtain- B 4 mentj 8 DISSERTATION I. ment, whether jumptuous^ or otherwife. The Gofpels alfo have furniflied us with many Hints, whereby we may gather, to what a Fitch they expedled their Spirits were to be exhilarated^ and their Rejoycings to rife on that Occafion. Particularly the Beatitudes of our blefled Lord do really fhew by Way of Contraji, what were their Notions and Opinio?is. They expected, and indeed it was natural enough for them fo to do upon their Principles^ to be in the bigh- eji Glee of Spirits, when Partakers at fuch Entertainments. Poverty of Spirit, they would have judged to have been inconfijlent with the Rejoycings, which ought to take Place upon fuch an Occalion. And there- fore they feemed to conclude, that a Perfon of this Caft and 'Temper, could tiotht blejjed-y becaufe he could not fufficiently exult over his Enemies, now fubdued by the corning of the Kingdom of God. This was a Time to be comjorted after their long Mourning and Sorrows : This was a Seajbn for Mirth and Fejiivity. ^ Wherefore our Lord, to correB thefe Errors, began his Beatitudes with fay- ing, Blepd are the Poor in Spirit, for theirs is the Kingdom of Heaven. Blejjed are they that mourn ; for they fliall be co?nforted. And the fame Kind of Reafoning, which, I have • See Mr. Blair's excellent Paraphrafe on Chrift's Sermon on the Mount, in his Firil Vol. lliewn, DISSERTATION I. 9 {hewn, doth here take Place with regard to the two firft Beatitudes, holds good with refped: to all the reft. Such therefore being the Notions of the 'Jews and Pharifees^ concerning the perpe- tual Round of Feaftings and Mirth, which were to be enjoyed under the Reign of their Mefjiah ; it is eafy to infer, that none could be admitted to be prefent, but Fa\)ourites and Great Men^ according to the PraSlice al- ways obferved in the Courts 01 Princes, Nay, it would have been but common Pru- dence in the Maker of the Feaft, to invite them^ and to omit the inviting of others^ both as a Recofupence might be made him (by which Means the Pleafures of fuch Good- fellowfhip would be continually kept up) and alfo as he might avoid the giving Offence to the Great Men and Favourites of the Court. Thus were the Poor, the Maimed, the Lame, and the Blind almofl unavoidably excluded from ever being prefent at Entertainments of this Nature. But this is not all : For we may obferve, 3. That this defpifed QX^k of Men were not only excluded, as being unqualijied by their Station and Condition in Life from participating in fuch Favours ; but alfo for Reafons ftill more perfoual and particular. The whole Jewifli Nation had conceived very derogatory Notions of God, as if he was a capricious Being, and lead by (^AW lo DISSERTATION I. uiffe5l'wn to have his Favourites and Fo?2d' lings. And the j'deBing the Seed of \i~ rael to be a peculiar People, feems to have been mi [applied by them to countenance fuch a Notion. Their Views were too narrow and contracted for them to fee, that Al- mighty God had a much more general De- lign in fo doing, than what related to them- Jelves only. But as they had fuch a contrac- ted Notion, it fpread and grew upon them : So that they feemed to think, they could difcern, that God had excluded the Poor, the Maimed^ the Lame, the Blind from be- ing of the Number of his Favourites. The Poor, they thought, could not be in Favour with him J becaufe the Law had promifed all temporal Bleffings to fuch, as he ap- proved of. And therefore they judged the Want of them to be an evident Mark of God's Di [plea fare. In fliort, the Jews con- fidered all temporal Affii5lions as 'Judgments from Heaven. Hence it was, that our Saviour reproved the uncharitable Cenfure paft up- on thofe Galileans, whofe Blood Pilate had 7?2ingled with their Sacrifices : viz. 