i , isr ./<•/
SYL.VE s T E ii (i i u A i, 11 r s (1 A M it 11 E j* s i s
THE
j-j ITINERARY
OF
ARCHBISHOP BALDWIN
jj * THROUGH WALES,
A. D. MCLXXXVIII.
BY
[j GIRALDUS DE BARRI;
TRANSLATED INTO ENGLISH, AND ILLUSTRATED WITH VIEWS, ANNOTATIONS, AND A LIFE OF GIRALDUS,
BY
j SIR RICHARD COLT HOARE, BART.
F. R. S. F. A. S. VOLUME THE FIRST,
LONDON:
PRINTED FOR WILLIAM MILLER, ALBEMARLE STREET, BY W. BULMER AND CO. CLEVELAND-ROW,
ST. JAMES'S.
1806.
SEP 2 8 1966
112S-188
/. I
TO THE HISTORIAN, WHOSE STUDIES MAY LEAD HIM TO A DUE CONSIDERATION OF THE ANNALS OF CAMBRIA;
TO THE ANTIQUARIAN, WHOSE ZEAL MAY INDUCE HIM TO EXAMINE AND RECORD THE BRITISH AND ROMAN REMAINS WITH WHICH THE PRIN- CIPALITY OF WALES ABOUNDS;
TO THE ARTIST, WHO, IN THE LANGUAGE OF THE TRIADS, HAS AN EYE THAT CAN SEE NATURE; A HEART THAT CAN FEEL NATURE; AND A RESO- LUTION THAT DARES FOLLOW NATURE;
AND MORE PARTICULARLY TO THE SOCIETY OF BRITISH ANTIQUARIANS, WHOSE LABOURS ARE SO SUCCESSFULLY EMPLOYED IN THE INVESTI- GATION OF OUR NATIONAL ANTIQUITIES;
THESE VOLUMES
ARE RESPECTFULLY
DEDICATED.
VOL i. *a
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
VOLUME THE FIRST.
1. THE Life of Giraldus de Barri, with an Account of his Manus- cripts at Oxford, Cambridge, Lambeth, and in the British Museum
page ix
2. An Introduction to the History of Cambria, prior to the date of the Itinerary in 1188 ; in which the several Campaigns of Julius Cffisar, Plautius, Claudius, Ostorius, Suetonius, Frontinus, and Agricola are described and explained by Maps. 2. An Account of the Legio secunda Augusta, and the Legio vicesima valens victrix stationed in Wales, with various Roman Inscriptions relating to them. 3. A Description of the Roman Cities, Stations, and Roads in Wales ; the Course of Offa's and Wat's Dykes, &c. &c. p. Ixxiii
3. The Itinerary of Baldwin Archbishop of Canterbury, through Wales in the year 1188, on the Service of the Holy Cross; written in Latin by Giraldus de Barri, and now for the first time published in English ; with numerous Annotations describing the ancient and present state of Wales, its Castles, Abbies, Scenery, &c. p. 1.
TABLE OF CONTENTS,
VOLUME THE SECOND.
1. THE Second Book of the Itinerary of Baldwin through Wales,
page 1
2. An Account of Owain Cyveilioc Prince of Powys, with a new Version of his celebrated Poem, called the Hirlas, or Drinking Horn, and his Circuits through Wales - p. 211
3. The Description of Wales by Giraldus de Barri, in two Books
p. 253
4. A Supplement, giving a short Account of all those Places omitted by Giraldus in his Tour, and which are worthy of remark ; with Hints to Landscape-painters and Architects p. 365
5. The Progress of Architecture, from the time of William the Conqueror to the Sixteenth Century; illustrated by Designs select- ed from Examples in South Wales - - p. 411
6. A List of Publications relating to Wales - p. 433
ORDER OF THE PLATES,
VOLUME THE FIRST.
1. SYLVESTER GIRALDUS CAMBRENSIS [to face the title.
2. Effigy of Giraldus Cambrensis - page xi
3. Monument of Giraldus Cambrensis - - 1
4. View of the Tomb of Giraldus Cambrensis - - Ixii
5. Campaigns of Julius Caesar in Britain - Ixxxv
6. Campaigns of Plautius and Claudius - xcvi
7. Line of Forts drawn by Ostorius on the rivers Nen
and Avon - - cxviii
8. Inscriptions, Plate I. - cxxiv
9. Ditto Plate II. - - cxxv
10. Ditto Plate III. - cxxvi
11. Ditto Plate IV. - - cxxvii
12. Ditto Plate V. - - - - cxxviii
13. Ditto Plate VI. - cxxix
14. Map of ancient Wales - cxli
15. Raidergwy ----- 25
16. Brecheinoc - - - - - 43
17. Lanthoni 83
18. Abergevenni - - - - - 98
19- Usk 109
20. Caerdyf 127
ORDER OF THE PLATES.
21. Landaf page 138
22. Ichnography of Landaf Cathedral 145
23. Tomb-stone at Ewenith - 145
24. Ewenith, or Ewenny - 150
25. Margan - - - - 153
26. Ancient Cross at Margan - 155
27. Cydweli - 172
28. Lanwadein, or Lawhaden - 186
29. Haverford - - 195 SO. Penbroch 212
31. Knight of the Barri Family - 214
32. Maenor Pyrr, or Manorbeer - 215
VOLUME THE SECOND.
1. Rhys Prince of South Wales - - [to face the title.
2. Menevia, St. David's - page 1
3. Effigy of Prince Rhys - - 25
4. Menevia, St. David's - 31
5. Ichnography of the Cathedral Church of St. David's 33
6. Plan of the Buildings at St. David's - - 35
7. Lanhever, or Nevern 44
8. Cilgarran - - - - 59 9- Stratflur, or Strata florida 70
10. Traeth Mawr - - - - - 82
11. Caernarvon 94
12. Banchor - _ _ - 100
13. Beaumaris - - - _ -115
ORDER OF THE PLATES.
14. Dinas Emrys - - - page 125
15. Conwy (entrance) - 138
16. Ruthlan - - 143 17- Lanelwy, St. Asaph - 153 18. Wenloch - - 192 19- Snowdon, from Capel Cerrig - 389
20. Conwy (Sea View) - 391
21. Powis - 401
22. Architecture, Plate I. - 413
23. Ditto Plate II. - 415
418 - 420 422 - 427
N. B. The large Map is to be placed at the end of the Second Volume.
|
24. |
Ditto |
Plate III. |
|
25. |
Ditto |
Plate IV. |
|
26. |
Ditto |
Plate V. - |
|
27. |
Ditto |
Plate VI. |
THE
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
1 HIS curious Itinerary of Baldwin Archbishop of Canterbury through Wales, written by Giraldus de Barri, at so remote a period, and on so memorable an occasion, cannot be dedicated more appropriately than to a Society, whose united labours have for many years been so successfully employed in the investiga- tion of British topography and antiquities.
The first Edition of this Itinerary, with the Descrip- tion of Wales, was printed at London by Edmund Bollifant, A. D. 1585, in one small duodecimo volume. They were afterwards reprinted amongst other histo- rical tracts in a folio volume, entitled, Anglica, Hiber- nica, Normannica, Cambrica, at Frankfort, A. D. 1602, and edited by the celebrated antiquarian William Cam- den ; but the second book De Illaudabilibus Wat lice,
11
THE EDITOR'S PREFACE.
which is evidently a continuation of the first, seems to have escaped the notice of the editors of each of these editions. This, with many other interesting works of Giraldus, was printed byWarton A. D. 1691,
in his Anglia Sacra.
No complete collection having ever been made of the writings of Giraldus respecting Wales, I have been induced to reprint the Latin edition of his Itinerary, and Description of Wales, with the addition of the Book that was wanting in each of the former editions.
My friend Mr. Wyndham, who first called the at- tention of the public to the various beauties and antiquities of Wales, was the first also (as a tourist) who took notice of Giraldus. For many successive years he has been my companion through the Princi- pality ; and I found him so entertaining, (though fre- quently so eccentric,) that I resolved to take him as my guide, and to follow him and his crusaders step by step throughout their whole expedition.1 His de- scriptions are in general very accurate, and his topo- graphical remarks just ; his narrative is interspersed
* I have invariably followed the crusaders throughout their whole journey ; and, with a very few exceptions, have visited every place mentioned by Giraldus, in his Itinerary.
THE EDITOR'S PREFACE. iii
with many interesting historical facts and anecdotes; and his fabulous stories and miracles, when we con- sider the age of bigotry and superstition in which they were recounted and credited, will, in these more enlightened days, excite rather our laughter than surprise.
To the modern tourist it may be some satisfaction to know the manners, architecture, and situation of Wales six hundred years ago ; and, notwithstanding the continual state of warfare in which this unhappy country was engaged for so many centuries, he will find that time has spared a sufficient portion of its once renowned fortresses and hallowed sanctuaries, to render it still interesting to the artist and histo- rian. The antiquarian who would wish to search more deeply into the early records of British anti- quity, will find an ample, and, I may add, an unex- plored field open to him, in the investigation of the numerous carneds, cromlechs, and military earthen works, with which every part of the Principality abounds.
Wales has of late years become the fashionable tour of the man of fortune, and the more instructive one of the artist : numerous volumes have been published
IV
THE EDITOR'S PREFACE.
respecting this country, yet containing no new anec- dotes ; no fresh information; .a mere repetition of the same tale.* Neither has the public profited more by the pencil of the artist than by the pen of the author ; for if I except the views engraved some years ago by Mr. Paul Sandby in aquatinta, and a few detached subjects by other engravers, we have no tolerable me- morial of the many fine specimens of ecclesiastical and military architecture, which still continue to adorn the Principality.
6 No printed tours should be implicitly followed as guides ; the tra- veller should see with his own eyes, and remark from his own observa- tion ; even the very object, the very essence, and the chief pleasure of travelling, are, in a great measure, lost, by following paths already trodden, tracks already beaten: "Nova res agatur ;" let new matter be investigated, new scenes be explored ; new historical facts and tra- ditions be confirmed ; but, above all things, let the tourist bear in mind this text of Horace —
" Quod verum atque decens euro et rogo, et omnis in hoc sum."
Let truth direct the pen of history, and accuracy that of description ; let him not (as some modern tourists have done) mistake Bangor in Flintshire, for Bangor in Caernarvonshire; let him not transfer the tomb of King Ingo from Sweden, to the mountainous regions of Me- rionethshire, and place it at Harlech : neither let him transform the celebrated Saint of Caerleon, Aaron, into the heathen deity, Amman. Such inaccuracies are unpardonable in a class of authors whose duty it is to instruct as well as amuse their readers, by the detail of their journies.
THE EDITOR'S PREFACE. v
I am happy, however, to find that the spirit of to- pographical enquiry has traversed the Severn and the Wye, and that native Cambrians0 have at last directed their attention and researches towards the history and antiquities of their own country ; for no one hut a native can do it proper justice : few countries abound so much in traditionary history as Wales, and much historical fact may be deduced from these traditions, however apparently clothed in the habit of fiction and romance: the name of each individual place, river, mountain, and, I might almost add, each field, has its significant meaning ; and I know of nothing which con- tributes more to throw light on the ancient history of Cambria, than the names of places judiciously in- vestigated, and not too fancifully etymologized.
The northern district of Wales has fortunately found a Pennant d to describe its beauties, investigate its
' Mr. Theophilus Jones, of Brecknock, has just published the first volume of -his History of Brecknockshire ; and my ingenious and well informed friend, Mr. Richard Fenton, is preparing for the press an historical account of Pembrokeshire ; and purposes, if health and suc- cess prosper his literary undertaking, to continue his researches through the remainder of South Wales.
d Mr. Pennant's style of writing has always appeared to me the most desirable and satisfactory for a tourist author to adopt ; as avoiding the dull monotony of a county history, and uniting, under the form
VI
THE EDITOR'S PREFACE.
antiquities, and record its history and genealogies; but the southern part of Wales, a country no less interest- ing in its annals, nor less ennobled by illustrious fami- lies ; no less fertile in picturesque scenery, nor less dignified by its proud remains of baronial grandeur, still remains, in a great measure, unknown.
In the Work which I now present to the public, I had a fixed object in view, and a certain line traced out for my pursuit, viz. to illustrate by annotations every passage of my author, relating either to the his- tory or topography of Cambria.6 To render this Iti- nerary more acceptable to the modern Tourist, I have endeavoured to introduce as much new matter as (without unnecessary digression) the nature of the subject would admit. In my Views, I have carefully selected those which have not before been engraved ; and, at the same time that I sincerely lament the loss of the worthy and able artist who executed them, Mr. Byrne ; I flatter myself that they will prove an honourable and lasting record of his abilities.
of a journal, the pleasing ingredients of history, biography, and to- pography.
e In my quotations drawn from the Welsh Chronicle, I have consulted the black letter edition printed in 1584. Much of the most interesting matter has been omitted in the two subsequent editions, printed in 1697 and 1774, and the orthography is full of errors.
THE EDITOR'S PREFACE. vii
I am fully sensible of the great disadvantages under which every writer labours who employs his pen in the description of a country, with whose language he is unacquainted ; but the alacrity with which the natives of Cambria have answered my enquiries, and promoted my literary researches, has relieved me from many difficulties, and demands my sincere thanks and warmest acknowledgments ; for, without their kind assistance, many an interesting passage of my Guide and Author must have remained unex- plained.
V
RICHARD COLT HOARE.
Stourhead, 1st March, 1806.
LIFE
OF
GIRALDUS DE BARRL
VOL. I.
John Carter del!"'
James BaJice fculp1
ElFFKB-lT
* William Miller rtlbemarlc SUwl.London.
[xi]
LIFE
OF
GIRALDUS DE BARRI
CXIRALDUS DE BARRI, distinguished by the name of Cambrensis, or the Cambrian, was descended from an illustrious lineage, being the fourth son of William de Barri, a person of high distinction, by Angharad, daughter of Nest, who was the daughter of Rhys ap Theodor Prince of South Wales. He was born about the year 1146,' at the castle of Manorbeer b in Pembrokeshire, and at a very early age shewed strong marks of literary talents, and an earnest desire to dedicate himself to offices of religion. Whilst his brothers and their companions amused themselves with tracing fanciful figures on the sands, he was occupied in drawing churches and monasteries. His father, admiring these marks of his youthful propensity, predicted his future progress in learning, decided in his own mind on giving him the advantages of a learned education,
* I have differed from some other biographers, and the author of the chronology of the life of Giraldus, in fixing the year of his birth in 1 146, instead of 1 150. Warton, in his preface to the Anglia Sacra, quotes the authority of Giraldus himself, who in his book, de Instructione Principis, says, that in his twentieth year he was pursuing his studies at Paris, at the very time when Philip Augustus was born, viz. A. D. 1 166.
b A particular account of this castle will be found in Chapter XII. Book I.
Xll
LIFE OF GIRALDUS DE BARRI.
and in joke used to call him his little bishop. At a time when the country was alarmed by an hostile invasion, and the youths of the castle rushed forth to arms, the boy Giraldus burst into tears, and requested to be carried into the church as a place of safety; thus, to use his own words, " with a wonderful foresight for his age, de- claring the peace and privileges of the house of God." All those who heard him were much astonished that he should expect to find more security in a retired church, than in a castle strongly for- tified, and well garrisoned with soldiers.
Associating with his brothers and their companions, who were educated in the military profession, Giraldus had little opportunity of applying his mind to study, until his uncle, David Fitzgerald Bishop of Saint David's, hearing of his character and natural in- clination, drew him from the paternal roof, and undertook the care of his future education. He seems, however, at first to have made but little progress ; for two masters to whom he was consigned, re- peatedly jeered him for his slowness and ignorance in declining the Latin words durus, durior, durissimus, and slultus, stullior, slultissimus . These rebukes made so considerable an impression on the young scholar, that, actuated more by a sense of shame, than by discipline, he applied with such assiduity to his literary pursuits that he soon surpassed all his fellow students. To com- plete his education, he went to Paris, where he remained for three years, gave lectures on rhetoric and the belles lettres, and was pointed out by the doctors of the university as a pattern to the young men of his age.
On returning to England, about the year 1172, he entered into holy orders; and having obtained preferment both in England
LIFE OF GIRALDUS DE BARRI. xiii
and Wales, and thinking himself " non sibi sed patria nalus" he devoted his whole mind and abilities to the public good, and strenu- ously endeavoured to promote the interests of his church. Observ- ing, however, that, owing to the negligence of the prelates of the diocese of Saint David's (most particularly in the districts of Pem- broke and Cardigan), the church did not receive its dues, and that the Welsh paid no tythes either in wool or cheese ; he went to Can- terbury, and having stated his complaints to Richard the Arch- bishop, was appointed his legate in Wales, for the purpose of recti- fying these and other abuses. He executed this commission with great spirit and success ; and excommunicated, without distinction, those who refused to pay their tythes. All but the men of Ros, or the Flemings, c readily paid their tenths, and in revenge for their non-compliance, the Welsh plundered their farms, and took away their sheep. Amongst those who resisted the demands of the clergy, was one William Karquit, governor of the province of Pem- broke, who being jealous of the newly acquired office of Giraldus, took away forcibly from the priory at Pembroke eight yoke of oxen, and drove them to his own castle. Three times he was requested to restore them, and as often refused; at last, being threatened with excommunication, he replied " The Legate may, indeed, be proud and malicious, but I think him not bold enough to excom- municate the constable of the king in his own castle." He was then informed, that oh hearing the bells of the monastery sound three times, he might rest assured that the sentence of excommunication had been passed. When the messenger returned, the monks and clergy were summoned together; the Legate in the most solemn e An account of the Flemings may be found in Chapter XI. Book I.
xiv LIFE OF GIRALDUS DE BARRI.
manner, passed sentence of excommunication, and the bells (as is usual on similar occasions) confirmed it by their peals.
He likewise attempted to reform the morals of the clergy, and was peculiarly severe against all priests who had wives, calling them concubines, and insisted upon their dismission. On entering the diocese of Saint David's in the character of legate, he found at Brecknock an old archdeacon cohabiting publicly with his concu- bine. Mild entreaties to remove her from his house being ineffec- tual, he endeavoured by his own authority, sanctioned by the primate, to gain the desired end; but his remonstrances being answered by insolent reflections on the Archbishop, Giraldus im- mediately suspended him from his ecclesiastical benefices, and de- livered up to the Archbishop (whom he had so contumeliously treated, and whose authority he had spurned) both his archdeaconry and prebendary. Having completed his legation, he visited the Archbishop in company with the Bishop of Saint David's, who, at the request of the former, promoted Giraldus to the vacant prefer- ment, assigning to the old incumbent a sufficient maintenance for the remainder of his life.
In discharging the duties of his new dignity of archdeacon, he acted with great rigour, and was involved in frequent disputes and quarrels, in which, according to his own account, he was always in the right, and always victorious. He had an early opportunity of asserting, in a very singular manner, the dignity of his own arch- deaconry, as well as that of the metropolitan see of Saint David's. Having been settled only a few days in his residence at Landeu,d
d This residence of Giraldus has been described, Chapter II. Book I. as also the dis- tricts of Melyenilh and Elven, in the Annotations on the First Chapter of the Itinerary.
LIFE OF GIRALDUS DE BARRI. xv
near Brecknock, after a very laborious journey he had taken to cor- rect the abuses that prevailed in the provinces of Melyenith and Elven, he was surprised by the appearance of two clergymen, sent in a great hurry by the dean and chapter of that district, to inform him that Adam Bishop of Saint Asaph, was coming to dedicate the church of Keri, c (which was situated on the confines of the two bishoprics, but of old had appertained to that of Saint David's), and that unless the archdeacon appeared there in person, nothing would prevent his taking possession of that church, or even the entire province; and they intimated likewise, that if no obstacles intervened, he intended to seize the whole territory between the rivers Wye and Severn, comprehending the districts of Melyenith and Elven. However harassed by his late expeditions, and dis- suaded by his former companions and followers, who, more through fear of danger than fatigue, refused to accompany him ; he, never- theless, immediately proceeded on his journey towards the church of Keri. On the Saturday he dispatched messengers to two princes of that country, Eineon Clyd and Cadwalhon, requesting them to send some trusty men of their families, provided with horses and arms, to assist him (if necessity required) in asserting the rights of the church of Saint David, as the Bishop of Saint Asaph was reported to be attended by a strong body of men from Powys : he slept that night at Llanbist/ and on coming to Keri early on Sunday morn- ing, found that two of the clergy, and partizans of the bishop, had concealed the keys of the church : these being at length found, the
e Keri is a pretty little village in Montgomeryshire, on the road between Bishop's Castle and Newtown. ( A village in Radnorshire, between Builht and Keri.
xvi LIFE OF GIRALDUS DE BARRI.
archdeacon entered the church, and, having ordered the bells to be rung, as a token of possession, he celebrated mass with great solem- nity. In the mean time messengers arrived from the bishop, order- ing preparations to be made for the dedication of the church. Mass being concluded, the archdeacon sent some of his clergy, attended by the dean of the province, to inform the bishop, " That if he came to Keri as a neighbour and a friend, he would receive him with every mark of hospitality ; but if otherwise, he desired him not to proceed." The bishop returned for answer, " That he was coming in his professional capacity as bishop of the diocese, to perform his duty in the dedication of the church." The archdeacon and his clergy met the bishop at the entrance to the church-yard, where a a long dispute arose about the matter in question, and each asserted their respective rights to the church of Keri. To enforce his claims the more, the bishop dismounted from his horse, placed his mitre on his head, and taking up his pastoral staff, walked with his attend- ants towards the church. The archdeacon proceeded to meet him, accompanied by his clergy, dressed in their surplices arid sacerdotal robes, who, with lighted tapers and up-raised crucifix, came forth from the church in processional form : at length each began to ex- communicate the other ; but the archdeacon having ordered the bells to be rung three times, as the usual confirmation of the sen- tence, the bishop and his train mounted their horses, and made a precipitate retreat, followed by a great mob, and pelted with clods of earth and stones. This resolute conduct of the archdeacon gained him the approbation of all present, and even of the bishop himself, who was a fellow-student with him at Paris.