'Think ye, that thefe Galileans were Sinners above all the GalileaJis ; becaufe they Juffered fuch Thinrrs? I tell you nay. And as to the Maimed, the Halt, and the Blind : All thefe Defects were fuch Ble- miJJjes of Body, that they inferred, the Per- fons inflided with them, were marked out as being DISSERTATION. T. n being unacceptable to the Deity, Bodily De~ formities in many Cafes were a Bar againft ferving in the Office of the Priejlhood : And the acceptable Sacrifice was to be without Spot or Bhnifj. Moreover the Cafe of the Man born Wind, intimates very flrongly, that the Jews did not conceive fuch a Per- fon to be upon a Level with others, as to the Favour of God : Who hath fmned\ this Man^ or his Parents^ that he is born blind? plainly implying, that they looked upon fuch an Affair, as a divine judgment ^ for fome Caufe or other, executed \x^oy\ him. The previous State of the Cafe will be completed after we have obferved, 4. That the Feafts of the Antients, whe- ther 'Jews or Gentiles^ were not, as ours are, merely of a civil, or a facial Nature -y but had a Rejerence to the Religion of the Coun- try, where they were, which was, as I may fay, interwove?! with them. The Jewijh Feafts were generally at the End of their Sacrifices ; and at the Conclufion of the whole, there was a religious Ceremony of eating Bread and drinking Wine, together with a folemn Prayer and BenediBion. This Cuftom, as it was in itfelf both innocent and commendable, was applied by our Lord to ufier in an Inftitution of his own, of a more facred Nature j viz. the^ Holy Supper, For the Scripture is very expreis in obferving, that after Supper he took the Cup, As 12 ' DISSERTATION I. As to the Gentiles, it is well known, that they held mod: of their Feails in Honour of one or other of their Idol Gods. And their very Sports, Plays, and Dherjims were de- dicated to the Purpofes of their falfe Reli- gion. Hence therefore appears the Propria ety, as well as NeceJJity of St. Paul's Advice to the Corinthians, not to partake of thofe Feafts, which were of a religious Concern; becaufe this amounted, in ConJlruSiion, to a tacit Approbation of the Superflitions and Idolatries of the Gentiles. Enough, I think, has been faid, to prove, that the Feafts of the Antients, whether Jews or Gentiles, had a Reference to the Prificiples of Religion of the Country where they were, and therefore, in this Refpecft, were greatly di^erent from ours. Perhaps it may be fur- ther expeded, that I fhould attempt to prove, that the Feafts of the Jews, particularly this, at which our Lord was prefent, were defign- edly and avowedly made typical of the Na- ture of the Mejfiaffs Kingdom, according to the Conceptions and Prejudices of the Perfons then at the Entertainment. But this I will not take upon me to do. One Thing may be very exprejjive of another^ and yet not de- fignedly typical of it. The Conceptions and Notions of Men may have a very great In- fluence over their ABions and Modes of living, and may determine them to do this rather than that', and vet fuch Adions or Modes of DISSERTATION 1. 13 of living may not be intended by them as fymbolical Reprejentations of their inward No- tions and Principles. Indeed they become in Effed: what is equivalent thereto : and a Spectator might eafily obferve, that their Ac- tions and Behaviour were correfpondent to, and explafiatory of their Opinions. For when Men 2xtprepofj'e(fed by one Majier Principle , or leading Idea, this gives a peculiar Turn to their whole Converfation and Behaviour, and greatly dijiinguifies them from others. The Jews of old, were a re?narkable In- ftance of this : What filled their Heads, and poflefled their Affedlions, was the Exped:a- tion of a teynporal Meffiah, and the fecular Pomp and Pieafures of his Court and King- dom. And as the Time, when he was to come, was jujl expiring^ they were every Mo- ment looking out for his Appearance. And may we not rcafonably fuppofe, that they were making Preparations to receive him ? Is it not highly probable, that they had be- gun to cabal, and to projed: their Schemes of Intereji and Ambition one among another ? If there was a Difpute among the Apoftles, which oj them J]:Gidd be accounted the gretaejl , why (hould we think, that they ^ncxq frngu- lar in fuch a Contefi ; feeing that all others had the fame Motives, the fame Prejudices o^ Ambition and Self-lnterejl to fpur them on, that the Apofllcs had? ^Nay we (ind in ^ Sec M.T. Blair's Paraphrafe and Serm. on Mat.v.>''. 1 7. Fadt. ,4 DISSERTATION I. Fad, a general Notion prevailed, that the Mejfiah would difpenfe with the Rigour of the moral Fart both of the Law and the Prophets, in order to give the greater Scope to his SiibjeBs and Favourites to profecute their Conquefis, and f;z/cy their Fieajiires. And furely fuch Hints as thefe are the propereft Guides for tracing the Nature of an Enter- tainment in a Fharifee's Houfe, and at a Fha- rifees Table. What have we therefore more to do, but only to fuppofe, that thefe Perfons WQXtjleddy to, and confiftejit^ with their dar- ling Principle ? And furely then we need not be at a hofs to know, what was the Nature of a Fbari fee's Entertainment at that yun- Bure of Time; efpecially as it was upon the Sabbath Day, and moft probably during the Feaft of the Dedication. (Compare 22^ Verfe of the preceding Chapter with John X. 22. I hope therefore by this Time, a com- mon E?2gliJJj Reader is better able to judge of the Merits of the Caufe, than when he firft fet out. He now may be fuppofed to have got over his Prejudices arifing from the Ideas of modern Cuiloms, and to fee the Sub- jed: in its original and true Light. Long Cujlom had renderd the Nature of the Jew- ifl: Feajling, in many Refpeds, very differ- ent from ours; the Sentiments of this Peo- ple concerning Great Men and Court-Fa- vourites under the Reign of their Mefjiah were DISSERTATION I. 15 were very fmgular and extraordinary ; they had entertained moft dijadvantageom Notions of the Poor^ the Maimed^ the Lame^ and the Blifjdy a Set of Wretches, in their Opinion, never to be introduced into the Favour of their Prince : And if fo, I would afk, what moKtfeafonable and proper^ all Thingsyc" c/r- ciimjianced^ than this Injundionof our Lord, to invite the Poor, the Maimed^ the Lame^ and the 5//W, 'rather than Friends^ = Mr.Chubh was miftaken in faying, that Friends and Equals were abfolutely excluded by this Injunction. And his Miftake mufl: arife from not knowing, or not at- tending to the Idiofn of the Old and New Teftament, where negative Particles, many Times, do not fignify the Exdufion of one Thing, but only the Preference of another. Thus, / will have Mercy ^ and not Sacrifice, only implies, that / ivill have Mercy rather than Sacri- fice. And here, the Poor, &c. are to be invited ra- ther than others; as plainly appears from tiie Con- text in the preceding Vcrfes, where Directions are given ■ for choofing the lozvejl Room, left a more honourabU Man be bidden. A clear Indication this, that our Lord did not intend, that huarjiirahle Men fliould ;:ot be bid- den, nor even that they fhould be placed bcl-Av the Poor and Neceflitous at fuch Entertainments. He did not propofe to rcverfc the Order of Society, but only to cc?n- bat a particular lurons; Notion by a particular A-lethod at a Scafon, when fuch fyniboUcalYJ\n^% oi Reprefenta- iions were eftablilhed by long Ufe and Cujiom. This appears to me a fatisfaCtory Account. Thofe who think ctlicrvviie, would do well in obliging the Chriftian Woild with -x better. For certainly the Cre- dit of the Chrijiian Alorals is very deeply concerned in this Affair, And let us turn the ConftruClion how we pleafe, ftill it will amount to this, that the Poor &c. ought Ere- i6 DISSERTATION I. Brethren^ or rich Neighbours ? A Feaft of this Nature, at that JufiBure^ was a virtual Declaration, by Way of Contrafl: to the Jews, that the Difciples and SubjeBs of the true Mejpah were all Favourites alike ; and that there was no Difference to be put between Man and Man on account of their outward Circumftances, and bodily Perfedions or Ble- mifhes. The Jews had long been accuftom- ed to think, that God was a RefpeSterofPer^ Jons : This Method was intended to fhew, that he was not. And though fuch a Me- thod, as here related, (ttm^ Jirange to us, yet it was a very common Thing among the An- tients, and is continued among the Eajlerft Nations to this Day, to exprefs their Senti-. ments by fymbolical Aftions, A Scene, a Gefture, a Reprefentation, &.c. v/as a Jilent Lecture, well underftood, and equally ex- preffive with the mofl:y5g;2/;?