The controversy at Keri being thus happily terminated, Giraldus
LIFE OF GIRALDUS DE BARRI. xvil
went to the king at Northampton, and related what had passed between him and the Bishop of Saint Asaph, who claimed a parish belonging to the church of Saint David, and which, in fact, at that time (the see being vacant) had lapsed to the crown. The king commended the archdeacon's conduct in resisting the claims of the bishop, and excited a general laughter by telling the story to his courtiers who were at that time assembled.
Another circumstance will prove his steadiness in the persever- ance of his religious duties. Some of his parishioners at Nangles expected absolution on a certain day from the sentence of excom- munication that had been passed upon them, for having combined with the men of Ros in refusing the demand of tenths due to the church. On the preceding night he slept at Garew :h the following day was so boisterous and stormy that the Bishop of Saint David's, who accompanied him, strongly advised Giraldus to postpone his journey; but he replied, " that, on such an occasion, delays would be dangerous ; for those who had been excommunicated were expect- ing absolution, and had promised amendment :" and added, " that when business demanded attention, it was unmanly to watch the state of the weather upon dry land ; and that such a precaution was only allowable to those who had a sea voyage to undertake."'
On the death of his uncle, David Fitz-Gerald, the canons of Saint
* A village in Pembrokeshire, on the extreme point of the southern branch of Mil- ford Haven, of which Giraldus had the living.
h A village in Pembrokeshire, on a small branch of Milford Haven, containing many objects worthy of note, viz. the ruins of a fine castle, a British cross in good preservation, and several ancient monuments within its church.
1 " Quod non erat animi virilis auram ad agenda vel aggredienda negotia, aut tem- poris tranquillitatem in terris observare ; solum enim mare transeunlibus tolerabilem esse observantiam talem."
VOL. I. C
xviii LIFE OF GIRALDUS DE BARRI.
David's met in council, and, after a long debate, proclaimed Giraldus his successor ; but the archdeacon thinking this election made too hastily and inconsiderately, and not according to the usual forms, went on the following morning to the chapter, and, contrary to the advice of all who were present, renounced the episcopal honours that had been offered to him : for it was not customary to proceed on a new election until the death of the former bishop had been publicly announced, and a previous application made to the king, or his justiciary, and the royal assent obtained. The chapter how- ever persisted in their choice, which so highly displeased King Henry, that he threatened to dispossess them of their lands and revenues. He summoned a council, and submitted the case to the consideration of Richard Archbishop of Canterbury and his suffra- gan bishops, desiring them to recommend a fit person to fill the vacant see : they unanimously recommended Giraldus, as a man of learning and spirit : but the king objected, saying, " That it was neither expedient or necessary to elect too upright or active a man to the vacant see of Saint David's, as such a choice might prove de- trimental to the cathedral church of Canterbury, or even to the crown of England." k
At the dissolution of the council, the king confessed to the arch- bishop, and to a few of his confidential servants, that although he entertained a very high opinion of the talents and integrity of Gi- raldus, yet he thought it not safe to place a person so nearly related to Prince Rhys, and to almost all the nobility of Wales, at the head
' Nee Regi nee Archiepiscopo opus est aut expediens, nimis probtim aut strenuum, ne vel Angliae Corona, vel Cantiae Cathedra detrimentum sentiat, in Ecclesia Sancti David Episcopum esse.
LIFE OF GIRALDUS DE BARRI. xix
of the see of Saint David's ; and that the pride and pretensions of ithe Welsh would be heightened by the promotion of so able, worthy, and resolute a man. When this conversation was repeated to Gi- raldus by Roger Bishop of Worcester, he exclaimed, " That such a public testimony, and given in such a place of audience, was more honourable to him than the best bishopric." Giraldus, unwilling to persist in opposition to the will of the king, and the canons wish- ing not to run the risk of losing their benefices, abandoned their claims, and a new election was made in the presence of the king at Winchester, when Peter de Leia, a monk of the Order of Clugny, and prior of the monastery of Wenloch in Shropshire, was unani- mously chosen, at the recommendation of the king, and took pos- session of the episcopal see of Saint David's.1
At the conclusion of this business Giraldus returned to Paris, with a view of applying himself to the study of belles lettres ; and, to use his own expression, " to raise the walls of the canon law on the foundation of the arts and literature." m
He dwells with great rapture, and with no inconsiderable share of vanity, on the prodigious fame which he acquired by his eloquent declamation in the schools, and speaks of the crowded audiences of the doctors and scholars, who were unable to decide, whether the sweetness of his voice, the beauty of his language, or the force
1 " Post tnultas itaque comminationes, et literarum quoque Regis super spoliandis canonicis, si non desisterent, emissiones, tandem post plurimas in Angliam vocationes et vexationes, apud Wintoniam convocati et coacti in castello et carnerS. Regis corain lecto ipsius, monachum quendam sibi ex parte Regis oblatum et nominatum, quan- quam omnibus et singulis prorsus ignotum, Priorem sc. de Weneloc nomine Petrum, timore compulsi tremulis vocibus elegerunt."
81 Super artium et literature fundamentum legum et canonum parietes in altum erigere.
XX
LIFE OF GIRALDUS DE BARRI.
of his arguments, were most worthy of admiration : they were so fascinated, he adds, with his oratory, that they hung, as it were, suspended on his mouth, and were never fatigued with the most prolix or tedious discourse."
After a long and studious residence at Paris, Giraldus returned to England ; and on his journey through Flanders was present at a tournament given in the city of Arras, by Philip Count of Flan- ders. Landing safely in England, he proceeded to Canterbury, where, by invitation, he dined with the prior and monks of that place. On this occasion he takes an opportunity of inveighing se- verely against their luxurious mode of living : he says, " Their tables abounded with numerous and savoury dishes, and with such a variety of the choicest wines, that ale and beer were not allowed to be introduced." °
From Canterbury he continued his journey to London, and paid a visit to Richard the Archbishop of that see, at his villa, where he was entertained with gratifying marks of hospitality. On the fol- lowing morning he received advice by a messenger, that a separa-
" " Tanta nempe verborum dulcedine ducti fuerant et deliniti, ut dicentis ab ore tanquam penduli et suspensi longo licet eloquio et prolixo," 8cc.
0 De ferculis et eorum numerositate quid dicam ? quia sedecim aut plura per ordi- nem, ne praster ordinem dicatur, sunt apposita valde sumptuosa. Ad ultinuim quoque loco generalis olera per omnes mensas sunt allata, sed parum gustata. Tot enim videas piscium genera, assa quidem etelixa, farta et frixa, tot ovis et pipere cibaria cocorum arte confecta, tot sapores et salsamenta ad gulain irritandam et appetitum excitendum eornuidem arte composita. Ad haec etiam in tanta abumlantifi vinum hie videas et ciceram pigmentum, et clareturn, mustum et medonem atque moretum et omne quod inebriare potest; adeo ut cerevisia, qualis in Anglia fieri solet optima et praecipue in Cantia, locum inter caetera non haberet. Sed hoc ibi cerevisia inter pocula, quod olus inter fercula.
LIFE OF GIRALDUS DE BARRI. xxi
tion was on the point of taking place between his sister and her husband, who resided in the diocese of Winchester ; upon which he most earnestly beseeched the archbishop to permit him to make use of his authority in staying the proceedings, and to put no bar to a reconciliation, provided he could by any means effect it. Having obtained the archbishop's consent, as well as letters, he hastened to Southwark, where he found a numerous chapter as- sembled, and his sister and her husband standing before Richard Toclif Bishop of Winchester, in expectation of the divorce, which was on the point of being granted. The bishop instantly recognized the archdeacon, and, being much surprised at the sudden appearance of a person whom he imagined at that time to have been in France, embraced him, and placed him at his side. When Giraldus presented to him the official letters of the archbishop, he cour- teously replied — " That if the archdeacon had appeared alone, and unbacked by such high authority, he would have paid a ready and willing attention to his petition." By his unexpected arrival the chapter was dissolved, and, by his friendly interference, a perfect reconciliation took place between his sister and her husband.
On his return to Wales he found the diocese of Saint David's in a state of great confusion, the bishop (Peter de Leia) having been obliged to quit his episcopal residence, owing to some disputes that had arisen between him and the Welsh. By the advice of the archbishop, Giraldus was appointed administrator of all the spiritual and temporal concerns of the church, which he con- ducted with great prudence and moderation for a considerable time, until the bishop, who had retired to some convent in England,
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very improperly interfered at Saint David's, by suspending some persons and excommunicating others, without any previous trial ; upon which Giraldus resigned the ecclesiastical charge committed to him, and, by the archbishop's interest, caused the sentences of suspension and excommunication which had been so unjustly passed, to be annulled. He was so irritated at the bishop's conduct, that at first he determined, by an accusation before the court of Rome, to procure his deposition ; but, by the interference of their mutual friends, peace was at length re-established between them, and the archdeacon's lands at Landeu and Mathrey were restored to him.
The fame of Giraldus increasing daily, he was induced by King Henry the Second to reside at the court, where he continued for some time, though, he says, with great reluctance; the life he there led being ill adapted to a studious and literary man like himself. About this period he was deputed as a pacificator to Wales, and after having effectually fulfilled his commission, returned to court, where he was graciously received by the king, who appointed him his chaplain, and made him repeated promises of high preferment in the church, which, however, were never carried into execution. Henry strongly commended him in council, and testified the greatest approbation of his good conduct, modesty, and fidelity; saying " That had he not been born in Wales, and so nearly allied toils princes and chieftains, and especially to Prince Rhys, he would have loaded him with ecclesiastical benefices, and preferred him to the highest honours."
It happened about this time that, by an order from the king, Rhys ap Gruffydh was summoned to hold a conference with
LIFE OF GIRALDUS DE BARRI. xxiii
Baldwin, Archbishop of Canterbury, and Ranulf de Glanville, Chief Justice of England, at Hereford. When seated at dinner in the house of William de Vere Bishop of that see, and Walter, son of Robert, a noble baron, both of whom were descended from the family of Clare ; Giraldus, the archdeacon, approached the table, and standing before them, thus facetiously addressed himself to Prince Rhys : " You may congratulate yourself, Rhys, on being now seated between two of the Clare family, and whose inheritance you possess :" for at that time he held all Cardiganshire, which he had recovered from Roger Earl of Clare. Rhys, a man of excellent understanding, and particularly ready at an answer, immediately replied " It is indeed true, that for a considerable length of time we were deprived of our inheritance by the Clares ; but as it was our fate to be losers, we had at least the satisfaction of being dis- possessed of it by noble and illustrious personages, not by the hands of an idle and obscure people." The bishop, desirous of returning the compliment to Prince Rhys, replied " And we also, since it has been decreed that we should lose the possession of those terri- tories, are well pleased that so noble and upright a prince as Rhys should be at this time lord over them."
In the year 1 185 he was appointed by King Henry preceptor to his son John, whom he accompanied to Ireland as secretary, and in that situation gave such satisfaction, that the prince offered him the Irish bishoprics of Femes and Leighelin, and on his refusing each of them separately, the prince proposed to consolidate them into one, provided he would accept them ; but to this proposal Giraldus replied, " If I could improve and exalt the church of Ireland, I would willingly accept the proffered honour ; but since that cannot
xxiv LIFE OF GIRALDUS DE BARRI.
be expected, I had rather continue a private person, than be raised to a high station in which I can be of no service." He likewise re- fused at this or a subsequent period the archbishopric of Cashel. Dur- ing his residence in Ireland he was assiduous in collecting materials for his two works, the " Topography" and " Conquest of Ireland;" and when John after some months residence in that country, re- turned to England, Giraldus still continued there to complete and digest his collections. He likewise distinguished himself greatly by preaching before the Archbishop of Dublin ; and in his dis- courses he strongly recommended sobriety, abstinence, and conti- nence, and as usual inveighed bitterly against the dissolute lives of the clergy. On his return to England, he was indefatigable in composing, revising, and correcting, his work on the Topography of Ireland ; and when finished, was anxious to submit it to the public. " Being desirous," he says, " not to put a lighted candle under a bushel, but to place it in a candlestick, where it might give light, I determined to recite my work before a public audience at Oxford, where the clergy were most distinguished for their talents and learning. I accordingly recited for three successive days the three chapters into which the book is divided. On the first day, I enter- tained with hospitality the poor people of the town ; on the second, the doctors of the different professions, and the students of the greatest celebrity ; and on the third, the remainder of the scholars, with the burghers and militia of the city. Such a magnificent and sumptuous festival revived the ancient times of classic poetry, and was wholly unknown in England either in the past or present age."?
' Sumptuosa quidem res et nobilis ; quia renovata sunt quodamtnodo autentica et
LIFE OF GIRALDUS DE BARRI. xxv
In the year 1187, King Henry with many of his nobility, en- gaged themselves in the crusading expedition, which at that time was preparing throughout Europe, and Baldwin Archbishop of Canterbury, was sent on this holy and enthusiastic mission into Wales ; Ranulphus de Glanville, chief justice of the realm, accom- panied him, and at Radnor they were met by Rhys ap Gruffydh, and by many illustrious chieftains of the country. The archbishop explained to them, and the multitude, the object of his mission, and Giraldus was the first person who took the cross; Peter de Leia Bishop of Saint David's, and many others, followed his ex- ample, and enlisted themselves under the consecrated banners. The archbishop and archdeacon were equally strenuous in their endeavours to gain proselytes ; but the oratory of the latter pre- vailed more successfully than the high name and authority of the former. The effect produced by his discourse at Haverford was so great, that the archbishop oftentimes during his progress confessed that he never before on one day was witness to so much shedding of tears. At the conclusion of the sermon, near the bridge of Aber- teivi ,or Cardigan, where Prince Rhys, and a numerous concourse of people attended, a person by the name of John Spang thus ad- dressed the prince : " You ought, indeed, to entertain a high opinion of this archdeacon, your son-in-law, for he hath this day enlisted a hundred men or more in the holy cause ; and if he had spoken to the people in the Welsh language, I doubt if even one out of the whole number of your attendants had remained unenlisted." Giraldus compares the effect of his exhortations to those made by
antiqua in hoc facto poetarutn tempora ; nee rem similem in Anglia factam vel praesens iotas vel ulla rccolit antiquitas.
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xxvi LIFE OF GIRALDUS DE BARRI.
Saint Bernard, who preached the word of God to the Germans in the French tongue, and miraculously converted his hearers, although they neither understood a word of what he uttered, nor even required an interpretation. He insinuates that God assisted his pious endeavours, and relates a saying of some of his auditors, who at the conclusion of his discourse thus addressed him : " The Holy Spirit hath this day truely manifested relief in your mouth." King John is also said to have bitterly reproached Giraldus for draining his county of Pembroke of men, by persuading such / numbers to take the cross and repair to the holy land. But although thus zealous and successful in preaching the cause of the crusade ; yet on the death of King Henry, at whose instance he had taken the cross, he applied to the Cardinal Legate, John of Anagni, on behalf of himself and Peter de Leia Bishop of Saint David's, for absolution from the vows which each had made to go to the holy land ; and which they obtained on the plea of age and poverty, but on condition that they should attend to the reparation of the cathedral church at Saint David's, and give every assistance in their power to the crusaders who undertook the journey to Jerusalem, i
To the enthusiastic zeal, that once animated the breast of the archdeacon, we owe the present Itinerary through Wales, of which a translation is now, for the first time, submitted to the public, and which, amidst a multitude of idle stories and monkish legends,
* " Prsefatos quoque episcopum et archidiaconum propter aetatis defectum vel pau- pertatem a praetaxato itinere Jerosolimitano, auctorilate nobis concessa sub eadem dis- pensatione duximus absolvendos, et penitns denuntiamus absolutes, ista taraen con- ditione, qudd Jerosolimam accedentibus auxilium praebeant et adjutorium."
LIFE OF GIRALDUS DE BARRI. xxvii
contains many curious and interesting particulars relative to the topography and history of that principality.
During this journey Giraldus gained the good graces of the arch- bishop : that prelate highly praised his works, and strongly recom- mended him to the king ; but Henry persisted in his resolution of not advancing him to any high preferment in the church.
In the year 1 189, Giraldus attended King Henry on his military expedition into France, as did also Baldwin the archbishop, and Ranulph Glanville the justiciary. On his return into England after the death of that monarch, which took place in the same year, the following adventure befell him, which he used frequently to re- late when the various fortuitous events that had happened to him became the subject of conversation. Finding on his arrival at Dieppe, the wind unfavourable for his passage, he agreed with the soldiers his companions, to leave their baggage behind them at that place, and to hasten their journey towards the sea-coast of Flanders, hoping by that means to eifect a more speedy passage. The king, with some of his nobility, and many other persons, had fallen a sacri- fice to the unhealthiness of the climate, and all the attendants of the archdeacon (one boy excepted) had either returned home ill, or had died abroad. Leaving this boy with his horses and luggage at Dieppe, he hired a stranger, whom he^had never seen before, as his valet, and entrusted him with the care of all his valuables. In the morning, having crossed the river at Dieppe, and ascended a hill from whence they had a prospect of the town and harbour ; ac- cording to the custom of travellers they began to inquire of each other if they had left nothing behind them ; upon which Giraldus found his new servant missing. Having waited for him a long time,
xxviii LIFE OF GIR ALDUS DE BARRI.
but in vain ; the archdeacon became uneasy, because, as a stranger, he could place no confidence in him ; and he recollected that the man had said, that if he did not engage in his service, he should go to his brother in Hungary. The soldiers advised Giraldus to go back to Dieppe or Rouen, where he had first seen him ; but despairing of ever finding him again if he had absconded, he could not be prevailed upon to return. His companions hearing that besides the sum of forty marks in gold and silver, and a good saddle-horse, the servant had the charge of all the archdeacon's clothes, a bag of important letters from Earl Richard, and the un- published Journal of his Itinerary through Wales, still more strenu- ously urged his return; but the archdeacon could not be persuaded to leave them. Arriving at the town of Abbeville, Giraldus retired to his apartment, reflecting seriously on the adventure which had happened ; and he used to say, that on this occasion he had three motives of regret :
First — The loss of his money was something, but moderate when compared with his other losses ; for money was oftentimes lost, and oftentimes recovered.
Second— The loss of the earl's letters, and of his own appoint- ment as Legate in Wales, was still greater; but as he knew the pur- port of them, he could by similar letters from the justiciary obtain some kind of redress.
Third — The loss of his journals was by far the most severe, and indeed irreparable, the book not being as yet published. " JVon edito, sed edendo"
After many melancholy reflections on the subject, he returned to his companions in the hall, where a boy came running in from
LIFE OF GIRALDUS DE BARRL xxix
the market-place, inquiring what sort of a horse was that of the archdeacon's; having gained the necessary information, he said that he had seen a person riding such a horse laden with a large package, in the market-place, and inquiring for the archdeacon's lodgings. He was immediately sent for, and received with general satisfaction. Giraldus asked him, " If all was safe ?" to which he answered, " Yes:" but the soldiers would not suffer him to explain the cause of his delay till after dinner, when he told them, that having crossed the river at Dieppe, he dismounted in order to tighten his luggage, when he found that a bag containing twenty marks or more had dropped, upon which he went back to seek it at the irin from whence he had set out ; but his researches not being attended with success, he returned and crossed the river a third time, giving up all hopes of finding the package he had lost ; when casting his eyes back on the pebbly shore which he had before passed, to his great surprise and joy he discovered the bag lying amongst the stones, rolled up in the state he had received it from his master, and untouched.
From this adventure Giraldus draws the following moral : " That God oftentimes inflicts with heavy tribulations those whom he loves and guides ; and at the moment when they are in the greatest distress, shews himself propitious and near at hand."
Arriving safely on the coast of Flanders, they obtained a favourable passage, and the archdeacon hastened his journey to London, where he found the boy whom he had left with his baggage at Dieppe. Having delivered the letters of Earl Richard to the justiciary, he immediately proceeded into Wales, where he soon restored tran- quillity to a country that had been much agitated by the death of
xxx LIFE OF GIRALDUS DE BARRI.
the late king. Shortly afterwards, the earl came to London, and was there crowned king : but his stay in England was not long, for soon after his coronation he returned into Normandy to meet Philip King of France, with whom he was engaged to undertake the crusading expedition to Jerusalem. Richard was so highly satisfied with the zeal and fidelity of Giraldus, that on his departure for the Holy Land, he appointed him coadjutor to William de Long Champ Bishop of Ely, in the regency of his kingdom. But Giraldus did not improve this favourable opportunity, for he refused the bishop- rics of Bangor in North Wales, and LandafF in South Wales, alleging as a motive for this refusal, his unwillingness to accept any situation that would divert him from his studies ; but, by his own avowal, he rather declined these promotions, from the hopes of succeeding, on the death of the old and infirm incumbent, to the see of Saint David's. He records an anecdote of himself, alluding to his anxious desire to obtain that see, and to his repeated refusals of other bi- shoprics which had been offered to him. A priest, who was deranged in his mind, and who, following the court of the justiciary, was ac- customed to amuse the young men by ludicrous and ridiculous say- ings, feigned a conversation with Giraldus — " Master Giraldus, will you accept of the bishopric of Guiseford?" "No." " Will you accept the bishopric of Ossory?" " No." " The bishopric of Leighelin?" " No." " The archbishopric of Cashel?" " No." " But do you choose the bishopric of Saint David's ?" then replying, with a loud and clamorous voice, " Yes !" he burst into a fit of laughter.
Finding that all the royal promises of preferment on his attach- ing himself to the court were ineffectual, and that his services had not met with their due reward, he determined to quit the busy and
LIFE OF G1RALDUS DE BARRI. xxxi
tumultuous scene of life, and retire to some more tranquil situation, where he might prosecute his literary pursuits without interruption.
Having collected all his books, he proceeded on another journey to Paris ; but hearing, on his arrival at the sea coast, that war had lately been rekindled between Philip King of France and Richard King of England, he altered his plans, and went to Lincoln, to study theology under William de Monte chancellor of that diocese, with whom he had formerly been acquainted at Paris. There he conti- nued for the space of six years, prosecuting his studies with inde- fatigable ardour, and composing several of his literary works. During this period he was strongly advised (on the death of Peter de Leia Bishop of Saint David's, A. D. 1 199) to solicit from the king, whose family he had most essentially served, the vacant mitre ; but, unwilling to abandon the studious mode of life he had now adopted, he replied, " That a bishop should be sought after, not seek; and that as he had a sufficient competency, he would not, for any consi- deration, quit his present state of ease and tranquillity." r
About the same time he gave a conspicuous proof of his charity and disinterestedness in selling his best garments to relieve the ne- cessities of the poor at Lincoln, who had suffered severely from a scai city of provisions '
r Virum episcopalem non petere sed peti debere, et quoniam sufficiebat ei quod habebat, a studio et statu optimo ac tranquillissimo, in quo tune erat, ullatenus disce- dere nolebat.
* Accidit autem circiter eadem tempora fame ingruente in finibus illis valida, cum archidiaconus in camera sua more solito studiis indulgeret; audivit pauperes et inopes ad fores et fenestras hospitii sui clamantes et eleemosinarum beneficia postulantes. Quorum misertus incontinent!, cum respiceret penulas in palliis et capis suis, ac pel- licia de peregrinis muriura pellibus, nee non et cuniculorum perticis appensa ; prascepit
xxxii LIFE OF GIRALDUS DE BARRI.
On the death of Peter de Leia, the archdeacons and canons of St. David's, by the mandate of Hubert Archbishop of Canterbury, proceeded to nominate such persons as they thought fit to succeed to the vacant see ; and they recommended the following :
Giraldus, Archdeacon of Brecknock,
Walter, Abbot of Saint Dogmaels,
Peter, Abbot of Whitland ;
and to these they added Reginald Foliot, that they might not ap- pear designedly to exclude an Englishman from the ecclesiastical honour, and concluding at the same time that he had little prospect of success.
The archbishop positively refused to accept the nomination of Giraldus for the same reasons alleged by King Henry on many former occasions ; and partly on the same grounds he rejected the other two, as being natives of Wales. To supply their places, he proposed Martin, a Cistercian monk, and Geoffrey, Prior of Lanthoni; but the chapter persisted in their long-established right of nomi- nation. King Richard was at this time abroad, and hearing of the dispute between the canons of Saint David's and the Archbishop of Canterbury, ordered a deputation of four members of the chapter to appear before him in Normandy, and receive his orders respect- ing the election of a bishop ; but whilst these matters were in agita- tion, the king died.
Letters from the chapter of Saint David's, recommending Giraldus, were presented to his successor King John, and favourably received;
ut statim quioquid ibi de vario et griseo et cuniculis inventum fuerit, venderetur et in usus pauperum partiretur; quod et factum illico fuit. Ab ilia autem archidiaconus bora penulis agninis contentus erat.
LIFE OF GIRALDUS DE BARRI. xxxiii
so much so, that the king ordered Giraldus to come before him with three or four canons of the church, that he might be duly elected bishop ; but, unfortunately for the archdeacon, on the king's return to England, the all powerful influence of the archbishop put a stop to the election. In a letter written about this time to Hubert Archbishop of Canterbury, Giraldus complains bitterly of the ill treatment and vexation he had suffered from the court, and ex- presses a wish that he may be allowed to dedicate the remainder of his life to study and retirement.1
" Hitherto," says our author, " I have unfortunately sacrificed too much time to fruitless ambition. Let me therefore be allowed to retire and indulge without further molestation my favourite pursuit of books and literature. Let others anxiously covet the high ho- nours attached to a court, as I myself, labouring under the same vice, once did, and became an useless and unprofitable follower of it. Having more than sufficiently experienced the vicissitudes and vexations resulting from an attendance upon the high and mighty, I desire to be in that situation with respect to them, as if I had never been in their service. May the holy Father and merciful God grant, that, far from the cares and ambition of a court, which always wound, and never heal and satisfy the heart ; and far also
' " Nimium temporis, unde mihi phis dolendum est, ambitioni hactenus etperditioni dedi. Igitur latitare mihi et libris ac literis, quod residuum est dierum, absque molestia liceat indulgere. Ambiant igitur alii, curiam sequantur; sicut et ego quandoque vitio laborans eodem, curia sequela fui quamquam inutilis. Vices ergo potentum et vexa- tiones saris olim et plus quarn satis expertus, sic apud illos esse nunc cupio, quasi non essem. Del pius Pater, et misericors Dens, quatenus praeteriti jacturam teinporis re- dimendo, utcunque et deflendo, procul a curiae curis et ambitionibus, quse semper corda sauciant et nunquam satiatit, nunquam sanant, popularique strepitu cuncto, dulci quiete modicum id quod restat aevi ducere valeam."
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xxxiv LIFE OF GIRALDUS DE BARRI.
from the clamorous bustle of the world, by lamenting and re- deeming my heavy loss of time, I may be able to pass the moderate remaining portion of my life in peaceful ease and tran- quillity!"
After the repeated disappointments he had received in the at- tainment of his favourite preferment, and seeing there was little or no prospect of success, he turned his back upon the English court ; and, after an absence of many years, revisited Saint David's, where he was received with the greatest joy, both by the clergy and the people. A convocation was again held for the election of a bishop, and the votes were unanimous in favour of Giraldus, who was earnestly desired to go immediately to the court of Rome, and there to assert the rights of the metropolitan see of Saint David's, and to procure a ratification of his own election.
On returning to Saint David's, after a short excursion into Ireland, he was informed that letters had been sent from the archbishop and justiciary to the canons of that church, sum- moning them to appear in England, and elect Geoffrey, Prior of Lanthoni, to the vacant see. After a mature and considerate deli- beration, the chapter dispatched letters on the appointed day to the Bishops of London and Rochester (who during the absence of the archbishop abroad had been nominated his deputies), forbid- ding them to proceed in the election ; and at the same time they sent other letters to the Prior of Lanthoni and his fraternity of monks, ordering them, as members of the church of Saint David, not to interfere in this election.
Giraldus having paid a visit to his brother, Philip de Barri, and explained to him the cause of his intended journey to Rome,
LIFE OF GIRALDUS DE BARRI, xxxv
proceeded to the abbey of Stratflur" in Cardiganshire, where he deposited his library of books : from thence he journeyed over the Ellennith mountains* towards Cumhir,x and entered England near Keri. He embarked at the port of Sandwich in Kent, and landed in Flanders ; from thence he traversed the Alps and Tuscany, and arrived at Rome about the festival of Saint Andrew. He was re- ceived by Pope Innocent the Third, with great kindness and con- descension; he accepted the works which Giraldus presented to him with this punning compliment : " Prcesentarunl vobis alii UbraS) sed nos libros" " Others have presented pounds to your holiness, but I have presented books ; " and expressed himself highly gratified with their perusal ; yet he did not ultimately favour his suit. The archbishop opposed his promotion with great violence, and his competitor for the see of Saint David's had greater success in a court where all things were venal. Giraldus, however, persisted in prosecuting his claim, and was involved in a tedious litigation of five years, by asserting the dignity and
u A full account of this celebrated abbey will be given in Chapter IV. Book II. of the Itinerary.
* An extensive range of mountains separating Cardiganshire from Brecknockshire and Radnorshire, and more properly called Maelyenid.
* Of this place which is situated between Knighton and Rhayader in Radnorshire, Leland gives the following account : " Comehere an abbay of White Monkes stondith betwixt ii great hilles in Melennith in a botom wher rennith a litle brooke. It is a vn miles from Knighton. The first foundation was made by Cadwathelan ap Madok for LX monkes. No chirch in Wales is scene of such lenght, as the fundation of walles ther begon doth show ; but the third part of this worke was never finischld. Al the liowse was spoilid and defacid by Owen Glindour." Leland Itin. Tom. V. p. 15. Further particulars respecting this abbey may be seen in the Monasticon, Vol. I. p. 825, where it is erroneously stated as being situated in Pembrokeshire, instead of Radnorshire.
xxxvi LIFE OF GIRALDUS DE BARRI.
privileges of the church of Saint David's against the incroachments and demands of that of Canterbury. He took three successive journies to Rome at a considerable expense; but was at last de- feated in his hopes, for the Pope passed a definitive sentence, and declared his election null.
After the unfavourable decision made by the Pontiff, Giraldus thus addressed himself to his Eminence in full consistory : " Thou knowest, O Lord and Father, that the cause I have in hand is two- fold : first, the cause of rny own election ; secondly, the cause of our metropolitan church. The validity of the one having, by thy will and judgment, been annulled, I pray and beseech your Holi- ness that the other, on behalf of which I have undertaken so many laborious journies to your court, may be allowed to follow its legal course." " And who," replies the Pope, " will prosecute that cause?" " I (says Giraldus) ; for although not the bishop elect, yet I am archdeacon as well as canon, and a legitimate, not a spurious member of that church, and ready, with all my might, to rescue my mother and brethren from an unlawful state of servitude. Upon which the Bishop of Ostia, the liberal and open-hearted Octavian, thus addressed the council : " Now, indeed, it evidently appeareth, that the Archdeacon is more strenuous in promoting the advantages of his church, than his own self-interest, and that he is more actuated by a sense of charity than of covetousness."y
* " Pater et Domine, duplex, ut nostis, causa laboris nostri fuit ; causa videlicet electionis, et causa status ecclesiae nostrac. Unde si extincta est una, prout placuit ar- bitrio vestro, supplicamus sanctitati vestrae quatenus altera, propter quam praecipue toties ad curiam istam laboravimus, sc. causa status, suo cursu suoque marte procedat. " Et quis," inquit Papa, " causam istam prosequerelur?" Et Archidiaconus, "Ego,
LIFE OF GIRALDUS DE BARRI. xxxvii
The right, however, of Giraldus to the bishopric was deemed so unquestionable, that he was usually called in Wales the bishop elect : and although he does not appear ever to have assumed that title himself, yet King John issued several mandates and letters against him for presuming to take upon himself that character. " Know ye, that Giraldus Archdeacon of Brecknock, acts openly against our crown and dignity, considering himself as the bishop elect of Saint David's, though we have never assented to his elec- tion."1
This long controversy continued above four years, during which time our author suffered many and very heavy persecutions, one of which I shall now relate.
The resolute conduct of the canons of Saint David's, in asserting the rights of their church, was strongly supported by the reigning princes of North and South Wales : on the other side, the Arch- bishop of Canterbury not only employed threats but also bribes, in order to soften the temper of the chapter : he sent them threaten-
Pater, si vestrae placuerit providentise. Quod si electus ecclesiae illius non sum, archi- diaconus tamen ejusdem sum, et canonicus filiusque legitimus, et non spurius ; matrem et fratres ab indebita quidein eripere servitute pro posse paratus." Protinus autem Hostiensis Episcopus, liberalis ille et Curialis Octavianus,* Cardinalis primus et dex- trum Papae latus ubique tenens, ad haec respondit. " Nunc revera evidenter apparet, quod magis appetiit et appetit iste ecclesiae suae profectum, quam personae; et quia magis hunc caritas laborare quam cupiditas fecit."
z " Rex etc. omnibus, etc. — Sciatis qu&d Giraldus Archidiaconus de Breckeinoc manifeste operatur contra coronam et dignitatem nostram ; qui se gerit electum Mene- vensem, cum nos in eum eligendum nunquam praebuimus assensum."
* This Octavian was a noble Roman, sent by Pope Urban the Third into Eng- land, to crown his son John King of Ireland, which ceremony however never took place.
xxxviii LIFE OF GIRALDUS DE BARRI.
ing letters from the king and justiciary, and by means of one Osbert, caused gilt rings, costly garments richly ornamented with gold and ivory, and various other presents to be distributed amongst them ; which at length had the desired effect. The Abbot of Whit- land, whom Giraldus calls " Albior exterius quam interius, habitu qaam actu, nomine qudm ornine," was the chief auhtor of these corrupt intrigues, and infected the minds of the Chapter of Saint David's. Still, however, the Archdeacon persevered in a steady opposition to them, supported by the nobles of the country, and by all well-wishers to the church. On his return towards England from a journey through the wild districts of Cardiganshire, he met, on the mountains of the Cantref Bychan,* a messenger who had been dispatched from his dean at Brecknock, to acquaint him that all the lands, both at Brecknock and Landeu, belonging to the see of Saint David's, and of which he had the management, had, by a precept of the justiciary, been seized by the servants of William de Braose, on behalf of the king. At Luel,b he encountered a second messenger, informing him, that all his own lands and revenues would be shortly seized ; and his friends advised him on no account to proceed, for the king's officers had threatened to throw into prison both him and his attendants, if they could lay hold of them. But the archdeacon, by no means alarmed at these tidings, pro- ceeded on his journey homewards; when between the villages of Trallan and Aberyscir,0 he met his own dean, by name Richard
* The Cantref Bychan, or little hundred.
b Luel, a small village in Brecknockshire, about a mile distant from Trecastle. c Trallan and Aberyscir are two small villages in Brecknockshire situated near th<j banks of the river Usk, and west of the town of Brecknock.
LIFE OF GIRALDUS DE BARRI. xxxix
(who had been appointed his procurator in those parts), pale and trembling; and he confirmed to him by mouth, all the in- telligence he had before communicated to him by letters and messengers. Still, however, Giraldus despising the mighty threats of his adversaries, persisted in his journey, saying to his compa- nions, " Have we not some good ale at home ? Let us go and drink it before it be all gone." JVonne domi cerevisiam bonarn habemus ? Eamus ergo et bibamus earn, prius quam omnino fuerimus desti- tuti? On arriving at Landeu, he found all safe and quiet at home; these premature alarms having arisen only from some threats dis- seminated in that neighbourhood by Reginald Foliot, and his accomplices.
These disturbances and insults proceeded from the following cause : the justiciary being at Shrewsbury, attended by the barons of that country, heard a heavy complaint preferred against Giraldus, by Robert Bishop of Bangor; alleging that he had favoured the cause of his adversary Andrew, who, contrary to the will of the king, considered himself as bishop elect ; and declaring in a public audience, that, not only on this, but on every other occasion, he had opposed the inclinations of the king; and he likewise added, that the archdeacon at this present time came into North Wales for the purpose of uniting Llewelyn and the Princes of Powys with those of South Wales, and in short the whole country of Wales in a con- federacy against the king. Upon the grounds of these false repre- sentations, the justiciary deprived Giraldus of all his benefices at Brecknock, and on his journey through Oxford, wrote to the arch- deacon of that county, ordering him to do the same. " Geoffrey Fitz-piers, Earl of Essex, to his dearly beloved friend the Arch-
xl LIFE OF GIRALDUS DE BARRI.
deacon of Oxford, sendeth greeting : " Know therefore that Giraldus Archdeacon of Brecknock, is the enemy of our Lord the King, and therefore we command you to take into your hands all the bene- fices which he holds in your archdeaconry. "d The justiciary also wrote letters to the Abbot of Whitland, ordering him to consider Giraldus as an enemy to the king, and a rebel, to hold no inter- course with him, or to give him any assistance in time of need ; for during the many vexatious persecutions that Giraldus had expe- rienced, he had often sought and found refuge within the convents of the Cistercian Order.
The abbot unable totally to prevent the reception of Giraldus within the gates of the monasteries subject to him, and particularly that of Stratflur, where he had deposited all his most valuable books, and whither, during the tide of his heaviest persecutions, he had frequently retreated, gave orders that no respect should be paid to the Archdeacon whenever he came ; but that he should be received only in the public hall, amongst the noisy and vulgar guests. He ordered also, that neither monk nor lay-brother, nor even any servant belonging to the convent, should be allowed to conduct him, as a guide, over the wild and dreary tract of country, in which that monastery is situated ; a mark of hospitality and kindness not denied even to the greatest strangers. The Archdea- con, however, had shortly the means of fully vindicating his cha racter from these unjust aspersions, and of disappointing the Abbot
d "G. filius Petri, Comes Essexise, carissimo amico suo Archidiacono Oxonise salutem. Sciatis quod G. Archidiaconus de Brechene inimicus est Domini Regis: et ideo vobis mandamus, qualinus capiatis in manus vestras omnes reditus suos quos habet in archidiaconatu vestro, teste meipso apud Gloverniam xx die Januarii."
LIFE OF GIRALDUS DE BARRI. xli
of Whitland in his ambitious hopes of preferment. On being or- dered by the justiciary to amend his conduct towards the king, and to hold no synod but in his own archdeaconry, he addressed him in the following spirited letter: " I am much astonished that a man of your lordship's wisdom and discretion, the first counsellor of the kingdom and justiciary of the realm, should so readily have attended to the suggestions of enemies during the absence of the adverse party, and be thus moved to anger; for it is not usual, as you well know, to pronounce judgment upon the assertions of one party, whilst the other is absent. Believe me, I am not such a Sylvester* (such a mere man of the woods), as from the misrepre- sentations of my enemies, you may be inclined to think me ; but that whenever a fit time and opportunity offer, I shall know how to exist within a court. I will therefore shortly come to you in England, prepared, through God's blessing, to refute, by true and solemn affidavits, the calumnies which have been trumpeted forth against me ; and furthermore to convince your lordship that even
c The words Sylvester and Campester are here evidently opposed to each other; the first is clearly intended as an allusion to his nick-name, which, from the spirit of the reply, had probably been tauntingly referred to by his opponents, intimating perhaps that he was " Sylvester tarn in natura quam in nomine." The word Campus, from whence Campester, was sometimes figuratively used, as Cicero observes, pro comitiis. " Gravis est modus in ornatu orationis et saepe sumendus; ex quo genere haec sunt. Martem belli esse communem, Cererem pro frugibus, &c. campum pro comitiis, &.c. Cicero de Oratore, Lab. II. c. 42.
In this sense it seems most appropriately to have been adopted by Giraldus, in his answer to the chief justice, as applying immediately to the defence he was about to make before him in a court of law; indeed there seems to have been a double pro- priety in it; the word campus applying equally to the field and to the forum, and at the same time keeping up that double meaning which is evidently intended by the previous term of Sylvester.
VOL. I. f
xlii LIFE OF GIRALDUS DE BARRI.
the words of bishops are not always to be received as gospel ; but that, on the other hand (when devoid of truth), they ought rather to be considered as profane." f
Not finding the justiciary on his arrival in London, he followed him into Kent. About the same time a messenger came to the court from Lhewelyn Prince of Wales, who upon enquiry, related faithfully to the justiciary every thing that had been done by Giraldus, assuring him, that by his influence with the prince and nobles of the country the royal cause had been greatly assisted. The justiciary was completely satisfied with this explanation, and had a long conference with Giraldus, concerning the state of affairs in Wales.
The persevering contest in which Giraldus was engaged became a frequent subject of conversation both in England and Wales. At a time when Gwenwynwyn, son of Owen Cyveiliog, and Prince of Powys, was assembled in council with the chiefs and nobles of his land, and the labours of Giraldus were mentioned; the prince said, " Wales has indeed been accustomed to wage many and obstinate wars with England, but none so severe as that now carried on by
f " Nobili et magnifico viro G. filio Petri Comiti Essexiae, totius Angliae Justiciario, C. Archidiaconus de Brechene tarn corporis quam animae salutem.
" Miror valde viruin discretum el sapientem, principalem Regis Consiliarium et regni Justiciarium, verbis initnicorum in absentia partis adversae tarn facile fidem ad- hibuisse, et in iram aut indignationem motum fuisse : non enim ex unius partis asser- tione, alterai parte absente, judicium, ut nostis fieri solet. Non igitur tain Sylvester sum, sicut adversarii mentiuntur, quin et Campester existere loco ac tempore sciam : Unde de Wallia in Angliam ad vos, Deo dante, in brevi veniam ; ea vobis, quae de me falsis suggestionibus cantata sunt, veris per Dei gratiam assertionibus discantare paratus ; et Episcopi verba non omnia fore semper Evangelica, sed ubi veritati con- traria fuerint potifts sacrilega vobis ostensurus — Utinam did et bene valere possitis."