<;<^;7/ Language. One Inftance of this Nature there is record- ed in the Gofpel, which has fo great an JIffi- nity with the Cafe before us, that I appre- to be invited to our Tables rather than the Rich Sec, Now if fo, it mufl follow, thiit this is iuch a Peculiarity in thcChriftian Morals, as is not to be defended upon the Principles of found Reafon ; and neverthelefs ought to be the more carefully obferved by all Chrijlians, be- caufe it is a Peculiarity ; and yet is in Fact never pra£ii- fed by any : For none invite the pooreji and tnoji inife- rahle 0\>](ii\.% rather \\-\7vs\ others to dine \i\ Pey'fon with them. What a Triuviph would this be to the Caufe of Infidelity j and how juftly might Mr. C. have cxultedj were this the Cafe. hend DISSERTATION I. ly hend the mentioning of it will both cofyodo- rate and illujlrate the general Argument. It is the Ceremony of wa/hing the Dilciples Feet. Now wafhing the Feet, it is well known, was a Circumftance peculiarly relative to the Cufiom the Climate^ and the Habit of that Country. And it was looked upon as a piece of Civility in the Mailer of the Houle to give Orders, that his Guefts (hould be fo treated: But the Ad itfelf was performed only by menial Servants. Shall we therefore enquire, how came it to pafs that our Lord chofe to do it in Perfon ? This w^ill foon ap- pear, if we confult the xiii of St. yob?!^ and compare it with the xxii of St Luke 24 verfe where we fhall find, that the Time when this Circumftance happened, was juft be- fore the Feajl of the Paflbver; and the Oc- casion of it was, on Account of the Dijpule among the Difciples, which of them Ihould be accounted the greatejl. hi fuch a lime therefore, and on fuch an Occafion our Lord rifeth from Supper and laid a fide his Gar" ments^ and took a To'wel and girded himfelf: After that he poiii^eth Water into a BaJ'on, and began to wajh the Difciples Feetj and to wipe them with the Towel wherewith he was girded. So after he had wafied their Fcet^ and had take?! his Garments, and was fet down again, he fiid unto them. Know ye what I have done to you ? Do you know the Moral of this A(flion ? y^ who have ju ft C bjcn i8 DISSERTATION I. been difputing, who (hould be accounted the Grcateji^ do ye confider the Meaning and Intention of this 'Emblematical Reprefen- tation? ye call me Majier and Lord: And ye fay well-y for fo I am. If 1 then your Lord and Majier have ivaJJjed your Feet^ ye ought alfo to ivajh one another ^ Feet. If 1 give this Example in order to explain the Nature of the Religion I teach ; ye ought to conform to it; and to endeavour to do all mutual good Offices one for another in (lead of dif- puting which (hould be accounted the Great- eft. For the Serjeant is 7iot greater than his Lord: Neither he that is fent^ greater than him that fent him. Thus did the true MeJJiah explain the Nature of his Kingdom to his Difciples jufl before the Feaft of the PafT- over. And he taught them iht fame Leffion^ which he had before inculcated to the Pha- rifees, when he faw how Ambitious they were of having the chief Seats at the Feaft of the Dedication, Both thefe Inflances of worldly Ambition proceeding from the fame falfe Principle of a Temporal Mefiiah. But to return : this tnjundion of our Lord probably gave rife to the Inflitution of the Jlgap{r.^ or Love-Feafts, in the primitive Church ; which were continued as long, as it \w A?, particularly necefHiry to counter-a^ the above falfe Notion of the yenji;s. Nay, in nnc Senfe, the bleikd S.^crament itfelf is a perpetual Memento of this Nature. For as that DISSERTATION I. ig that Is the only Religious Feail now in ufe among us, whereby we diftinguKh ourfeh'es as Subje6ts of the MeJJiah, therefore Per- fons of all Ranks and degrees, are invited to partake of it, the Poor^ the Maimed, the Lame, and the Blind, as well as others. And when the Symbols are delivered to each Per- fon, particular care is taken by the Words of the Inftitution, efpecially as pradtifed by the Church of Englatid, to inculcate the Im- portant Do(ftrine, that God is 7io RefpeBer of Perfons, and that every worthy Receiver is equally acceptable to the Me/Jiah, The Body of our Lord J ejus Chriji which was given Jor THEE, prefer ve thy Body &c. Such effedlual care therefore having been taken to guard againft entertaining any dero- gatory Notions of God, as if he was a Re- fpedler of Perfons j