LIFE OF GIRALDUS DE BARRI. xliii
the Bishop of Saint David's elect, who, to maintain the dignity and rights of his country, hath not ceased by long and repeated exer- tions to molest the king, the archbishop, and the whole body of the English clergy and people. Our differences, should they last during the summer, are settled before winter, nor do they often extend be- yond the term of a single year ; but this contest of Giraldus has con- tinued incessantly for more than five."8
The election of Giraldus to the vacant see of Saint David's being thus annulled by the court of Rome, he returned to England,11 and
8 " Magnas multoties werras Angliae Wallia nostra movere solet : sed nunquam tarn grandem tamque gravetn movit ei, sicut his nostris diebus per Electum Menevensem ; qui Regem et Archiepiscopum totumque simul Angliae clerum et populum propter ho- norein Walliae, tantis tarn diuturnis et continuis infestare nisibus et molestare non de- sistit. Nostrae nimirum werrae, si per aestatem durant, ad pacem hiemali tempore revertuntur; nee nisi per annum ad plus vel etiam dimidium durare solent. Hujus autein werra per quinquennium et amplius incessanter jam duravit."
h Still his evil fortune pursued him on his journey, for on approaching the frontiers of France, he and his attendants were seized by an officer belonging to the Duke of Burgundy, and thrown into prison. John of Tinmouth, a creature of the archbishop's, who had been at Rome to favour the cause of that prelate against Giraldus, had been likewise taken by the enemy, and had given information that such a person (de- scribing the figure and make of the archdeacon) would follow within eight days. The son of the officer who detained him said, that he recognized Giraldus by his lofty stature, and by his large and hairy eyebrows, but particularly by the latter. Upon which the archdeacon replied, that John of Tinmouth had shewn himself sufficiently hostile towards him already, by his influence at the court of Rome, in causing his election to be annulled, without adding this fresh act of oppression in being the means of his apprehension : and he excited a general laughter by saying, " that if he could have imagined that the projection or roughness of his eyebrows would have proved so detrimental to him, he would have removed it by the scissars or the fire." Subjunxit etiam unde ad risum cunctos commovit, " Quod si superciliorum suorutn hispiditatern ad nocumentum sibi tantum provenire posse novisset ; sylvositatem illam
xliv LIFE OF GIRALDUS DE BARRL
protested publicly against his three rival competitors. He objected to the Abbot of Saint Dogmael, as being totally illiterate : to the Abbot of Whitland, as being illegitimately born, and of a most ambitious disposition: and to Reginald Foliot, as being but just arrived at the age of manhood, and as a young man of most profli- gate character.
On the day appointed for electing a bishop to fill the long vacant episcopal chair of Saint David's, Giraldus appeared at Lambeth ; and from thence paid a visit to the justiciary in Westminster, who accompanied him to the chapel of Saint Catharine, at which place the canons of Saint David's, and the clergy of the archbishop, were assembled ; for, according to the customs of the English mo- narchy, these elections were always made either before the king or his justiciary, and not in the presence of the archbishop.
The justiciary, calling Giraldus aside, endeavoured to dissuade him from nominating a Welshman to the vacant preferment, as during this tedious controversy they had shewn themselves so ad- verse to his interest ; and at the same time begged him to recommend some stranger of good character and reputation. The archdeacon readily assented ; and that he might not appear to be actuated by self-interest, proposed two natives of Normandy: but the justiciary disapproving of this choice, desired him to think of two other fit persons residing in England, and who were better known to him. Having obtained leave from the justiciary, five or six of the canons of Saint David's retired with the archdeacon, and endeavoured to
et eminentiam ferro vel igne minorasset. From this pilosity, our author may, perhaps, have gained the nick-name of Sylvester.
LIFE OF GIRALDUS DE BARRI. xlv
persuade him to fix upon some member of their church, naming at first some canons, then some abbots, and lastly some priors, to all of whom Giraldus objected. They then mentioned Geoffrey de Henelawe Prior of Lanthoni,' as being a member of the church of Saint David's, whom he also rejected ; because he had always coveted this piece of preferment, and lived in the greatest intimacy with the archbishop.
Being urged the next day by the justiciary, to nominate some other fit persons who resided in England, not in Wales ; he pro-
1 Geoffrey de Henelawe was Prior of the convent of Lanthoni, near Gloucester, and by his skill in physic, had procured the friendship and acquaintance of Hubert Archbishop of Canterbury.
During the interval of the long controversy between the archbishop and Giraldus, when Geoffrey de Henelawe was a candidate for the vacant see of Saint David's, a certain monk, coining out of Wales to Gloucester, thus addressed the Prior of Lan- thoni : " I much wonder that you, being Prior of so sumptuous an establishment' placed in so fine and tranquil a situation, sheltered by excellent buildings, and abounding in fruitful vineyards, gardens, and orchards, should (as is reported) covet the poor little cathedral of Saint David's, situated in a barbarous and hostile territory; particularly as in the whole see there is scarce a single house where even a private man, much less a bishop or prelate, can get a decent lodging." To which the prior replied, " Why do you talk to me about the want of houses ? why frighten me with the description of its dreary situation ? for you know it is far preferable in my eyes to my present situation."
" Mirum, inquit, si pauperculam Menevensis ecclesia? cathedram cupis, (ut fertur,) et ambis, praesertim etiam in terra barbara et gente hostili, qui Prior es domus hujus tarn nobilis, et in loco tarn pulchro et pacifico u>.dih'ciis egregiis munito, vineisque fe- racibus, viridariis ac pomariis amaene conserto ; maxime ver6 cum in episcopatu Me- nevensi toto vix una sit domus ad episcopum spectans ; ubi vir probus, licet privatus, nedum episcopus aut praelatus, honeste descendere queat." Ad quod Prior ille paucis ambitionem suatn animumque singularem ac saecularem respondendo declarans ait; "Quit-quid de domorum defectu dicas, quicquid de terra hostili et barbara nos terreas? longe tamen plus mecum valere quam nostrum spins."
xlvi LIFE OF GIRALDUS DE BARRI.
posed Roger, Dean of Lincoln, and Walter Mapes,k Archdeacon of Oxford; at the same time desiring the justiciary to name some other candidates, who, though not Welshmen, were nevertheless acquainted with the customs of that country. The justiciary having proposed Hugh de Mapenor, Dean of Hereford, and Walter Foliot, Precentor of the same church (of whom Giraldus approved), asked him why he objected to Geoffrey de Henelawe; upon which he stated the same objections he had before given to the canons of Saint David's. The archbishop, as well as the justiciary, were in- terested in the promotion of this man, as the one wished to advance his physician, and the other his son-in-law, Henry de Bohun, to the priorate of Lanthoni, which would become vacant by the preferment of Geoffrey to the see of Saint David's.
The archdeacon could not at first be prevailed upon to listen to this nomination, but, during their procession to the chapter-house, revolving in his mind the abandoned state of corruption into which his church had fallen, and how useless and unprofitable a task it would be for him to encounter fresh troubles and dangers for its sake ; considering also, that the person proposed had never openly
k Walter Mapes, a learned prelate, was an intimate friend of Giraldus, and in his writings inveighed bitterly against the profligacy of the monks. He flourished about the year 1218, in the reign of King John, who was his patron. A list of his writings may be seen in Bale Scriptores Britannici, p. 254, where the following character is recorded of him from the treatise of Giraldus, entitled " Speculum Ecctesia." Gual- terus cognomento Mapus, vir celebri fam& conspicuus, et tam literarum copi£, quam curialium verborum facetiis praeclarus, Oxoniensis Archidiaconus, facetias plures in Cistercienses monachos evomebat, quod illos ob eorum ambitionem et avaritiam odio habuissel. " Judaeis (inquit) et albis monachis, nulla fidelitas servanda, cum nee ipsi servent."
LIFE OF G1RALDUS DE BARRI. xlvii
professed himself to be his enemy, and moreover, was a member of their church ; he suddenly changed his mind, and when the chapter was assembled, he thus publicly addressed its members :
" I have hitherto sufficiently contended ; I have very sufficiently, and not unprofitably, toiled in endeavouring to bring to life the long dormant and almost expired rights of our church ; nor have I been deterred, by any obstacles, from prosecuting its welfare with the utmost diligence and activity: that I may not, therefore, ap- pear to you in the light of a perpetual and obstinate opposer to your wills, I freely give my consent to the person now proposed, provided he meets with the approbation of our brethren, Maurice Archdeacon of Cardigan, and the other canons. *
Giraldus seeing with regret how little good faith and honesty existed in the breasts of his brethren and canons, who, besides their numerous excesses, had so often proved themselves perjured to the church, thought it no longer honourable for him to remain a mem- ber of their society ; upon which he went to the archbishop,1" with
1 " Satis hactenus certavi ; satis et sufficienter nee inutiliter laboravi ; qui jus eccle- siae nostrae tanto sopitum quinimo quasi sepultum tempore in tanta audientia resusci- tavi ; jusque proprium nee segniter nee ignaviter contra tot obstacula sum prosecutus. Uncle et huic electioni a quibusdam ex nostris f'actae de viro, ut creditur, bono, ne pertinax et perpes contradictor inveniar, assensum praebeo, si tamen socii et complices nostri, consentire voluerint."
m Hubert, at first Dean of York, and afterwards Bishop of Salisbury, succeeded to the archiepiscopal see of Canterbury in the year 1 193. He was present at the siege of Aeon, where his predecessor died. He had always shewn himself very hostile to Giral- dus during his long controversy. The following particulars are recorded of him by Gervase, a monk of Canterbury :
" Successit Hubertus, primo ecclesiae Eboracensis decanus, postea episcopus Saris- biriensis.
" Hubertus Sarisbiriensis episcopus, apud Aeon in omnium oculis gratiosus, et in re
1 LIFE OF GIRALDUS DE BARRI.
may justly consider him as one of the brightest luminaries that adorned the annals of the twelfth century.
His father was William de Barri, who probably came into Eng- land with the Conqueror: his mother was Angharad, daughter of Nest, who was daughter of Rhys ap Theodor Prince of South Wales, slain in a battle with the Normans, in the year 1090. His noble and princely lineage, added to the great abilities, spirit, and ambition, which he displayed at a very early age, proved a perpetual and effectual bar to that preferment which he ever anxiously coveted ; and which King Henry the Second avow- edly confessed were the sole obstacles to his advancement in the church, s
His repeated journies to the court of Rome, and the many and great dangers to which he thereby continually exposed him- self, sufficiently attest his sincerity and zeal for the welfare of his church: and the anecdotes recorded of him at Brecknock, Pem- broke, Keri, and Trallan, prove his resolute and steady perseverance in the cause he had undertaken.
The frequent opportunities he takes of animadverting on the loose and profligate lives of the clergy and monks throughout Wales, as well as on the abuses and excesses which, by their bad conduct and management, had crept into the church, and which
* In suniina ver6 sciendum et indubitata veritale tenendum ; quod summa praeci- puaque causa, quare Giraldus ad summos dignitatis gradus in regno Anglicano juxta personae dignitatem et meritorum qualitatem promotus non erat, ista fuit; quod prin- cipales Walliae viros sanguinis propinquitate contingebat. Semper enim ipsuni ob hoc Reges Angliae suspectum habentes et latenter exosum, promotion! ipsius nequaquam assensum adhibere volebant.
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LIFE OF GIRALDUS DE BARRI. li
finally compelled him to quit his ecclesiastical preferment, suffi- ciently evince the morality of his character and principles.11
His conduct at Lincoln, and at many other places, displayed his humane and charitable disposition : and that he was disinterested as to pecuniary emoluments, and content with a moderate compe- tency; the description of his residentiary retreat at Landeu, and his generous behaviour in resigning an archdeaconry and prebendary to his nephew during his own life time, most amply prove.'
His ambition, which was chiefly displayed in so ardently seeking the episcopal throne of Saint David's, cannot be blamed ; for when it was at last offered to him on dishonourable terms, his probity revolted, and spurned the proffered honour.
The numerous works he composed on various subjects, at a time when the literary world was not assisted by the invention of types ; the extensive knowledge, both in sacred, profane, and classical his- tory and poetry, which his quotations demonstrate, afford the most convincing testimony of his abilities and learning.k Our high opinion
h In his book De Speculo Ecclesi<e, Giraldus inveighs bitterly against the monks; but he seems to have been particularly adverse to those of the black habit. He says, " A monachis enim cunctis, et praecipue nigris, omnique hujusmodi peste voraci, ecclesiatn nostram miseram, ne miserior imrno miserrima fiat, et funditus evacuata de- pereat, in perpetuum defendat Deus !
In another part of the same work, he complains bitterly of having been defrauded of his books by the craft and cunning of the monks.
1 Porro inter plurima de Giraldo miranda memoriaque dignissima et hoc quoque memorandum adjicio; quod licet ad Pontificatus apicem non attigerit; cum tamen reditus ecclesiasticos ducentarum marcarum autplurium obtinuisset; tarn ampla manu et tanquam prodiga clericis et familiaribus suis eos dispergere et passim conferre cura- vit; quod vix ad usus proprios et necessarios medium illorum omnium partem sibi retinuit.
* Nee deerat in tanta et tarn varia rerum cognitione torrens dicendi copia ; sed sibi
lii LIFE OF GIRALDUS DE BARRI.
of his good sense and judgment must be in some degree lowered, when we recollect the repeated tales of wonder which he relates ; his own words however prove, that he did not give implicit credit to all the miracles which he inserted in his works ; for he says, " I know, and am well assured, that I have committed to writing some things that will appear ridiculous, and even impossible, to the reader ; nor do I wish that hasty credit should be given to every thing I have asserted, for I do not believe them myself."1
I shall conclude my life of this celebrated character, with a note I found amongst his manuscripts in the British Museum. Harleian, No. 359.
" A man of good callynge in England, affirmed Giraldus' labores to be commendable and profitable for sundry causes, and especially he assigned,
First, that the cause of the dignitie of Saint David's churche was by him renewed, and the first prescription was interrupted by three commissions, made by dyvers judges, and the citations of the contrary parte.
Secondarilye, that he moved such an harde controversie so bouldlye, and continuyd it five yeres agaynst the kynge, the arch-
aliquando inaequalis, quod vitium non hominis, sed potius aetatis erat. Quis enim illo saeculo talem facile sperare potuisset facundiam, qualem cit6 nactus esset Giraldus. Leland de Script. Brit. p. 221.
Another ancient biographer has paid the following compliment to the personal, as well as literary accomplishments of Giraldus. " Vir ab ipsa natura turn animi turn corporis dotibus prseditus, ut eum tantorum donorum intuitu, saltern quantum humana patitur conditio, vere pronunciaveris in hac vita beatum. Pitseus, p. 278.
1 " Scio tamen et certus sum me nonnulla scripturum quaj lectori vel impossibilia vel etiam ridiculosa videbuntnr. Nee ego volo temere credi cuncta quse posui, quia nee a me ipso ita creduntur, tanquam nulla de eis sit in mea cogitatione dubitatio."
LIFE OF GIRALDUS DE BARRI. liii
bysshope, and all England; nor ceassed at anye tyme for theyr threates, persecutions, and spoylings of hym and his, untill Rome by corruption fell from hyrn.
Thirdly, when Rome fell from hym, and therewith also the chapter of Saint Davyds fell from hym, and theyr churche throghe lyke corruption; yet he removed all his adversaries from theyr promotion of that churche, as well within as without.
Forthely, althowghe bothe Rome and his churche fell from hym, and he allone preceded in the cawse agaynst so many adversaries ; yet he obteyned bothe of the kynge and the archbysshope great revenewes in England, that he would cease from vexinge them, and so that he would be quiet, he had as it were a tribute of them.
Fifthly, that he procured his nephew to be invested in his arch- denrie, and present whatsoever might happen to hym; that he hymselfe myght be no more of that wicked and adulterous societie.
Therefore let the spitefull cease to bable, sainge, that Giraldus paynes were unprofitable ; he dyd not a lytle profile his churche, who alone was agaynst all, and fayled his churche in no neces- sitie."m
m " Out of an old booke of Master John Price after the discription of Wales, writen in Englyshe by John Stow, Marchant Taylor, Anno Domine 1579, and in the monthe of December."
[liv]
CHRONOLOGY
OF THE
LIFE AND ACTIONS
GIRALDUS DE BARRI.
A. D.
1150. GIRALDUS was born
1 1 70. About this year he wrote his Metrica Cosmographia. 1172- He returned into England from the Academy at Paris, where he had pursued his literary studies for many years.
1175. Appointed Legate in Wales by Richard Archbishop of Can-
terbury; and shortly afterwards he obtained the arch- deaconry of Brecknock.
1176. Elected Bishop of Saint David's in the month of May:
returns to Paris about the end of the same year.
1179. Being chosen public Professor of Canon Law in the Academy
of Paris, he declines the office.
This same year the canons of Saint David's assert the me- tropolitan rights of their church in the Lateran Council.
1180. Returns to England, and is appointed Administrator of the
Bishopric of Saint David's by Peter de Leia, the bishop of that see.
CHRONOLOGY, &c. lv
A. D.
1184. Summoned to the court by King Henry the First, he goes
over with him into Normandy.
1185. Accompanies John, the king's son, into Ireland; and in the
same year refuses the Irish bishoprics of Femes and Leighlin.
1 186. In the middle of Lent, makes a public oration in the council
at Dublin ; and after Easter returns into Wales.
1187. Writes the Topographia and Expugnatio Hibernica.
1188. Accompanies Baldwin, Archbishop of Canterbury, through
Wales.
1189. Is sent by King Richard into Wales, as Legate for the pro-
tection of that country ; and in the same year is appointed coadjutor to William Bishop of Ely, Chief Justice of England.
1190. Refuses the offer of the bishopric of Bangor.
1191. Refuses the bishopric of Landaff.
1192. Taking leave of the court, he goes to Lincoln in order to
study theology, and remains there for seven years.
1 193. Writes the Life of Geoffrey Archbishop of York.
1197. Writes the Gemma Ecclesiastics
1198. In the month of September he is nominated by the chapter
of Saint David's as a fit person to succeed to the vacant bishopric, together with three others.
1 199. At the beginning of this year he alone is nominated by the
chapter, and elected bishop on the 39th of June. In the same year, on the 30th of June, he goes into Ireland, and returning after three weeks residence in that country,
Ivi CHRONOLOGY OF THE LIFE AND ACTIONS
A. D.
journeys to Rome, and enters that city about the feast of Saint Andrew.
1200. In the month of May, being appointed administrator both of the temporal and spiritual concerns of the church of Saint David's, during its dispute with Pope Innocent the Third, he revisits England.
1^01. Returns to Rome about the middle of Lent; and to England about the middle of the same year.
1202- This whole year being nearly consumed in litigations at home, he proceeds on another journey to Rome on the 2d of November, and enters that city on the 4th of January following.
1203. Definitive sentence being passed by Pope Innocent the Third, on the J5th of April, he returns to England in the month of August. On the 10th of November in the same year, Geoffrey de Henelawe being elected Bishop of Saint David's, he relinquishes any further contest; and shortly afterwards resigns his archdeaconry to his nephew, Wil- liam de Barri.
1204-5. He writes the Description of Wales ; the Symbolum Elec- torum ; Speculum Duorum ; Invectiones ; Legenda S. Remigii ; and the books, de Gestis suis.
1215. He refuses the bishopric of Saint David's, offered to him on dishonourable terms.
1218. He writes his Dialogues, De Jure Menevensis Ecclesiae.
1220. He writes the books— De Principis Instructione, and Specu- lum Ecclesiae ; and revises a second edition of his Dialogues.
OF GIRALDUS DE BARRI. Ivii
This Chronology of the Life of Giraldus, printed by Warton in his Anglia Sacra, does not entirely agree with the account which the author has given of himself at the end of his Treatise Dejure et Statu Menevensis Ecdesia::* he there says, " that he wrote his Metrica Cosrnographia about his twentieth year ; his Topography of Ireland and Prophetic History about his thirtieth year; his Itine- rary and Description of Walts about his fortieth year ; Symbolum electorum, and Liber de Gestis Giraldi, together with the Libellus Invectionum and Speculum duorum, (vindicis animi digesti studio) about his fiftieth year: his legends of the Saints were written at different times ; but those concerning the two bishops of Lincoln, with the Gfmma ecclesiastica, were composed about his sixtieth year : the Dialogus de Jure et Statu Menevensis Ecdesiee, with the treatise, De Principis Instructione, concluded his literary labours, at the advanced age of seventy years. In many of his works he makes mention of this intended treatise, to the composition of which he seems to have devoted much time and attention ; and, after all his exertions, had scarcely the courage to submit it to the public.b
For the information of the curious, whose leisure and inclinations may induce them to examine more attentively the manuscript
• The difference in some of the dates may be accounted for by the mode in which Giraldus has marked the period in which his literary compositions appeared, viz. 20. 30. 40. 50. 60. 70. and which could not have been quite correct.
b Dialogus autem praesens, una cum libello De Principis Imtructione toties pro- misso, diu nimirum valde diligenter atque latenter hyemalibus lucubrationibus cre- bris juxta veritatem historicam et quae veris parcere non novit severitatem elaborate, ideoque tain ser6 prodire in publicuui, et proferre caput denique vix auso; t.inquam anno aetatis meae septuagesimo. Warton Anglia Sacra, Vol. II. p. 627. VOL. I. h
Iviii ACCOUNT OF THE MANUSCRIPT WORKS
collections of Giraldus, I shall give an account of those which have fallen under my own observation
IN THE BRITISH MUSEUM.