the grand Quettion now is, whether Chriftians at this Day, are bound to conform to the very Letter of the Injunc- tion in Feafts and Entertainments, Juch as 'theirs, which are merely of a Civil or a So- cial Nature ? As to the Meaningzxv^ Intention of the Precept, we as readily allow, and as fbrongly infift upon the neceffity of inculcat- ing \K frequently 2.wd. fervently, as Mr. Chubby or any Man living can polTibly do. I repeat it therefore again. Merely as Chriflians, wc are all Equals, all the Favourites of God thro Chriji fejus, who Jl:ed as mush Blood for the C 2 Bcfjg-ar 20 DISSERTATION I. Beggar as the Prince : ^nd therefore wefiall be finally rewarded^ not accordmg to our 'Titles and Statio7is either in Church or State ^ not ac- cording to our Bodily Blemifies or PerJedJions-y But according to our inward and Spiritual Virtues^ and the Improvements we rejpeSlively fiall have made under the Advantages wepoffej's i?t the Gofpel Dijpenfation. This is what we (irenuoujly infift upon; and therefore cannot be charged Wixh J'wervi?ig from the true Spi- rit and Intention of the Precept. We fur- ther add, that Charity and Benevolence to- wards the Poor, Condefcenfion and Affability . towards our Inferiors are Duties JiriSily en- joyned in the Gofpel, and indifpenfably ne- cellary to our Acceptance with God. Nor do we fcruple to affirm, that Perfons ought to take the Greatefl Care left they fpend too much of their Time and Stibftance upon their Pleafures and Entertainments, which (hould have been imployed im mucli better ufes^ and left they exceed \ht Bounds oi Moderation and Sobriety on thefe Occafions. All this we both allow, and inculcate as fome of the moft EJjhitial Parts of our Religion. But it by no Means appears, that it is ///"// a necef- fary Branch of our Chriftian Duty to invite the Poor, the Maimed, the Lame and the Blind to dine in Per/on at the Table with the Rich, the Sound, and Healthy: Much lefs, that it is a Crime in us to invite thofe of the iams DISSERTATION. I. 21 fame Rank and Condition with ourfelvesi viz. our Equals, Acquaintance and Relations to our Entertainments. And the Reafon is, that the Caule for tlie Tofitive or literal Part - of this Injundion being now removed -y the Effect ceafes of Courfe. For, I think, it w ill , be acknowledged, that there are not the leajl 'Traces of fuch a Notion, as the Scribes and Pharifees entertained of the MeJJialfs Kingdom, remaining among any Sedt of Chriflians at this Day. And it was upon the Strength of this that I afferted at the Be- ginning, that we Chriftians were iojar from living in a CoJitiimcd Difobedience to the true Spirit ^nd Mccming of this Injundion, that on the contrary we paid a better and more PerfeB Obedience to it than perhaps to many other of Chrift's Commands. Indeed if there were a Body of People tainted with fuch yewifJj Notions, and holding Religious Feafls agreeably to their Plan or Syfletn at a Time, when fuch Actions by Common Con^ jent .or Cujiom were eicprcjjive of, and conje- qiient upon fuch Opinions j If this were the Cafe, I grant it would have been expedient for our R. R. Fathers (as Mr. Chubb v/ith an impious Sneer calls the Bifhops) to have counter-aBed thefe Feafts by Means oi others of a contrary Tendency and Intention. But furely till fuch a Bed arifes^ there can be no C 3 need 22 DISSERTATION I. need to confute ihtiv Jalje Do6trines and Po- rtions. To bring a Parallel Cafe to this before us : When St. P^^^/ delivered his Sentiments con- cerning the particular DrefTes, which were moft modeft and becoming for both Sexes in his Time-y the PraBice and Cuftom of the j4ge made it a Duty for all Good Chriftians at that yiinSfurey to conform literally to his Rules and orders. But as the Habits of dtf- Jerent Countries are different ^ and the Make or Fafhion of Apparel changes in length of Time, no Sober and Reafonable Perfon at this Day^ will pretend to aver, that our Men and Women are bound to be dreffed as the Corinthians ought to be (to whom thefe Injunctions were given) but only that Perfons of both Sexes among us (hould be habited in a Modeft and Decent manner, agreeably to the Fafiton of the Country we live in. For this is