COTTONIAN COLLECTION.
Julius B. XIII. 4 . Giraldi Cambrensis liber de instructione prin- cipis, divisus in tres distinctiones, quarum duas impendit insecta- tioni Principum Normannicorum, ut proditorio praetextu religionis omnes Britannicorum insulas reduceret sub Monarchiam Gallicanam,
g
quod mysterium hodie Operator in pragmaticis Hyspanorum. N. B. The above note is written on the leaf preceding the title-page of the manuscript, which begins at page 48 of the volume, and ends at page 173. The following table of contents is prefixed to the first chapter.
De Principis moderamine.
De Principis mansuetudine.
De Principis verecundia.
De Principis pudicicia.
De Principis paciencia.
De Principis temperancia.
De Principis demencia.
De Principis munificencia.
De Principis magnincencia.
De Principis justicia.
De Principis prudencia.
De Principis providencia.
De Principis modestia.
OF GIRALDUS DE BARRI. lix
De Principis audacia et animositate. De Principis gloria et nobilitate. De differencia inter Regem et Tyranum. De Tyranorum obitu et fine cruento. De Principum electorum tarn vita laudabili quam fine. De principalium nominum expositione. De principis religione ac devocione.
De finali Principis intencione et felici tocius vitae consumacione. This is a fair manuscript, with the capital letters coloured.
Tiberius B. XIII. 1. Distinctiones. A fairly written manuscript in double columns, but much damaged.
2, Ejusdem Giraldi Vita, written in the same hand and manner, with a long index prefixed. This manuscript consists of sixty-four pages ; at the bottom of the last is this note. " Desunt multa immo plura quam 100 capitula (vide indicem) gravi profecto monumenti tarn prseclari jactura.
3. Speculum Ecclesiae, written in a very small hand, with illu- minated capitals, and much injured.
Tiberius. C. XIV. Liber de divinis officiis sive Gemma animae, quae hie Bedae venerabili sed alibi rectius Giraldo Cambrensi as- cribitur. A manuscript in folio, of 88 leaves, with illuminated capitals.
Nero. D. VIII. 9. Cambriae descriptio, ad Hubertum Cant. Ar- chiep. inscripta : plura desunt quae habentur in editione Camde-
Ix ACCOUNT OF THE MANUSCRIPT WORKS
niana ;• plura etiam hie reperiuntur quae in laudata editione desi- derantur.
This tract is bound up with several others in a large folio
volume of fourteen pages, fairly written, but difficult to read on account of the abbreviations : the initial letters are illuminated.
Between the first and second prefaces is a short elenchus of the contents.
Vitellius. C. X. 1. Cambrize descriptio ad Roberlum Cantua riens. Archiepiscopum. In editione Camdeniana hie tractatus Stephano, et non Roberto inscribitur.
This manuscript contains two short chapters, describing the con- tents of each book ; after which is the second preface, " Cum inter varia" kc. ; it is a thin folio volume, written in a smaller cha- racter than the last, and in double columns ; it contains six leaves, with initials illuminated.
Note. This manuscript corresponds with Nero D. VIII. and has the same defects.
Vitellius. E. V. 1 . Descriptio Cambriae in libris duobus. 2. Re- tractationes. 3. Catalogus librorum ab ipso compositorum. 4. Dia- logus de Ecclesiae Menevensis antiquitate ad Stephanum Cantuar. Archiepiscopum. 5. Poemata quaedam Giraldi Cambrensis.
This manuscript is very imperfect, and has suffered very con- siderably by fire.
a Camden reprinted the Itinerary and this first book of the description of Wales, in his work entitled Anglica, Normannica, Cambrica.
OF GIRALDUS DE BARRI. ki
Titus. C. XII. 8. Institutionum Principis epitome. This abridge- ment consists only of two pages and a half.
Domitianusl. 7. Itinerarium Cambriae. 8. Descriptio Cambriae, libri duo. 9. Tractatus retractationum, et Catalogus librorum dili- gentia Giraldi compositorum.
This MS. begins at page 56 ; after the preface is an index of the heads of each chapter; then follows the second preface " Quo- niam," 8cc. ; then the text of the Itinerary, and the two books of the description of Wales ; it is fairly written, in good preservation, and agrees, as to prefaces, text, and number of chapters, with my printed copy ; but the names of places are differently spelt.
Domitianus V. 6. Giraldi Cambrensis sex dialogi, de electione sua in sedem Menevensem, de moribus cleri Walliae, et de ipsius laboribus propter ecclesiae suae dignitatem et jura contra ecclesiam Cantuariensem. Scribit auctor tertia persona, ut de se securius et confidentius, absque laesa modestia, loquatur.
This manuscript begins at page 23, and ends at page 175, con- taining 153 leaves, written in double columns; the initial letters are coloured, and the whole is in good preservation.
Cleopatra. D. V. 1 . Giraldi Cambrensis opera raria. 1 . Topo- graphia Hibernias from page 2, to 52. 2. Expugnatio Hiberniae from page 52 to 98. 3. Symbolum electorum, continued on the same page after the Expugnatio Hiberniae from page 98 to 133. 4. De descriptione mundi from page 133 to page 165.
This is a beautiful manuscript, well written, and in fine preser-
Ixii ACCOUNT OF THE MANUSCRIPT WORKS
ration; the initial letters are illuminated, and the heads of the chapters coloured in red.
Faustina; G. IV. Topographia Hiberniae manu neoterica parum accurate exarata.
IN THE BRITISH MUSEUM.
HARLEIAN COLLECTION.
, .
No. 359- 1. Topographia Cambriae.
This manuscript consists of eight pages, has been copied by two different hands, and is very unconnected and imperfect. 2,. Ex Giraldi Topographia excerpta, two pages.
3. De Successione Episcoporum et gestis eorumr Berriardi et
David JSecundi.
•
4. Tractatus retractationum et Catalogus librorum diligentia Giraldi compositorum.
5. Laudes Giraldi Cambrensis, ex quodam vetusto libro Johannis Price, i «
-. " Yir quidam magnus in Anglia dixit et asseruit, laborem Magis- tri Giraldi multis ex causis commendabilem esse. Quarum quinque proposuit et assignavit.
Prjmo. O^uod renovata est causa dignitatis Ecclesiae S'. David per ipsum egregie, et per tres commissiones diversis indicibus factis, el partis diversae citationibus interrupta praescriptio." . . Secundo. Quod tarn vivaciter et audacter tantam controversiam et tarn arduam movit, et prosequendo continuit jam per quinquen- nium contr Regem et Archiepiscopum Cantuariensem et Angliam
"VIEW <uJE the Te:MB ©f G-IH.AIL U TU § im flue CATJHLJBE'IRAIL of § T ID
i Miller Alhemarle Slreel.London
OF GIRALDUS DE BARRI. Ixiii
totam ; nee propter ruinas et prosecutiones magnas rerumque sua- rum et suorum amissiones et spoliationes crebras unquarn cessavit, nee ecclesiae suae defecit, donee ei Roma corrupta deficeret.
Tertio. Quod cum ei Curia Romana defecisset, et Capitulum Menevense non solum ei sed et sibi ipsi, et ecclesiae suae dignitati, ex toto simili corruptione deficeret et cxorbitaret, omnes adversarios suos tarn de ipsa ecclesia, quam extra a promotione removit.
Quarto. Quod licet ei tarn ecclesia sua tota quam Curia Romana deesset, et sic quasi solus contra tot hostes et tantos, ad arma proce- deret, tamen a Rege et Archiepiscopo ut cessaret ad praesens ab eorum vexatione, irruptos in Anglia redditus obtinuit, et sic quies- ceret tanquam tributum accepit.
Quinto. Quod nepotem suum quicquid sibi humanitus accideret, de archidiaconatu suo et canonia, ne de ilia societate perversa et fraternitate falsissima ipsemet amplius esset, investiri laudabiliter procuravit.
This manuscript concludes with a general remark on the charac* ter of Giraldus.
" Cessent igitur aemuli obstrepere, de caetero cessent et oblatrare, mentientes et dicentes, inutilem fuisse Giraldi laborem: non ei parum profecit, qui solus existens haec omnia fecit, et in nullo prorsus articulo ecclesia? suae pro posse defecit."
5 . De Expugnatione Hiberniae. This manuscript, which begins at page 21, and ends at page 167, is written in two characters, and is rather difficult to read.
6. Topographia Hibernian, begins at page 68, and ends at page 12,5 ; like the preceding manuscript, it is written in two characters, and not very legibly.
Ixiv ACCOUNT OF THE MANUSCRIPT WORKS
7 Itinerarium Cambriae. This manuscript begins at page f26, and ends at page 216, and is fairly written. The Cambriae descriptio is wanting ; but the Description of Baldwin, mentioned in the Har- leian Catalogue as deficient in calce, is misplaced between the two prefaces at the beginning of the book.
No. 551. This manuscript is written in a small and neat hand, beginning at page 3, and ending at page 37, and bears the follow- ing title-page : " Silvester Giraldus Cambrensis, his Itinerarie of Wales, and Description of Wales in English, never imprinted in that toung, written by John Stow, the Chronicler, with his owne hand, A. D. 1575. It begins with the second preface.
1. The Itinerarium of Giralde Cambrensis, and a dyscription as well of Wales as Brytaine, written in Latyn, and then in Englyshe by John Stow, A. D. 1575.
2. Sylvester Gyraldus Cambrensis Topographic, or descripcion of Ireland, translatyd and writen here in Englyshe by John Stowe, A. D. 1575.
3. Giraldus Cambrensis Vaticinal, or Propheticall historic of the conqueste of Ireland, translatyd out of Latyn into Englyshe by W. Camden, and here writen by John Stow, A. D. 1576.
4. Giraldus Cambrensis descripcion of Wales to Hubert Arche- byshope of Canterbury, writen by John Stowe in anno 1575.
Itinerary from page 3 to 3 7 . Topography of Ireland from page 38 to 63. Vaticinal History from page 63 to 120. Description of Wales from page 120 to 129. N. B. In these manuscripts relating to Wales, large portions of the text are in different places omitted.
OF GIRALDUS DE BARRI. Ixv
No. 544. A book in quarto, being another volume of Mr. John Stowe's historical collections ; amongst which are
1 . The retractation of Sylvester Giraldus Cambrensis in English, and a catalogue of his books.
2. The Commendation of Giraldus Cambrensis out of an old booke of Mastar John Prices, after the description of Wales>
3. Part of two other tracts of the same Giraldus, concerning the right of the see of St. David's to be exempt from the jurisdiction of the church of Canterbury, and to have the other Welsh bishoprics subject to it.
4. De successione Episcoporum Menevensium et gestis eorum, viz. Bernard!, et David Secundi, ex libro quodam veteri in quo habentur quaedam scripta Giraldi Cambrensis ; et nunc est in cus- todia Magistri Price de Wallia.
IN THE ARCHIEPISCOPAL LIBRARY AT LAMBETH.
No. 236. A manuscript volume in folio, fairly written on vellum, with capitals illuminated, entitled in the catalogue " Giraldi Cam- brensis opera nonnulla."
1. De miseria conditionis humanas, consilioque remediabili dato.
2,. Gemma ecclesiastica
3. Epistolae duae; Stephario Cant. Archiepiscopo, et Capitulo Herefordensi.
4. Versus Giraldi in laudem Papae Innocentii III. cum primo Romam advenit, emissi.
b The Latin version of this note has been given in page 62, and the English trans- lation in page 52 of the life of Giraldus.
VOL. I. i
Ixvi ACCOUNT OF THE MANUSCRIPT WORKS
5 . Versus Magistri Simonis de Fraxino Canonic! Herefordensis.
No. 263. Itinerarium Cambriae, or a curious description of the paynefull journey of Baldwyn Archbishop of Canterburye thoroughe Wales, written in Latine by Silv. Giraldus Cambrensis, with the annotations of David Powell, Doctor of Divinity, englished by George Owen, Gentleman, 1 602-°
This manuscript is written on paper, in a fair hand.
No. 371. A manuscript in vellum, with illuminated capitals, very neatly written in a small character, containing amongst other tracts, the Historia Vaticinalis Hyberniae.
N.B. This appears to be the MS. mentioned by Tanner in his Bibliotheca, No. 248.
No. 622. A thick manuscript in quarto, written on vellum, with capitals illuminated, and in good preservation, containing the works of Giraldus on Ireland, entitled " De Topographia Hiberniae, and De expugnatione Hiberniae."
No. 623. A manuscript in- folio, written on vellum, of the contents of which the following index is given in the Lambeth Catalogue.
• This manuscript appears to be a translation of the first edition of Giraldus, printed by Dr. Powel ; it bears the following dedication, " To the right worshipful George Owen, Esquire, Vice Admiral of the counties of Pembroke and Cardigan, one of the Queen's Majesty's deputy lieutenants within the county of Pembroke, and one of the justices of the peace of the same county, wisheth prosperous health, encrease of wor- ship, and contynuance of content, signed George Owen."
OF GIRALDUS DE BARRI. Ixvii
1. Description of Ireland.
2. Description of King Henry II.
3. Why Ireland so called.
4. Of the defaults of the land.
5. Of the first inhabitants of Ireland.
6. Of the conditions and manners of the Irish.
An old book of the conquest of Ireland, part of which seems to be Cambrensis's writing. Such is the note in the above catalogue, which was compiled by Wilkins, the author of the Leges Saxonicae and Concilia ; but I could see no tract in this volume, which could in any degree authorise such a supposition. All the above tracts are written in English, and of course could not have been the handiwork of Giraldus.
UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE.
BENNET COLLEGE.
No. 390. A manuscript in octavo, finely written on vellum, with capitals richly illuminated and gilt (but in some parts damaged), entitled " De vita et persecutionibus Galfridi Eboracensis Archi- episcopi.d
No. 400. A manuscript on vellum, with illuminated capitals, beginning with the words " Consideranti" fee. and ending with " tantd majestate" and containing the Descriptio Hiberniae. At the beginning of this MS. the following note is written. " Hie liber
* Geoffrey Plantagenet, who was consecrated Archbishop of Canterbury, A. D. 1191.
Ixviii ACCOUNT OF THE MANUSCRIPT WORKS
recognilus est per auikorem, et rnultis in locis fusior est qudm in plerisque exemplaribus, unde videtur authorem Giraldum tanquam supremam manum apposuisse."
Fronting the first page of this manuscript is a singularly rude map of Britain, delineating England in the form of a wedge, and Ireland in that of a kidney, with the Orcades.
Itinerarium Cambriae, dedicated to Hubert Archbishop of Can- terbury.
Tractatus retractationum, et Catalogus librorum suorum, fcc. This manuscript is written on paper, in a fair and legible running hand.
Dialogus de Ecclesia Menevensi. A manuscript on vellum, with illuminated capitals, ending with the words " indulgere curant."
No. 425. Libellus de diversis miraculis Gulielmi de Barri, diet. Archidiacon. S. David.d
This fine manuscript on vellum, in octavo, with illuminated capitals, figures, and other decorations, begins with a preface ; then follow
Legend a S. Remigii.
Vita Roberti Bloet.
Vita Alexandri.
Vita Roberti de Chimel.
Vita Gaufredi Electi.
1 This manuscript has been improperly attributed, in his catalogue, to William in- stead of Giraldus de Barri.
OF GIRALDUS DE BARRI. Ixix
Vita Walter! Constantiensis.
Vita Hugonis Burgundiensis.
Vitae Episcoporum tergeminorum, Thomae Cantuariensis, et Hen- rici Wintoniensis ; Bartholomaei Exoniensis, et Rogeri Wigorniensis ; Baldwini Cisterciensis, postea Cantuariensis, et Hugonis Cartusiensis, postea Lincolniensis.
Vita S. Hugonis Lincolniensis.
IN THE PUBLIC LIBRARY.
1. A folio manuscript written on vellum with illuminated ca- pitals, and decorated with figures and a variety of paintings illus- trative of the fables and miracles described in the work. It contains the Descriptio Hyberniae, and the Vaticinalis Historia. The first letter is illuminated with the figure of a monk in a brown habit, writing ; and on the margin of the MS. this note is written with a pencil. " Camdenus haec excudenda curavit ab hac pagina 154, usque ad paginam 355 sequentem, et exinde usque ad paginam 451."
Vita S. Patricii, with illuminated capitals.
Descriptio Cambriae, dedicated to Archbishop Hubert ; written in a legible hand, but not illuminated.
Tractatus retractationum et Catalogus librorum ; neatly and legi- bly written on vellum, in a modern character.
Itinerarium Cambriae. The first letter of this manuscript is richly gilt and illuminated with two figures; and on the margin this note is written with a pencil : " Haec etiam usque ad paginam 567 typis excussa sunt.
ACCOUNT OF THE MANUSCRIPT WORKS
De purgatorio S. Patricii ; the first letter finely gilt and illumi- nated.
Vaticinium Merlini ; capital letters illuminated.
Vita Si. David ; continued on the same page with the foregoing article.
Descriptio Hyberniae ; a small manuscript in folio, written on vellum in old text hand, and rudely illuminated.
The above manuscripts of Giraldus are thus classed in the cata- logue of the College.
Giraldus Cambrensis.
Descriptio Hyberniae 1149, 19.
Vaticinalis Historia 1149,20.
Descriptio Cambriae 1149, 22.
Itinerarium Cambriae 1149, 23.
IN TRINITY COLLEGE.
Descriptio Cambriae, Tractatus retractationum, Catalogus librorum, fcc.
This manuscript in folio is written in a modern and legible hand, on paper.
UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD.
BODLEIAN LIBRARY. •• --."I'. ,'U- ut ' ;».$
Descriptio Hyberniae.
Historia Vaticinalis.
1. A fine manuscript on vellum in folio, with the capital letters
OF GIRALDUS DE BARRI.
illuminated, and the first lines of chapters coloured. — Rawlinson MSS.
2. Topographia Hyberniae; a fine manuscript in octavo, and antique binding of wood, with illuminated capitals. — Laud MSS.
3. Topographia Hyberniae ; a manuscript in'quarto, written in a running hand, with illuminated capitals. — Bodleian MSS.
4. Epistola Giraldi Archidiaconi ad Gualterum Mape; closely written in triple columns. — Auctarium MSS.
5 Sermo Giraldi Archidiaconi in Synodo Menevensi. — Auctarium MSS.
Having given an account of all those manuscripts of Giraldus that have fallen under my own observation, and of which I have been able to gain any intelligence ; it remains only for me to express my regret at having failed in finding the one noticed by Warton in his Anglia Sacra, which existed in the Westminster library at the time he composed that work. This manuscript was probably the original copy written by the author, as it it appears to have been the only one to which a map of Wales was prefixed. Giraldus speaking of this map says, " Porro circiter id ipsum temporis, quo Cambriae descriptionem stylo perstrinximus, Mappam ejusdem ex- pressam, quatenus et natale solum non tantum literis, sed etiam protractionibus quibusdam, et quasi picturis variis, non incom- petentibus aut indecentibus nostra foret opera declaratum, brevi in loculo, arctoque in folio loca quamplurima complectentes : eadem- que turn dilucide et satis distincte disponentes, non absque studioso labore propalavimus." Although we could not expect much local accuracy or correctness
Ixxii ACCOUNT, fcc.
of drawing from an engineer of the twelfth century, yet this chart might have assisted me in ascertaining the right position of the only two places in the Itinerary, which I have been at a loss to deter- mine ; e and should any of my readers be more fortunate than I have been in discovering the retreat of this interesting manuscript, I shall feel myself highly indebted for their communications on the subject.
' Castrum Deudraeth, Lib. ii. Cap. 6, and the Album Monasterium, Lib. ii. Cap. 12,
INTRODUCTION
TO THE
HISTORY OF CAMBRIA,
FROM
THE FIRST INVASION OF BRITAIN BY THE ROMANS TO THE YEAR 1188, WHEN ARCHBISHOP BALDWIN MADE HIS PROGRESS THROUGH WALES.
VOL. I.
INTRODUCTION.
AMONGST the numerous books which have of late years been published respecting Wales, few have entered into the early history of that country, or have treated of that particular period, when it was struggling with the Roman legions for liberty and inde- pendence; a period, which is rendered highly interesting to the traveller, from the numerous Roman antiquities that are dispersed throughout every part of the Principality. But to trace with greater accuracy the progress of the Roman army through Wales, it will be necessary to give some previous account of their proceedings in Britain. I shall therefore commence my sketch from the aera of the first invasion of our island by Julius Caesar, and continue it to the time of the complete subjugation of that particular part of it called Cambria, by Julius Agricola.
FIRST AND SECOND EXPEDITIONS OF THE ROMANS, UNDER JULIUS C^SAR, INTO BRITAIN.
TH E first expedition of Caesar into Britain has been fixed by Dr. Halley in the year 55 before Christ, when, after a successful cam- paign against the Sicambri on the Rhine, this general turned his attention towards our island, having gained certain intelligence
Ixxvi FIRST CAMPAIGN OF
that the Gauls, during their wars with Rome, had received assis- tance from the natives of Britain. The season was far advanced, and, although Caesar foresaw that he could not finish the war before the commencement of winter, yet he was aware that great future advantage would result, if he should take only a partial view of the island, learn the nature of its inhabitants, and acquaint himself with the coast, harbours, and landing-places, of which the Gauls were perfectly ignorant ; for at that time none but merchants resorted to Britain, and their knowledge of the country was limited to the sea coast and the parts opposite to Gaul.
Before he embarked himself, he dispatched C. Volusenus with a galley to gain some information about the island and its inhabi- tants, ordering him to return with all possible expedition, as soon as he had acquired the necessary knowledge. In the mean time, he marched with his army into the territory of the Morini,* because from thence the passage into Britain was the shortest ; and ordered a great many ships from the neighbouring ports to attend him, and the fleet he had employed during the preceding year in his expe- dition against the Veneti. b
The Britons, being apprised of his design by the merchants who
• The Morini inhabited the maritime part of the country of Artois, from below Boulogne to above Calais, under their capital Taruenna, or Terouenne.
b The Vemti inhabited that projecting point of land in France, wherein Cherbourg and Valognes ( Crociatonum) are situated.
They are mentioned by Caesar as the most powerful of all the nations on the sea coast, not only on account of their numerous shipping, wherewith they carried on a considerable trade to Britain, and their great skill and experience in navigation; but because being situated on an extensive and open coast, against which the sea rages with great violence, and where the havens are few in number, most of the nations, who traded in those seas, became tributaries to their state. Caesar, Lib. III.
C^SAR IN BRITAIN. Ixxvii
resorted to their island, sent ambassadors to Caesar, with an offer of hostages, and submission to the authority of the people of Rome. To these he gave a favourable audience; and exhorting them to continue in the same mind, sent them back into their own country, accompanied by Coniius, King of the Altrebates, c whom he charged to visit as many states as he could, and persuade them to enter into an alliance with the Romans; informing them at the same time, that Caesar intended to come over in person to their island. Volusenus having taken a view of the country, as far as was possible for one who had resolved not to quit his ship, or trust himself in the hands of the barbarians, returned on the fifth day, and ac- quainted Caesar with his discoveries.
Having collected about eighty transports, which he thought would be sufficient for the conveyance of two legions, d he distri- buted amongst the officers of his cavalry the remaining gallies ; which, together with eighteen other vessels, were detained for their use at a neighbouring port. Caesar weighed anchor about one in the morning, having ordered his cavalry to embark at the
0 The Altrebates inhabited the country about Amiens in Picardy, under its capital Nemetacum, or Arras.
d These two legions were the seventh and tenth, amounting (according to Horsley) to 12,000 men, independent of the cavalry; but I am inclined to think that this learned writer has overrated their numbers. The Roman legion varied very much at different periods of the Republic and Empire. The number was by Romulus fixed at 3000; and, according to Plutarch, after the reception of the Sabines into Rome, was in- creased to GOOO. The common number afterwards, in the early period of the republic, was 4000: in the war with Hannibal it rose to 5000 ; after which it probably sunk to about 4OOO or 4200, which was the number in the time of Polybius. In the age of Julius Caesar we do not find any legions exceeding the Polybian number of men ; and he himself expressly speaks of two legions that did not make above 7000 men between them. Kennel's Roman Antiquities, p. 191.
Ixxviii FIRST CAMPAIGN OF
other port,' and follow him ; but as these orders were slowly exe- cuted, he reached the coast of Britain before them, about ten in the morning, where he saw the cliffs covered with the enemy's forces/ Not thinking this spot a convenient place for landing, he resolved to lie by till three in the afternoon, and wait the arrival of the rest of his fleet. Meanwhile he summoned his lieutenants and mili- tary tribunes to a council, informed them of what he had learned from Volusenus, and instructed them in the part they were to act hereafter.
Finding the wind and tide favourable, he made the signal for weighing anchor ; and after sailing about eight miles farther, stopped over against a level and open shore, s
The Romans with difficulty effected a landing, and the Britons defended their shores with the greatest bravery and obstinacy; but they were at length repulsed, arid, on holding a council, dispatched ambassadors to Caesar to sue for peace. Caesar, having upbraided them with their treacherous behaviour towards Comius, whom with- out any provocation they had loaded with irons as soon as he landed in Britain, granted them forgiveness, and ordered them to send a certain number of hostages. Thus a peace was concluded four days after the arrival of Caesar in Britain ; but it was very shortly broken by the Britons, who, availing themselves of the disasters occasioned to the Roman ships by a storm, which not only dispersed the eighteen transports in which the cavalry was embarked, but did
* The other port, called by Caesar the portus ulterior, at which his cavalry embarked was Calais, eight miles distant from the Portus Itius, which was Wissan, and from whence he set sail with his infantry.
' These loca superiora were the cliffs near Dover.
* This apertum ac planum littus was the shore near Deal.
C^SAR IN BRITAIN. Ixxix
considerable damage to the vessels at anchor near the shore, re- united their forces, and attacked the seventh legion with success ; but they were afterwards routed, and induced to sue again to Caesar for peace, which he granted, on their promising to deliver up double the number of hostages he had formerly claimed.
SECOND CAMPAIGN.
CAESAR, having ordered his lieutenants in Gaul to build as many ships as they could during the winter, and having given them par- ticular directions as to the form of their construction,*1 proceeded into Italy. On his return to Gaul he found that his soldiers had with the greatest diligence prepared six hundred transports and twenty-eight gallies ready for launching. These he ordered to rendezvous at Portus Itius, or Wissan, from whence he knew there was the most commodious passage from Gaul into Britain. " Omnes ad Portum Ilium convenire jubet, quo ex portu commodissimum in Britanniam, trajectum esse cognoverat circiler millium passuum xxx d continents "
From this port Caesar set sail with five legions' of infantry, and two thousand cavalry. He weighed anchor about sun set, and wafted by a gentle south wind, continued his course till midnight, when he found himself becalmed ; but the tide driving him forward, at day break he saw the island of Britain on his left. Following the return of the tide, he endeavoured by rowing to reach that part of
h In prescribing the form and manner of building these vessels, he ordered them to be somewhat lower and broader than those used in the Mediterranean, for the conve- nience of embarking and landing his troops and cavalry.
1 Of these legions we only know the seventh.
Ixxx SECOND CAMPAIGN OF
the coast which, during the preceding summer, he had marked out as the most convenient place for landing. The whole fleet reached the coast of Britain about noon, nor did any enemy appear in view : but Caesar was informed by some captives, that a large body of Britons had repaired to the coast, but terrified at the sight of so large a fleet, amounting to upwards of eight hundred vessels, had retired in the greatest dismay to their strongholds amongst the hills.
Caesar, having landed his army, and chosen a fit place for his camp,k proceeded about midnight in search of the enemy, whom after a march of twelve miles he found posted behind a river1 with their cavalry and chariots, and ready to dispute its passage. Being repulsed by the Roman horse, they retreated towards the woods into a place strongly fortified by nature and art;"1 for all the avenues were secured by strong barricades of felled trees. The Britons seldom sallied out of the wood, and were chiefly intent upon guarding the entrance of their stronghold ; but the soldiers of the seventh legion forced their intrenchments with little loss, and obliged the enemy to abandon the wood. Caesar, however, forbade all pursuit, being unacquainted with the nature of the country to which the Britons had retreated.
A second storm having disabled the Roman fleet, Caesar, to avoid a similar calamity, ordered his ships to be drawn on shore, and inclosed within the fortifications of his camp ; in which laborious undertaking ten days were employed. Caesar, on his return to the
k At Richborough (Rutupa), where there was afterwards a Roman station. 1 The Stour near Fordwich and Slurry, to the east of Canterbury. " Durovernum, or Canterbury.
(LESAR IN BRITAIN. Ixxxi
place where he had quitted the pursuit of the enemy, found the forces of the Britons considerably increased, and the sole conduct of the war conferred on Cassivellaunus, whose territories were divided from the maritime states by the Thames, a river eighty miles dis- tant from the sea. " Cujus fines a marilimis civitatibus Jlumen divi- dit quod appellatur Tamesis, d marl circiter millia passuum LXXX." * Caesar, during his march towards this river, had several skirmishes with the Britons ; one of which was probably at Newington, near London, where the name of Key Col ° seems to be a modern cor- ruption from Caii Collis ; and where the Romans were surprised in the act of fortifying their camp. The Britons attacked him in detached parties, and studiously avoided a general engage- ment ; the Romans, however, proved victorious, and at last con- tinued their march unmolested to the banks of the Thames. This river was fordable only in one place, and that not without great difficulty, " Quod Jlumen nno omnino loco pedibus, atque hoc czgre
* Cassivellaunus was king over the Dobuni and Cassii, two tribes, whose dominions extended on the north bank of the Thames, under the general name of Catieuclani, from the Severn to the Brent (where they joined the kingdom of the Trinobantes), and were exactly eighty miles distant from the sea, as represented by Caesar.
0 This camp, which the Romans fortified, was probably at Key Col (or Caii Collis), on the Watling-street, not far from Newington, where there are remains of entrench- ments. Keycol hill, at the thirty-eighth mile stone, seems to be the same as Caii Collis, or Caesar's hill, and Key-street beyond it seems to imply Caii Stratum, or Caius's-slreet, and Standard hill, about half a mile southward of Newington, seems to refer to some military circumstance. On Keycol hill is a field, in which Roman urns and vessels have continually been turned up by the plough, and which, from the broken remains dispersed over it, has gained the name of Crock/ield. These evidences of its having been inhabited by the Romans, and some trenches and earthen works still remaining, seem to prove it to have been a military post. See Hasted's Kent, 8vo. Vol. VI. p. 44.
VOL. I. 1
Ixxxii SECOND CAMPAIGN OF
iransiri potest." On his arrival, he found the enemy drawn up in great numbers on the opposite side : they had secured the banks with sharp stakes, and had driven many of the same kind into the bed of the river, yet so as to be covered by the water.? Yet, un- daunted by these obstacles, the Roman cavalry and legions forded the stream, attacked the Britons, and put them to flight. Meantime, the Trinobantes* send ambassadors to Caesar to sue for peace, which he grants ; their example is followed by the Cenimagni, Segontiaci, Ancalites,Bibroci, and Cassii;' and from them he learns, that he is
• The first ford on the Thames is at Richmond, and, as nearly as possible, eighty miles from Richborough. Some antiquarians have fixed this passage near Oatlands, and have childishly mistaken the stakes at Coway for the fortification made by the Britons. These are only the remains of an old wear ; and are so far from being on the opposite bank to prevent the enemy's passing the river, that they are placed across the stream. Two dissertations have been published in the Archaeologia, on Caesar's passage of the Thames ; the one by S. Gale, in the first volume ; the other by Daines Barrington, in the second.
q The Trinobantes were inhabitants of Essex, and a small part of Hertfordshire and Middlesex, under their capital Camalodunum, or Lexden, which afterwards, in the time of Claudius, was removed to Colchester.
' The Cenimagni inhabited Suffolk, Norfolk, Cambridge, Huntingdon, and part of Northamptonshire, under their capital, first ad Taum, now Taesborough, afterwards of Venta, Castor near Norwich.
The Segontiaci, a small tribe possessing a part of the south-west district of Berk- shire, and a little of the north of Hampshire, under its capital Vindomis (unknown.)
The Ancalites, certainly mistaken for the Attrebates (as the former are mentioned by no other author), possessed Berkshire, and a small part of Hampshire, under their capital Calleva, or Silchester.
Bibroci (the Celtic name for the people called afterwards, when inhabited by a Belgic tribe, Rhemi, or Regni) possessed Sussex, Surry, a very small part of Kent and Berkshire, under their capital Noviomagus,or Holwood Hill.
Cassii, one of the tribes of the Catieuclani, possessing the greater part of Hertford- shire, all Buckinghamshire, Bedfordshire, and a part of Oxfordshire, under their capi- tal Verulamium, or Old Vend am, the ruins of which are still visible at a short distance from the town of St. Albans in Hertfordshire.
CAESAR IN BRITAIN. Ixxxiii
not far distant from the capital of Cassivellaunus, which was situa- ted amidst woods and marshes, and whither great numbers of men and cattle had retired. Thither he marched with his legions, and although the place appeared to be very strongly fortified, both by nature and art, he nevertheless resolved to assail it in two several quarters. The Britons, unable to resist the attack of the Roman legions, retreated out of their town, leaving vast numbers of cattle behind them.1
Cassivellaunus in the mean time dispatches messengers into Kent, ordering the British princes of that district to take up arms, and attack the naval camp of the Romans ; but they fail in their at- tempt, and one of their chieftains, Cingetorix, is taken prisoner; upon which Cassivellaunus, discouraged by so many losses, the devasta- tion of his territories, and the revolt of many provinces, sends ambassadors to Caesar to sue for peace, which, through the media- tion of Comius, he obtains. The frequent commotions in Gaul requiring his presence in that country, Caesar demands hostages of the Britons, and having imposed upon them a yearly tribute, repairs to the sea-coast, re-embarks his troops, and with them quits the island. Thus ended the second campaign of the Romans in Britain, during which, though they made a greater progress into the interior of the country than in the first, yet they cannot be said to have conquered the island, or to have formed any perma- nent settlement in it. In this light it was certainly considered by many of the Roman poets and historians. Tacitus says, " Primus omnium Romanorum divus Julius cum exercitu Britanniam ingressus, quamquam prosperd pugnd lerruerit incolas, ac littore potitus sitt
* This capital of the British King Cassivellaunus, taken by Csesar, was Ferulam.
Ixxxiv SECOND CAMPAIGN, Sec.
potest videri ostendisse posterls, non tradidisse." Even Julius Caesar, the first of the Romans who set his foot in Britain at the head of an army, can only be said, by a prosperous battle, to have struck the natives with terror, and to have made himself master of the sea-shore. The discoverer, and not the conqueror of the island, he did no more than shew it to posterity. The poet Lucan even hints that Caesar shewed his back to the Britons :
" Territa quaesitis ostendit terga Britannis."
[ Ixxxv ] EXPLANATION OF THE MAP.
FIRST CAMPAIGN.
Caesar embarking his infantry from Portus Itius (Wissan), and his cavalry from the ulterior portus (Calais), makes the land near the heights of Dover, on the 26th of August, 55 before the Christian aera; and sailing up the channel eight miles further, debarks near Deal. In this first expedition no very decisive vic- tory was gained over the Britons. The Roman general re-embarks about the 20th of September following.
SECOND CAMPAIGN.
Caesar embarking again from Portus Itius, in May, 54 before Christ, is carried by the tide beyond the shore where he intended to have landed, as far as the North Foreland ; when rowing back, he makes the same port at which he disembarked the year before, near Deal. He now fixes a permanent camp at Richborough, and marching on the British way, called Walling- sir eel, to the banks of the Stour, near Fordwich, forces the intrenchments of the Britons, who were posted on the opposite side at Sturry, A. The seventh legion then storms and takes the strong British post of Du- rovernum, or Canterbury. Caesar engages Cassivellaunus at Key Col near Newington, B, and pursuing his march along the Walling- street, is prevented passing the Thames opposite London. He is forced therefore to march up the river to the first ford, C, near Richmond, where, crossing the Thames in spite of the Britons who opposed him, he regains the Walling-slreei near Brockley Hill, D,
[ Ixxxvi ]
and continues upon it to Verulam, the capital of Cassivellaunus. After taking Verulam, the Trinobantes, with most of the smaller clans adjoining the Thames having submitted ; he returns through London by the Watling-slred to Richborough, from whence he re- embarks about the middle of September.
AUGUSTUS AND TIBERIUS.— During the reigns of these two Emperors no advantage was taken, either of the knowledge, or of the partial victories which their predecessor Julius Caesar had gained in Britain.' The former in his last testament recommended to his successor not to enlarge the limits of the empire, " addiderat consilium coercendi intrd terminos imperil" a maxim which Tiberius readily adopted. " Consilium id divus Augustus vocabat ; Tiberius praceptum" Augustus called it the wisdom of his councils, and Tiberius made it a rule of state policy.
CALIGULA: — This successor of Tiberius had formed hostile designs against Britain, but never executed them. " Agitasse Caium Casarem de intrandd Britannia satis constat; ni velox ingenio, mobilis ptenitentid, et ingentes adversus Germaniam conatns frustra fuissent" That Caligula meditated an invasion of Great Britain, is a fact well known ; but this expedition, like his mighty preparations against Germany, was rendered abortive, by the capricious temper of the man, resolving always without consideration, and repenting without experiment.
Suetonius, in the life of this emperor, says, " that he did nothing more in this campaign, than take under his protection Adminius,
* Mox bella civilia, et in rempublicam versa principum anna, ac longa oblivio Bri- tanniae etiam in pace:
[ Ixxxvii ]
the son of Cunobelin, a British king, who being banished by his father, had fled for succour to the Roman camp. Vain, as if he had subdued the whole island of Britain, he wrote pompous letters to Rome, ordering the messengers who conveyed them, not to dis- mount from their chariots till they reached the door of the senate, nor to deliver his dispatches to the consuls, but in the temple of Mars, and in a very crowded assembly :" " J\fihil aulem amplius qudm Adminio Cunobellini Britannorum regis Jllio, qui pulsus d patre, cum exigud manu transfugerat, in dedilionem recepto, quasi universd traditd insuld, magnificas Romam Ultras rnisit, monitis spe- culator ib us , ut vehiculo ad forum usque et curiam pertenderent, nee nisi in cede Marlis, acfrequenli senatu consulibus traderent."
A Greek historian (Dion) has been more particular in describing the ridiculous conduct of this emperor. " Caligula advancing to- wards the sea-coast, as if intending to carry the war into Britain, placed his army in battle array along the shore, embarked on board a galley, and after having gone a little way out to sea, returned suddenly; when mounting a throne, he gave the word of command to his soldiers, ordered the trumpets to sound the charge, and then commanded his men to pick up shells. Possessed of these spoils, and vaunting, as if he had subdued the very ocean, he rewarded his army liberally, and conveyed away his shells in triumph to Rome."
[ Ixxxviii ]
CAMPAIGN OF PLAUTIUS IN BRITAIN, A. D. XLIII.
THE next expedition of the Romans into Britain took place in the year 43 ; of which the historian Dion Cassius has left the fol- lowing particular account." He says, that the Emperor Claudius, by the instigation of a Briton, named Serious, who had been driven out of the island for sedition, sent an army into Britain under the command of Aulus Plautius, who experienced great difficulty in prevailing upon his troops to leave Gaul ; as they expressed their resentment in carrying on a war, as it were, out of the world: " indigneferentem quod extra orbetn terrarum bellum esset gerendum ;" nor would they obey his commands, until the favourite Narcissus, at the desire of Claudius, mounted the tribunal and began to ha- rangue the people. The soldiers, still more irritated at this proceed- ing, would not suffer him to speak, but crying out " Jo Saturnalia" (for it was customary on the feast of the Saturnalia for slaves to take upon themselves the character and authority of their masters,) they willingly and immediately followed their commander Plau- tius. He divided his army into three parts, as by endeavouring to land in one place, they might be frustrated in their attempt: " copiis in tres paries distractis, ne uno loco appellentes , prohiberi lit- tore possinl." They suffered some anxiety on their passage from
" The Britons had enjoyed a state of peace and tranquillity, unmolested by the Romans, for nearly a century, when the Emperor Claudius undertook his first expedition against them; and from this period, A. D. 43, the history of the Romans in Britain may be said to commence.
' The three places at which the Roman army landed, were, probably, Lympne (Portus Lemanus), Dover (Dubriz), and Richborough (Rutupee').
[ Ixxxix ]
being driven back by the wind ; but on seeing a light pass from the east towards the west, in which direction they were sailing, they took courage and made good their landing, without any opposition from the natives of the island ; for the Britons, little aware of their hostile intentions, had not assembled their forces ; but took refuge in the woods and marshes ; hoping by delay to tire out the Romans, and oblige them to depart without accomplishing the object of their expedition, as they had done under Julius Caesar. Plautius at length found them out, and having learnt that they no longer enjoyed the privileges of a free and united state, but were under the control of separate kings, he at first subdued Cataratacus, and afterwards Togodumnus , the son of the deceased king CanobdinJ He after- wards received submission from the Boduni* who were subject to the Catuellani: and having stationed a garrison8 with them, he ad- vanced towards a river, " ad fluvium quendam progressus est" on the opposite banks of which the Britons lay careless, and, as they thought, secure in their camp.b The Roman general sent forward
r The positive site of these engagements is now unknown ; but as Plautius's line of inarch must have been on the Watling-street to London, I should suppose the first was in the woody and marshy part of Kent, near Southfleet, where the Romans after- wards built their station of Vagniacee; and the second on his entering the immediate territories of Cunobelin, somewhere on Hounslow Heath, in the country of the Cassii.