the True, the Stand- ing, the Perpetual, Moral, or Spiritual Meaning of the Apoftie's Pofitive and 'Tempora7y Injunction. Juft fo it is with Refpedl to the Cafe before us : The Du- ties formerly implied by this Command o^ inviting the Poor &c. rather than the Rich, are Duties fill, and ever will be to the World's End. And the Vices and falf Opinions condemned by it, are now and fver to be condemned and abhorred. But the DISSERTATION I. 23 the outward Ads themfelves are no longer NeceJJary to exprefs tliefe Mea?iing$ and Intentions by, feeing that the very Cazije which firft gave rife to that Part of the Injundion, is now fo effeSlually removed, that there are not the leaji fraces of it Remainiftg at this Day. DISER. (24) DISSERTATION II. Rom. xiii. i, 2, 3, 4. het e'uery Soul be Subje5i to the Higher Pow- ers. For there is no Power but of God: 'The Powers that be^ are ordained oj God, Whofoever therefore refifieth the Power, refijieth the Ordinance of God : And they that refft^ JI:aU receive to themfelves Dam- nation. For Rulers are not a Teror to good Works but to the Evil. Wilt thou then not be ajraidofthe Power ^ Nay, if we confult yoJephiiSy a cotempO' rary Hiflorian (as flu* as we can learn Things of this Nature from an Author, who pur- pofedly difguifed, and palliated the Senti- ments of his Countrymen, accommodatijig their Expreffions, even in Matters of i^f//^zc;?, to the Phrafeology and Cnjioms of the Romans, and in general concealing the true Reafons and Motives of the Jews in their frequent Revolts ; left the Romans fhould be too much irritated againft them) yet, I fay, if we con- fult even him, we fliall find, that the true Caufc DISSERTATION II ^S Caufeof fo much Imprudence which Avay- ed the whole Nation to revolt, was, ^ T/jat they had not a King of their own House to govern the People with Valour. He is for- ced to confefs, that the Country, at this ve- ry Time, was over-run with '' Cheats and Impoftors-y who fet themfelves up for Kings, creating great Dillurbances, and drawin"^ vad Numbers of Followers after th^^m. He particularly mentions *" 'Judas Gaidanites^ exciting the Natives to a Revolt, and up- braiding them for being fo abjedt as to fubmit to pay Tribute to the Romans^ or to fuffh- 7nortal Men to reign over them after God. It is certain, yofephus could have fpoken plainer upon thefe Subjects, if he would. He might have told us, that the numerous Bands of Robbers^ which appeared from Time to Time, were, in fad Bands of rank E?ithufiafsy who were infligatcd io riie up in Arms, and to begin their Scenes of Cofiquefs and Plunder by this very Principle of a Tetn- * Antiq. Jud. Lib. xvii. c. 12. § 6. Oi^roif cSoKAv) tcPfiOCtUfy} iViiroKiidjoi TO) s6vf<, Sioe> to (BaatXiu fju^ OIKEION UK iivui it^v Kotk^Q-^cc to zc-A>j9^ APETH. ■^ Lib. XX. c. 7. § 6. Torjis Kcct ATTOiliuye;. Con- fer etlam Lib. c. 1 2. §8. 'DeBelloJud. Lib. ii. c. 8. § i. m avK^ Tahv- Kyi fx'Px rov S-fov oiffaZi 9'v»;'?«J J2fliro1«i{f. D 2 poral 36 DISSERTATION II. poral Mcjjiah. But he was willing to give things the bell Colouring they could bear. But 3cily, It is iHU previoujly necefiary to obferve, that the Chrijlians and ycrcs were looked upon as X^o, fame People by the Ro- mans foribme confiderable time after the Ap- pearance of ChrijVianiiy in the World : So that if the 'Jews held any Opinions, which called in ^lejiion the Right and ^itle of the reigning Powers, the Chrijlians "wtxefuppo- fed to do the fame, and were accordingly accufed oi r[\-2i\nid^m\n/(?A-^r^^r, and furely with great Juftice, to any other. Bu't Mi\ ChM has not yet done with his Objedions. For he fays in the Body of his Boo'k, that abjointe Paflive obedience and Non~refiftance is the Dodlrine of the Church of England. One thing I am fure of, that the Dodrine I have been maintaining as to Paffive Obedience and Non-refiftance re- fpeding Controverted Titles, is the Dodrine both of the Church and State of England, having been made a part of the Conftitution both by Cofnmon and Statute Lau'S, and the Decrees of Convocation, As to PafTive Obedi- ence and Non-refiftance in the other fenfe^ I fhall only obferve, that whatever Expreflions n may 56 DISSERTATION II. may appear