1 The Boduiii (or Dobuni) possessed part of Gloucestershire, all Worcestershire, and westward to the middle of Oxfordshire, under their capital Corinium, or Ciren- cester.
a This garrison was at Corinium, or Cirencester, in Gloucestershire.
b This river, I know not for what other reason but the mistaking the meaning of the words progressus est, which Horsley has translated " advanced forwards," has been al- most universally supposed to have been the Severn ; but if it had been so, how could the Britons, after the Romans had passed the river and defeated them, have fled to the marshes of Essex, where we next find them, hemmed up by Plautius till the arrival of
VOL. i. m
[xc]
his German troops, who were accustomed to swim over the most rapid streams, even in armour; and who, surprising the enemy unexpectedly, directed their attack not against the men, but against the horses, which were harnessed to the chariots. He afterwards dispatched Flavius Vespasianus and his brother Sabinus, who, cross- ing the river, put many of the Britons to death : the rest, however, did not betake themselves to flight, but risked a battle on the fol- lowing day, the fate of which remained for some time doubtful, but was at length decided in favour of the Romans by C. Sidius Geta, who narrowly escaped being taken prisoner.0 After this defeat, the Britons retreated to the river Thames, where it empties itself into the sea, and overflowing, stagnates, d which, from their knowledge of its fords, they crossed in safety ; but the Romans, in pursuing them, incurred great danger. Some of the Germans swimming over the
the Emperor Claudius:1 Had the Severn been the river in question, they could have retreated to no place but to the interior parts of Wales. I therefore place the British camp at Dorocina, or Dorchester, in Oxfordshire, on the western banks of the river Thames ; and that of the Romans on Sinodun Hill, from whence they could plainly see the disposition of the enemy beneath them on the other side of the river. The great object of Plautius was, first to reduce Cirencester, the capital of the Dobuni, (Corinium), and next Verulam, that of the Cassii, in his way against the Trinobantes : on which account the Britons posted themselves on the eastern banks of the river Thames, to prevent the emperor, after having conquered l\\e first, from proceeding against the second.
c The Britons, after their defeat at Dorchester on the banks of the Thames, natu- rally fled to their fortresses on the Chiltern hills, on their way into Essex ; and this scene of action between them and Geta was, perhaps, near Nettlebed in Oxfordshire, where there are still the remains of a Roman camp.
d I suppose this retreat to the river Thames was made on the great British road leading from Dorchester to Verulam and Essex, at the extreme parts of which county, near the mouth of the Thames, (viz. the low lands on the coast between Canvey Island and Maiden), the land was at that time continually overflowed by the tide.
[ xci ]
river, and others crossing it by a bridge, attacked the Britons on all sides, and made great havock ; but, on rashly pursuing them, they fell into some dangerous bogs, and lost many of their men : Plautius, finding that the Britons, by no means disheartened at the death of their leader Togidumnits, made vigorous preparations to avenge his death, proceeded no further; but, having secured his conquests by a garrison,6 sent for the Emperor Claudius, who had given him orders so to do, if he met with any violent opposition.
CAMPAIGN OF CLAUDIUS.
ON the arrival at Rome of the messenger dispatched by Plautius, the emperor entrusted the civil and military command to his col- league Vildlius, and sailing from the port of Ostia, landed at Mar- seilles. From this place he proceeded, partly by land and partly by rivers, to the shores of the ocean at Gessoriacum, (or Boulogne), from whence he passed over into Britain, and marched directly to his army, who were waiting for him at their camp on the Thames : " transmisitque in Britanniam, et ad copias ad Tamesin se expectantes perrexit." Assuming the military command, he crossed the river, attacked the Britons, who, on the news of his arrival, had collected
" It was very natural for a politic general, like Plautius, when he had hemmed up the Britons in a place from whence they could not possibly escape, to send for Claudius, that the emperor might have the credit of reducing the enemy without running the least risk; and any person will see that a strong force, like that of Plautius, in possession of the three British stations of London, Rumford, and Chelms- ford, with the military road connecting them together, and with the advanced posts at Maiden and Langdon Hill, must reduce an enemy like the Britons cooped up in the marshes of Essex between the Blackwater and the Thames : and cut off from all com- munication with their allies, and even their own capital at Lexden.
[ xcii J
their troops; and, having defeated them, took Camulodunum, or Colchester, the capital of King Cunobdin. l On the news of this vic- tory, many of the Britons voluntarily surrendered, and others were obliged to do so by force. Claudius deprived them of their arms, and having appointed Plaulius their governor, with orders to ex- tend his conquests, returned to Rome after an absence from that city of six months, and a campaign in Britain of sixteen days, " se- decim lantum diebus in Britannia actis." This expedition procured him the honours of a splendid triumph, annual games, a trophied arch in Rome, and another in Gaul, on the spot from whence he had crossed over into Britain ; and his son was permitted to assume the title of Britannicus.
The Roman historians generally agree in giving Claudius the merit of this expedition into Britain ; Tacitus says, that " he did
f Claudius, embarking at Gessoriacum, or Boulogne, lands on the coast of Kent, at Richborough, and marching on the IVatling-street to Rochester, turns to the right, and crossing the Thames near Tilbury, joins the head quarters of his army ; when marching against the enemy, he defeats them, and takes their capital at Lexden. The head quarters of the Roman army under Plautius were probably either at Durolitum, near Rumford, or at Casaromagm, near Chelmsford, till the arrival of the Emperor Claudius. I prefer the latter, being the port of the greater consequence, as with its advanced camp of Maiden, it cut off the communication of the Britons with their capital at Lexden, and prevented their retreat before the arrival of Claudius. The reasons for my supposing this place to have been the British capital, are as follows :
1. The earthen works still existing there are totally unaccountable, unless they are the remains of the chief city of the Trinobantes before the building of Colchester.
2. That Colchester was not fixed on the site of the British city, we are certain, from its being purely Roman in its form; besides, the station was removed to Colchester for the beauty of its situation. Lexden, in fact, was to Colchester, what the Brill was to Chichester, and Maiden Castle to Dorchester. Had Colchester been built on the site of the British city, it would probably still have retained some marks of the prior works, as we see at Kenchester, Silchester, Cirencester, Bath, &c.8tc. &c.
[ xciii ]
the business," divus Claudius auctor operis ; and Eutropius tells us, " that no one since the time of Julius Caesar had made any attempt upon the island, which having subdued by the means of Cneius Sentius and Aulus Plautius, he gained a splendid triumph." The same historian adds, that he added some islands called Orchades to the Roman dominion, and gave his son the name of Britan- nicus.z
The following inscription,11 though much mutilated, seems to have alluded to the conquest of Britain by this emperor :
Ti.ClavDIO.CJES
JugvSTO
PonliJiclMAX TR.P.IX Cos.v.imP.XVLP.P Senatvs.poPVL.Q.R.QVOD Keges.BritANNl&.AESQ Vlla.iactvRA.DOMVERlT Gentesqve.bAREARAS Primvs.indic IO.SVBEGERIT.
Tito Claudio Ccesari Augusto Pontifici Maximo tribuno plebis 7X, Consult V. Imperatori XV. patri patrice, Senatus Populusque Romanus,
* Britannia: intulit bellum, quam nullus Britannorum post J. Csesarem attigerat; eS.que clcvicta per Cneium Sentium et Aulum Plautium, illustres et nobiles viros, trium- phum celebrem egit. Quasdem insulas etiam ultra Britanniam in oceano positas, Romano imperio addidit, quae appellantur Orchades ; filioque suo Britannici nomen imposuit. Eutropius, lib. vii. cap. 8.
h This inscription (of which I have given a faithful copy) is preserved in the high wall surrounding the Barberini palace at Rome. The letters printed in capitals are antique, the others are restored. The deficiency is such as to leave an extensive scope to conjecture.
[ xciv ]
quod Reges Britannia absque ulld jacturd domuerit, gentesque bar- baras primus indicia subegerit.
Camden also records another inscription upon an oblong plate of lead, that was discovered near a cavern called Wookey Hole in Somersetshire.
TI.CLAVDIVS.CAESAR.AVG.P.M. TRIB.P.VIIII.IMP.XVI.DE.BRITAN.
Titus Claudius Ccesar Augustus, Pontifex Maximus, Tribunus plebis IX. imperator XVI. de Britannia.
Also a coin bearing this inscription,
TI.CLAVD.CAESAR.AVG.P.M.TR.P.VIIII. IMP.XVI.P.P.
Titus Claudius Ccesar Augustus, Pontifex Maximus, Tribunus plebis IX. Imperator XVI. Pater Patrice.
The inscription at Rome agrees in a great measure with those in England ; and they all bear the date of the sixteenth year of Claudius's empire.
Though we may collect from the Roman historians, that Vespa- sian's exploits in Britain were of the most brilliant nature ; we are at a loss to know -where his numerous battles took place. We are informed that this general came into Britain at the head of the second legion, and that he was instrumental to the defeat of the Britons on the Thames near Dorchester. We are told by his bio- grapher, Suetonius, that he fought thirty battles with the Britons,
[ xcv ]
overcame two very powerful nations,' took more than twenty towns, and reduced the isle of Wight, under the orders of Plautius, and of the Emperor Claudius " In Britanniam translates, tricies cum hoste conflixit. Duas validissimas gentes, superque XX. oppida, et insulam Vectem Britannia proximam, in ditionem redegit; partim Aidi Plautii consularis, partim Claudii ipsius ductu," Eutropius states, that the number of battles fought amounted to thirty-two. In one of these engagements, he was surrounded by the Britons and rescued from the most perilous situation by the bravery of his son Titus. " In Britannia circundato d barbaris Vespasiano, et in ex- tremo periculo versante, Titus films ejus, patri metuens, coronam hos- tium incredibili audacid disjecit," — Dion. lib. 60.
Plautius returned to Rome and received the honours of a triumph, in reward of his military exploits in Britain. " Plautius Britannia belli causa, quod egregie id gessis.set, confecissitque, a Claudia lau- datus est ac triumphavit" — Dion. 685 ; and Eutropius says, that the emperor attended him on this occasion to the Capitol. " Plau- tium triumphantem ipse (Claudius) prosequeretur, et conscendenti Capitolium ICEVUS incederet." — Lib. vii. cap. S.
He was succeeded by P. Ostorius Scapula, A. U. C. 802, A. D. 50.
1 These two powerful nations were probably the Belgte and Damnonii.
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EXPLANATION OF THE MAP.
CAMPAIGNS OF PLAUTIUS AND CLAUDIUS IN BRITAIN, A. D. 43.
PLAUTIUS dividing his army into three parts, lands at Lympne (Porlus Lemanus), Dover (Dubra), and Richborough (Rutupce). He marches from thence by the Watling- street, and first defeats Cata- ratacus near Southfleet, A, and afterwards Togodumnus on Houn- slow Heath at B, and continuing his progress by Calleva (Silchester) and Spince (Spene), takes the capital of the Dobuni at Corinium, or Cirencester, where he establishes a station. The Britons endea- vouring to interrupt his return towards Verulam, the capital of Cunobelin, encamp on the borders of the Thames near Dorocina, or Dorchester, at C. Plautius taking possession of Sinodun Hill, and observing that the enemy lay in careless security, from the idea that the river was impassable to the Romans, ordered the Germans, who were accustomed to swimming, to pass the river above their camp, while Vespasian crossed with another part of the army below it, nearer to Wallingford, and falling upon them while they were opposing the Germans, totally routed them. The Britons retreat first to their fortresses on the Chiltern hills, where they are again beaten by Geta, near Nettlebed in Oxfordshire, at D. In despair, they now fly to the marshes of Essex, which lie between the mouth of the river Thames, and the Blackwater. Plautius follows them first to Veridam, and having secured the capital of Cunobelin, con- tinues his march on the great road which connected London with
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CAMPAIGNS OF OSTORIUS, DIDIUS, VERANIUS, SUETO- NIUS, TURPILIANUS, TREBELLIUS, BOLANUS, PETILIUS, FRONTINUS, AND AGRICOLA.
PLAUTIUS was succeeded in the government of Britain by P. Ostorius Scapula, A. D. 50. On his arrival he found the military affairs of the Romans in great confusion, the Britons having made inroads into the territories of their allies;* on a supposition, that a new commander, at the head of an army as yet unknown to him, would not venture to open a winter campaign. Ostorius however, con- scious that much depended on his first operations, put himself at the head of his light cohorts, and advanced rapidly against the enemy. He kills those who resist, and pursues the fugitives in order to prevent any future junction ; and thinking that peace in his present circumstances would be preferable to disguised hosti- lity, he disarms the suspected, and erects a chain of forts along the banks of the rivers Antona and Sabrinaf to check the hostile irrup- tions of the Britons.
* The great nation of the Iceni ; who, alarmed at the conquest of the south-west part of England by Vespasian, instantly invaded the territories of those states which had formed alliances with the Romans.
b " llle (Ostorius) gnarus primis eventibus metum aut fiduciam gigni, citas cohortes rapit, et csesis qui resliterant, disjectos consectatus, ne rursus conglobarentur, infen- saque et infida pax non duci, non milili, requiem permitteret, detrahere arma sus- pectis, cinctosque castris Antonam et Sabrinam, Jiuvios, cohibere parat," I cannot imagine how this passage of Tacitus could ever have been supposed to relate to a line of forts on the Avon (which runs from Bath) and the Severn ; for how could such a
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The lceni,c a powerful nation, whose forces, by their adherence to the Romans, had remained unimpaired, now openly oppose their former allies ; and by their instigation the neighbouring states join in the rebellion. They choose for the field of battle a spot encompassed by a rude rarnpart with only one narrow entrance,
line of fortification guard against the only enemy Ostorius had to fear, the Iceni? Lipsius, followed by Camden, seeing the impossibility of this Antona being applicable to the Avon in Somersetshire, wished to amend this passage by substituting Aufona in its place. Richard of Cirencester also, in his Commentary on Britain, describing the rivers on the eastern coast, says, " Flumiitum notissima sunt Carton (Yare), Suriu* (Stour), et Aufona in sinum Metorin tese exonerans." Now as we know that the Sinus Metoris was Boston Deeps, we have every reason to suppose that the Aufona was the river Nen ; and from the unusual number of fortified posts on its eastern banks, we might almost conclude, that Tacitus had mistaken the Antona for the Aufona. A friend of mine was induced to examine this line attentively, and he found it almost completed on the eastern side as far as the Wa tling-st reel ; while on the Avon, which runs from Warwick, and falls into the Severn near Tewksbury, (where Oslorius did not fear the enemy so much,) the greater stations only were finished, without the chain of connecting fortified posts between them.
e The Iceni, under the two divisions of Magni, (which were also called Cetiomanni, a corruption of Iceni Magni,) and Coitani, or Coritani, possessed all the country from the river Stour in Essex, to the banks of the Humber and the Don. The first, Iceni Magni, or Cenomanni, extended from the Stour to the banks of the Aufona, or Nen, having the towns of Durnomagtis, or Water Newton on the Nen, and their capital Venta Icenorum, or Castor near Norwich ; but the principal garrison occupied by the Romans among them was Camboritum, or Cambridge. In speaking of the Iceni here, I am mentioning them as when they were under the dominion of the Romans, for I believe before the Roman conquest, the capital of the Iceni Magni was Tasborough, afterwards removed to Castor near Norwich, the same as Lexden to Colchester, &c. 8cc.
The Coitani, or Coritani, possessed all the country northerly from the river Nen to the Humber and Don : whose capital was Rata, or Raga; (Leicester), while the chief post occupied by the Romans among them was Lindum,w Lincoln. This people (the Iceni) had the Trinobantes and Cassii to the south, the Brigantes to the north, the German ocean to the east, and the dominions of the Carnabii to the west.
" septum agresli aggere, et aditu angusto."* Ostorius, though un- supported by his legions, led on the confederate forces, and having made preparations for the assault, ordered his cavalry to dismount, and to act with the infantry. The signal being given, the Romans forced the intrenchments, and the Britons, inclosed within their own fortifications, were thrown into great confusion ; yet even in that distressful situation, conscious of their rebellion, and seeing no way to escape, they obstinately maintained the battle, and gave signal proofs of heroic bravery.
By this defeat of the Iceni, some of the states, who seemed to waver between peace and war, were quieted, and Ostorius marched against the Cangi.e He had nearly reached the sea coast opposite to Ireland, when the news of an insurrection amongst the Briganies* brought him back. Till every thing was secured in his rear, it was his maxim not to push on his conquests. The Brigantes were soon brought to subjection; but the Silures* could neither by severity nor clemency be induced to submit to the Roman yoke : '' Silurum gens non atrocilate, non dementia mutabatur, quin helium
d Burrough-hiU, near Daventry in Northamptonshire; a British post exactly an- swering the description of Tacitus, at the very spot where the Romans were forming the station of Benavenna.
* The Cangi, or Cangiani, were a small tribe who possessed the westerly part of Caernarvonshire under their capital Segontium, or Caer Seieant, and lying immedi- ately opposite to Ireland.
f The Brigantes possessed all the country on the east of England from the Humber to the Tyne, under their capital Isurium, or Aldborough, and extending westerly as far as the mountains of Lancashire and Wesmoreland.
* The Silures, with their subordinate tribes the Dimeta and Ordovices, possessed all the country to the west of the Severn and the Dee, under their capital Vmta, or Caerwent. Their territories comprehended not only Wales, but also such of the Eng- lish counties as were situated to the west of those rivers.
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exerceret, castrisque legionum premcnda Joret ;" on which account the Roman general stationed his legions'1 amongst them, and trans- ported hither a strong body of veterans from the colony at Camu- lodunum,1 not only to overawe the rebel insurgents, but to give to the allied states a specimen of law and civil policy. k
We now are come to a very interesting period of the British history; a period, when the conquest of Cambria became the principal object of the Roman arms. The Silures, a hardy and warlike nation, felt confidence under their leader Caractacus, whos.e military character stood highly pre-eminent amongst the British chieftains. His knowledge of the country, and his skill in all the stratagems of savage warfare, gave him many advantages ; but his army being inferior to that of the Romans, he thought proper to
* These legions were the second, styled Legio secunda Augusta, which was stationed at Isca Silurum, or Caerleon, in Monmouthshire ; and Legio vicesima valens victrix, stationed at Deva, or Chester.
1 The British capital at Lexden being now neglected, this new colony was planted in the country of the Trinobantes at Colchester (Camulodunum), to protect the east- ern provinces of England against the Iceni.
k Ostorius now marches against the Silures. Although we know of no other great British roads that passed through Wales, but the two branches of the W at ling-street in North, and the Akeman and Ryknield in South Wales; yet we may rest assured, that there were communications between all great towns. Of these British streets the North Watling entered North Wales by Chester, and passed by Bodfari and Caer- hen; while its southern branch came from Shrewsbury by Festiniog, and tended to the great Irish port at Holyhead. The Ryknield street crossing the Severn at Glou- cester, ran by Monmouth, Abergavenny, and Brecknock, through the middle of Wales; while the Akeman street coming from Cirencester, passed the Severn near the Old passage, and continued along the sea coast through Swansea, and both terminated at St. David's. The private road between Caerleon, Abergavenny, Kenchester, and Wroxeter, was the line on which the main body of Ostorius's army acted; and Bran- don camp in Herefordshire, the place from whence he made the attack, and carried the fortified entrenchments of Caractacus at Coxall Knoll.
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transfer the seat of war into the territory of the Ordovices, ' and being joined by all those who were adverse to a peace with Rome, he determined to try the issue of a general battle. For this purpose, he selected a place where the approach and retreat were difficult to the enemy, and advantageous to himself. Those places where his post was not strengthened by nature, and where the acclivity afforded an easy approach, he fortified with ramparts of massive stones. A river with fords and shallows of uncertain depth flowed through the vale beneath his camp, which was guarded by a select band of his best troops."
1 Ordovices, a clan subordinate to the Silures, and inhabiting all North Wales, and the country to the west of the Severn and the Dee, as far south as the rivers Teme and Dovey.
m Many different situations have been ascribed to this scene of action between Caractacus and O&torius; but none rest on such strong grounds of probability, as the stations of Brandon camp and Coia/l Knoll. The first of these is situated a little to the west of the great Roman road leading from Magna, or Kenchester, to Uriconium, or Wroxeter, and between Wigmore and Lentwardine. Its square form, and the fragments of Human pottery, which may still be picked up within its precincts, evi- dently prove its origin. The second is within sight, and distant from the Roman camp about three miles, and a little above the village of Brampton Brian. It crowns the summit of a lofty hill, well covered with oak trees, and is (like the generality of British fortresses) very irregular in its shape. The river Teme runs through the vale near the foot of the hill. Strong by nature, but made stronger by art ; bold and wild as the chieftain who formed it. On a survey of these two camps, even the most lukewarm traveller will feel a certain degree of enthusiasm, when he recollects that an Oslorius stood on one camp, and a Caractacus on the other ; and that their heroic deeds were recorded by the pen of a Tacitus. His satisfaction will be heightened, when he knows that they are the undoubted strongholds occupied by the Roman and British generals ; for each particular related by the historian concerning their respec- tive situations, coincides with the natural position of the river Teme, and the camps on Brandon and Coxall hills. To the scholar and antiquarian, the whole kingdom does not afford a more interesting or gratifying subject; let them observe the polished and simple form of the Roman camp, and the rude and natural features of the British.
Each chieftain was now busy in encouraging his men. Carac- tacus flew from post to post, exclaiming " This day, this battle will give us liberty, or doom us to eternal slavery. Call to mind your ancestors, who drove away Julius Czesar from the shores of Britain ; who by their valour banished from your sight the Roman fasces and axes; who freed you from tribute, and rescued your wives and daughters from violation." A general shout of applause gave confidence to their leader, and bespoke the sentiments of his brave associates.