up and down in our Homilies^ which feem to require this Interpretation ; yet wc fliall find, that thefe, when we con- iider the Occafion of them, were rather in- tended to require a Siihmijjion to the reigning Princes on account of their T^itles^ if any Pretenders (hould rife up to difpute them, than a Submiflion to them in Cafes of bad Government. The Calumnies of the Papijis againfl the Prctejlants at firft, made it necef- fary, that the Sacrednefs of the Office and Charader of Sovereigns fhould be exprefled in very high Terms. For they reprefented the Prctcfta7its, as aiming, under the Pre- tence of Religion, to throw off their Jllegi- cnce^ and /}/ up for them/elves. And after this, the Pretenfions of the Popes to difpofe of the Crowns of our Princes, becaufe they were Hereticks^ continued the Neceflity of fpeaking in very exalted Language, of the Obligations to Obedience^ and the Guilt of Dijobedience. But it is evident, that all this was done on xki^fcore of T^itle. As to Non- refiftance in Cd^k^ oi Piiblick and National Grievances^ certain it is, that if the Clergy in Q^ Elizabeth's time (hall be allowed to judge for themfelves, in their Piiblick ABs of Convocation^ they did not underfland thofe Exprellions in our Homilies in that rigorous Senfe. Witnefs their affixing the Frejich, Scotch, and Dutch Sabjedls againfl their re- fpedive Sovereigns by Taxes and Subfidies, DISSERTATION II. ^y as well as by written Defences and Tuftiti cations: Witnefs likewife the Principles of th^ JUDICIOUS Hooker relating to Government : Witnefs alfo what the BiDiops Jczael and BiU Jon have faid in reference to thefe Subjects. The CONCLUSION. Thus much I thought expedient to ob- ferve m relation to Mr. Chubb^s Cavils againft thefe two Paffages of Scripture. Luke xiv. ^i^^Rom^m, TheReafon why I fmgled them Tl'Tc^}^ '''^' ^^'^ b^^^^^'e I thought he had hidmov^piatf^bie things againft them, than againft any other j and that his Objedi- ons were fuch, as might have a badeffeei up- on w^^ Minds, who are apt to be ftartled ^' ?A /."u-^ r]^^ '"""°^ "^^^^^- As to Mr. Chubb himfelf, he was certainly a Perfon of good Parts i and it were to be withed, that he had made a right ufe of them. However I cannot think, that his Judgment was fo joltd ^nd penetrating, as the World has ge- nerally conceived. He had a clear Head in methodizing, and an happy Talent in repre- lenting his Argument to the beft Advantage : But his great Deficiency was, that he want- ed Difcernment to purfuean Argument thro' all its Difficulties and Turnings, and wanted the Humility to condefcend to receive Infor- mation f,om others. As the Train of Ideas lay m his own Mind, fo he judged they lay, or ought to ly^ in the Minds of others j with- out making the neceflary Allowance for the Difference 46 DISSERTATION II. Difference of T'tmes, Places j Cuftoms^ and the faculties oi different Men. With this Fz//7- damental Error he went on. He viewed every Objedl thro' one End of the Telefcope, and thought it neceffary for all Mankind to do the fame. Hence arofe his Pofitivenefs about Fitneffes^ Relations^ Sec. Which at the bottom amounted to no more *-han this, that //other M^n faw things precifely in the fame Light that he did, without taking in, or leaving out any other Ideas, then the Fit- 7iefsy ihQ Rehpon, and the Trutb of the Cafe was fo and fo: Wblch indeed might frequent- ' , ly be allowed him ^ and yet his Obfervations be very impertitient and inconcliifive ^ as ari- ling, 7iot ^lom 2, full, but 2. partial V\t\v of the Subjed: in Debate. But what was ftill worfe, he not only erred thro' the want of a ^/v^ Confideratmi o^ all Circumftances neceffary to ht attended to ; but he was alfo continually72)//?/«o- and varying his Opinions, without, correding the main Error. Every neiv Pamphlet or Treatife came forth with a iiew fet of Fitnejjes, Reafons^ and Relations ; which were infifted upon with as pofitive and dogmatical a Spirit, as thofe be- fore. This was the Man, who was to lead us into all Truth ; this was he, who was to give us a Specimen of the Powers and Strength o^ Human Reafon, and ihtJVeakne/s2.nd tin- certainty of the C/jr////^;? Revelation. F I ISl 1 S. i^ Ui M-^ (i