The intrepid conduct of the Britons, the passage of the river, the steep ascent, and the strong well guarded rampart, struck Ostorius with dismay; but his soldiers, seconded by the prefects and tri- bunes, eagerly desired to be led on to battle, exclaiming that " True valour was invincible."
The Roman general having reconnoitred the ground, and ob- served where the defiles were impenetrable, or easy of access, gave the signal for action. The Romans forded the river without diffi- culty, and advanced boldly towards the rampart. Whilst the battle was fought with missile weapons, fortune seemed to favour the Britons ; but when Ostorius ordered the rampart of stones to be thrown down, and the struggle became closer, and more obsti- nate; the Britons gave way, and fled with precipitation to the adjoining mountains. The Romans pursued them with eagerness, and gained a complete victory. The wife and daughter of the British chieftain were taken prisoners; and his brothers surren-
The Roman general depended alone on the strength of his arms, and the valour of his well disciplined legions ; but the British chieftain called Nature to his assistance, and strengthened her by Art.
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dered at discretion. Caractacus fled for protection to Cartismunda, Queen of the Brigantes. But adversity has no friends ! he was loaded with irons, and delivered up to his conqueror.
The fame of this British chieftain, who for nine successive years had waged war against the Romans, was not confined to his native island, but had reached the shores of Italy, and its capital Rome. " Ne Roma quidem ignobile Caractaci nomen erat." The historian Tacitus has drawn so animated and interesting a picture of Carac- tacus in adversity, that I need make no apology to my readers for introducing it to his notice. " Even at Rome, the name of Caracta- cus was in high celebrity. Curiosity was eager to behold the heroic chieftain, who for such a length of time resisted the arms of a great and powerful enemy. The Emperor Claudius, willing to magnify the glory of his conquest, bestowed the highest praise on the valour of the vanquished king. He assembled the people to behold a spectacle worthy of their view. In the field before the camp, the Praetorian bands were drawn up under arms ; the fol- lowers of the British chief walked in procession. The military accoutrements, the harness and rich collars, which he had gained in various battles, were pompously displayed. The wife of Ca- ractacus, his daughter, and brothers followed next; he himself closed the melancholy train. The rest of the prisoners, struck with terror, descended to mean and abject supplications. Carac- tacus alone was superior to misfortune. With a countenance still unaltered, not a symptom of fear appearing, no sorrow, no con- descension, he behaved with dignity, even in ruin. Being placed before the tribunal, he thus addressed the assembly : " If to the nobility of my birth, and the splendour of exalted station, I
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had united the virtues of moderation, Rome had beheld me, not in captivity, but a royal visitor and a friend. The alliance of a prince, descended from an illustrious line of ancestors; a prince, whose sway extended over many nations, would not have been unworthy of your choice. A reverse of fortune is now the lot of Garactacus. The event to you is glorious, and to me humiliating. I had arms, and men, and horses ; I had wealth in abundance ; can you wonder that I was unwilling to lose them? The ambition of Rome aspires to universal dominion ; and must mankind, by consequence, stretch their necks to the yoke? I stood at bay for years: had I acted otherwise, where, on your part, had been the glory of conquest ; and where, on mine, the honour of a brave resistance ? I am now in your power ; if you are bent on vengeance, execute your pur- pose ; the bloody scene will soon be over, and the name of Carac- tacus will sink into oblivion. Preserve my life, and I shall be, to late posterity, a monument of Roman clemency." Claudius granted him a free pardon, and the same to his wife, his daughter, and his brothers.
"Si quanta nobilitas etfortuna mihifuit, tanta rerumprosperarum moderatio fuisset, arnicas potius, in hanc urbem, qudm captus venis- sem ; neque dedignatus esses claris majoribus ortum, pluribus genii- bus imperitantem,fcedere pads accipere. Prcesens sors mea, ut mihi informs i sic tibi magnifica est. Habui equos, viros, arma, opes. Quid mirum, si hcec invilus amisi. JVbn, si vos omnibus irnperitare vultis, sequitur ut omnes servitutem accipiant? Si statim deditus tra- derer ; neque mea fortuna neque lua gloria inclaruisset. Supplicium mei oblivio sequetur: al si incolumen servaveris, sternum exemplar dement ice ero"
VOL. i. o
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Such was the animated speech of the British chieftain before the Emperor Claudius, and in the Roman senate ; some parts of which have been introduced most happily by Mr. Mason, in his dramatic poem of Caractacus.
" Soldier, I had arms,
Had neighing steeds to whirl my iron cars,
Had wealth, dominion. Dost thou wonder, then,
I fought to save them ? What, if Caesar aims
To lord it universal o'er the world,
Shall the world tamely crouch at Caesar's foot-stool ?
I am his slave, to treat as seems him good ;
If cruelly, 'twill be an easy task
To bow a wretch, alas ! how bowed already,
Down to the dust — If well, his clemency,
When trick'd and varnish'd by your glossing penmen,
Will shine in honour's annal, and adorn
Himself.
The Silures neither disheartened by their defeat, nor by the cap- tivity of their valiant chieftain, still continued in arms. They attacked, with success, some of the Roman officers, who were em- ployed in constructing forts (in the southern parts of Wales), and who were with difficulty delivered from the enemy by the troops of some of the neighbouring garrisons. Desultory skirmishes be- came every day more frequent, and the spirit of the Silures remained unbroken; their animosity towards the Romans was heightened by a threat of Ostorius, intimating " that even the
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name of the Silures should be annihilated."" Two auxiliary co- horts, whom, from avarice, their prefects had sent forth to plunder, were intercepted ; and the neighbouring states began to join in a confederacy against the Romans. During this declining state of affairs, Ostorius, worn out with anxiety, sunk under the fatigue, and expired ; to the great joy of the Britons, who saw a brave and able commander, not indeed slain in battle, but overcome by the war. " Cum tcedio cur arum fessus Ostorius, concessit vita; latis has- tibus tamquam ducem haud spernendum, et si non proelium, et certe bellum, absumpsisset."
A. D. 53. AULUS DIDIUS succeeded to the government of Britain. On his arrival, he found that the Silures, still in arms, had attacked with success, and defeated a legion,0 commanded byManlius Valens. At this period, Venusius,? since the captivity of Caractacus, was esteemed the most eminent in the knowledge of military affairs. He had married Gartismunda, the Queen of the Brigantes, and the betrayer of Caractacus; and as long as he continued upon good terms with her, remained a firm ally to the Romans ; but when the queen supplanted him, and made Velocatus (the king's armour- bearer) partner of her bed and throne, Venusius became an enemy both to the British queen and to the Romans.
By this criminal act, Cartismunda lost all authority. Convulsions
1 " Crebra hinc prcelia, et saepius in modum latrocinii : per saltus, per paludes, ut cuique sors, aut virtus; temere, proviso; ob iram, ob prsedam ; jussu et aliquando ig- naris ducibus. Ac preecipud Silurum pervicacid, quos accendebat vulgata imperatoris Romani vox : Ut quondam Sugambri excisi: ita Silurum nomen penitus extinguendum,
° This was probably the legio secunda Augusta, stationed at Caerleon.
* This officer is mentioned by Tacitus as being ex civitate lugantum, which certainly should be read Briganlum.
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shook her kingdom. The discarded husband had the good wishes of the people ; the adulterer nothing to gratify him but a lewd and unmerciful queen. " Goncussa statim Jlagitio domus. Pro marito studia civitatis : pro adultero libido regintz, et savitia" Venusius at length reduced her to such distress, that she was obliged to apply to the Romans for assistance, who rescued her person from danger, though not her dominion. Venusius got the kingdom, and the Romans the trouble and charge of the war. " Venusius regnum, helium nobis reliclum," During the several engagements which took place between Venusius, Cartismunda, and the Romans, Didius did not risk his own person ; but acted by deputy, and entrusted the command of his army to inferior officers : he did not extend the Roman conquests; but seemed satisfied in merely keeping the Britons in check. " Didius Callus, parta de prioribus conti- nuit, paucis admodum castellis in ulteriora promotis, JVam Di- dius, senectute gravis, per ministros agere, et arcere hostem satis habebat"
Nero succeeded to the Roman empire, A. D. 54, and under his reign Veranius was appointed to the government of Britain. He made some slight incursions into the country of the Silures ; but was prevented from prosecuting them by a premature death, within a year after his appointment to the government. He carried his flattery towards Nero, and his own ambition to so great a height, as in his last will to boast, that if he lived, he would subdue the whole island within the space of two years. " Subjecturum ei provin- ciam esse, si biennio proximo vixisset" Suetonius informs us, that this emperor entertained thoughts of withdrawing his army from Britain, but was restrained from doing it by an unwillingness to
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detract from the honour of Claudius. " Etiam ex Britannia exerci- tum deduce re cogitavit"
To Vtranius succeeded Suetonius Paulinas, a general distin- guished for his military knowledge, caution, and moderation. By his natural temper slow and deliberate, he chose to take his measures with precaution, rather than hazard a sudden conflict, and owe his success to the chance of war. Cunctator nalurd, et cui cauta potius consilia cum ratione , qudm prospera ex casu placerent. Nemo rei militaris callidior habebatur."
He continued the war with an uninterrupted success for two years ; and depending upon the strong garrisons, which he had dis- persed throughout the country, formed the plan of reducing the island of Mono, (Anglesey), which had favoured the cause of the rebellious states. For this purpose he constructed a number of flat- bottom boats in which his infantry were carried over; and the cavalry either swam their horses across the river, or waded through the ford.i On this occasion the pen of the historian Tacitus has been unusually animated in describing the scene on the opposite coast of Mona. " There stood the Britons, close embodied, and pre- pared for action. Women were seen rushing through the ranks in wild disorder ; their apparel funereal ; their hair loose to the wind , in their hands flaming torches ; and their whole appearance resem- bling the frantic rage of the furies. The Druids were ranged in order, with hands up-lifted, invoking the Gods, and pouring forth horrible imprecations. The novelty of the sight struck the Romans
i This ford or passage over the Menai, which separates the island of Anglesey from the coast of Caernarvonshire, is supposed to have been from Lhanvair isgaer to Llan Idan.
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with awe and terror. They stood in stupid amazement, as if their limbs were benumbed, rivetted to one spot, a mark for the enemy. The exhortations of the general diffused new vigour through the ranks ; and the men, by mutual reproaches, inflamed each other to deeds of valour. They felt the disgrace of yielding to a troop of women, and a band of fanatic priests ; they advanced their stan- dards, and rushed on to the attack with impetuous fury. The Britons perished in the flames, which they themselves had kindledt The island fell, and a garrison was established to retain it in sub- jection. The religious groves, dedicated to superstition and bar- barous rites, were levelled to the ground.
" Jgitur Monam insulam, incolis validam, et receptaculum perfu- garum, aggredi parat, navesque fabricatur piano alveo, adversus breve littus et incerlum. Sic pedes : equites vado secuti, out altiores inter undas, adnantes equis, transmisere.
Stabat pro litore diversa acies, densa armis virisque, intercursan- tibus feminis, in modum Furiarum, qua vesteferiali, crinibus dejectis, jaces praferebant. Druidaque circum, preces dims, sublatis ad cce- lum manibus, fundentes, novitate aspectiis perculere milites, ut quasi hcerentibus membris, immobile corpus vulneribus praberent. Dein, cohortationibus duds, ut se ipsi slimulantes, ne muliebre etfanaticum agmen pavescerent, inferunt signa, slernuntque obvios, et igni suo involvunt. Presidium post hoc imposiium victis, excisique luci, savis superstitionibus sacri."
In the midst of these operations Suetonius received advice, that the Iceni,1 assisted by the Trinobantes, had taken up arms, and
' The Iceni, justly alarmed at the attempt which the Romans made to cover the eastern side of their conquest by placing the colony of Camuhdunum at Colchester,
that the chief cause of their rebellion arose from the conduct of the veterans, who had been settled at Camulodunum (Colchester), and had driven the natives from their houses and possessions, call- ing them by the opprobrious names of slaves and captives. The temple erected to Claudius, which the Britons looked upon as the citadel of eternal slavery, was another cause of their discontent. The defenceless state of the colony, and the absence of the Roman governor, induced the Britons to take up arms ; and their hostile intentions were strengthened by the circumstance of the statue of Victory at Camulodunum falling down from its pedestal without any apparent cause, and which they construed as a good omen in their favour. In the absence of Suetonius, the Romans applied to Calus Decianus, the procurator of the province, for succours ; but he could only spare them two hundred men, and those badly armed. The feeble garrison was overpowered, and the temple, though strongly fortified, held out a siege of only two days. The fate of Petilius Cerealis, who fled to the assistance of the colony was not more successful ; for his legion (the ninth) was defeated, and all his infantry cut to pieces. He escaped with the cavalry to his intrenchments. The procurator Catus Decianus, alarmed at the scene of carnage which he beheld on every side, and dreading the indignation of a people whom, by rapine and oppression, he had driven to despair, betook himself to flight, and crossed over
having secured the co-operation of the Trinobantes, resolved to attack this station before it was completed ; and, although it had received a small reinforcement of two hundred men from Catu$ Decianus (possibly at London), yet it was easily taken ; and the victorious Britons afterwards defeated Petilius Cerealis, who was marching from Verulam (near St. Albans), to its relief with a part of the ninth legion.
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into Gaul. " Qua clade d odiis provincial ', quam avaritid in helium egerat, trepidus procurator Catus in Galliam transiit."
On the news of these disasters Suetonius left the Island of Angles- ey, and marched with the greatest intrepidity through an hostile country to London,* a place not dignified with the name of a co- lony, but the chief residence of merchants, and the great mart of trade and commerce : " cognomento quidem colonia non insigne, sed copid negociatorum et commeatuum maxime celebre." He was at first doubtful, whether he should not fix on that place as the seat of war ; but when he considered the smallness of his own army, and the fatal temerity of Petilius, he determined by the sacrifice of one province to secure the rest ; nor could the tears and intreaties of the inhabitants divert him from his intended plan, Those who could not follow him were put to death by the Britons ; and the inhabitants of Verulamium, a municipal town, met with the same hard fate. So great was the slaughter committed in these struggles, that the loss of the Romans and their allies was computed at seventy thousand. The army of Suetonius ', composed of the four- teenth legion,' the vexillarii9 of the twentieth, and some auxiliaries,
1 Suetonius having been, when this rebellion broke out in the east, engaged in his expedition against the Welsh, had no other means of retreating towards London, but by the great British road the fVatling-street, which ran immediately from Wales by Wroxeter, Wall, High Cross, Towcester, and Verulam to London, and of course through a part of the dominions of the Iceni in Leipestershire and Northamptonshire. Unable to defend either Verulam or London, he retreated over the Thames with the fourteenth legion and the vexillarii of the twentieth.
« It appears that this legion was ordered back into Italy by Nero ; for A. D. 69, we fipd it mentioned as taking the lead in a rebellion abroad, and sent back again to Britain. " Remitti eos in Britantiiam, unde a Neropi exdti erant, placuit." Tacit, Hist. Lib. II. 66.
* The vexillarii are the same as our modern flank companies.
[ cxiii ]
amounted to about ten thousand men; and with these he deter- mines to bring the enemy to a decisive action ; for which purpose he selects a spot,x that was guarded by a narrow entrance in front, and by a wood in the rear: an open plain lay before him, which secured him from the fear of ambuscade, and he knew the enemy could attack him only in front. His troops were drawn up in order of battle; but those of the Britons, who were very numerous, formed no regular line. Boadicea, attended by her two daughters, drove her chariot through the ranks, animating the Britons to action, conjuring them to assert their liberty, and revenge the insults com- mitted on their nation by the Romans. Nor did Suetonius remain silent : " Despise," said he, " the savage uproar of these undisci- plined barbarians ; rush forward to a close attack ; pursue the vanquished, and think not of spoil or plunder: conquer, and victory will give you every thing."
Fortune favoured the Romans ; and the glory of the day was equal to the most splendid victory of ancient times. " Clara et antiquis vicloriis par ed die laus parta." The loss on the side of the Britons was estimated at little less than eighty thousand; whilst that of the Romans did not amount to more than four hundred men killed, and about as many wounded. Boadicea put an end to her life by poison.
Suetonius having received a very seasonable reinforcement from Germany, consisting of two thousand legionaries, eight cohorts of auxiliaries, and a thousand horse, which enabled him to recruit
1 The scene of this engagement between the Romans and Britons is extremely doubtful. It was certainly south of London, and probably somewhere in the county of Surrey.
VOL. I. D
[ cxiv ]
the ninth legion, pursued his hostilities against those of the enemy who either continued in rebellion, or were suspected of treacher- ous intentions. A misunderstanding between Julius Classicianus, the successor of Catus. Decianus, and Suetonius, was a bar to peace. Classicianus had spread a report in Britain, that a new legate might shortly be expected, who, without the pride or anger of a conqueror, would act with clemency towards the natives. He also conveyed dispatches to Rome, saying, " that unless Suetonius was recalled, there would be no end to the war." In consequence of these complaints, Polycletus, one of Nero's freedmen, was sent to examine the state of Britain. The servile homage and obedience paid to him by the Roman army and their brave commander, astonished the Britons, in whose breasts, notwithstanding their late misfortunes, the flame of liberty still glowed, and who yet were ignorant of the power of a freedman. The Emperor Nero did not think fit, on the report of Polycldus, to remove Suetonius from his government ; but the loss of a few ships, that were wrecked on the coast a short time afterwards, occasioned his recall.
A. D. 62. PETRONIUS TURPILIANUS succeeded to the go- vernment of Britain ; who neither molesting the enemy, nor being molested by them, gave the specious name of peace to his own inactivity ; arid having composed some former disturbances, with- out attempting any thing further, he delivered up the province to Trebellius Maximus. " Is, non irritalo hoste, neque lacessilus, hones- turn pads nomen segni olio imposuit ; et compositis prioribus, nihil ultra ausus, Trebellio Maximo provinciam tradidit."
A. D. 65. TREBELLIUS, though inactive and inexperienced, yet by his urbanity retained the province in subjection. But his army
[ cxv ]
grew mutinous from want of employ, and Trebellius, to avoid their fury, was obliged to fly, and shamefully to compound the matter between them ; he for his own safety, they for their licentiousness. " Ac velut pactis, exercitus licentiam, dux salutem."
A. D. 69. VECTIUS BOLANUS was the next governor of Britain. The same inactivity against the enemy, the same spirit of mutiny prevailed in his army; but the character of Bolanus was unble- mished, and he lived beloved by all, though not respected. — " Eadetn inertia erga hostes, similis petulantia castrorum, nisi quod innocens Bolanus, et nullis deliclis invisus, caritatem paraverat loco auctoritalis." During the contest for power between Vitellius and Vespasian, we find that a reinforcement of choice troops was sent to the former from Britain : " et advenisse mox Britannici exercitus robora." But when, by the captivity of Valens, the Vitellian cause began to decline, many of the Roman legions declared in favour of Vespasian. Amongst these was the second, who had not forgotten the heroic valour with which, on a former occasion, he had led them on to victory. " Inclilus erga Vespasianum favor, quod illic secundce legioni d Claudia prceposilus, et bello clarus egerat."
A. D. 71. But when Britain, with the rest of the Roman world, fell to the lot of Vespasian ; powerful armies and the most expe- rienced officers were collected, and the spirits of the natives began to droop. " Sed ubi cum cetero orbe Vespasianus et Britanniam reci- peravit; magni duces, egregii exercitus, minuta hostium spes." The first attack was made by Petilius Cerealis upon the powerful nation of the Brigantes, and attended with victorious success. He was most ably succeeded in the command of the army by Julius Frontinus, who surmounting every difficulty, which either the nature
[ cxvi ]
of the country, or the obstinate perseverance of its inhabitants opposed to him, at length subdued the valourous nation of the Silures. " Validam et pugnacem Silurum gentem armis subegit; super virtutem hostium, locorum quoque dijficultates eludalus."
A. D. 78. Such was the state of Britain, when the celebrated Julius Agricola assumed the command of the Roman legions. On his arrival, about the middle of summer, he found the Roman army lulled in indolence and security, and the Britons watching every favourable opportunity of attack. The Ordovices just before his arrival, had almost entirely cut to pieces a body of horse, that was quartered on the frontiers of their country, and owing to this successful action, a general spirit of insurrection seemed to manifest itself throughout the whole province. Agri- cola, though the summer was far advanced, his troops dispersed, and relying on a cessation from hostilities during the remainder of the year ; though persuaded by many of his officers, that it would be more prudent to act on the defensive than the offensive, yet determined to face the enemy. Having drawn together the vexilla legionum, and a small body of auxiliaries, he put himself at their head, and marched against the enemy. The Ordovices, not daring to engage him in the plain, he pursued them to the hills, and de- feated them with immense slaughter- Judging, like an able general, that his victory must be followed up, and that his future success would depend entirely on his present conduct, — " non ignarus, instandum fama, ac prout prima cessissent,fore universa" he formed a plan of reducing the island of Mona, which had been rescued from the hands of Suetonius by the insurrection of the Iceni be- fore mentioned. Many difficulties occurred, but the genius and
[ cxvii ]
resolution of the leader overcame them. He commanded his men to throw down their baggage ; and having selected a chosen body of auxiliaries, who were accustomed to swimming, and who knew the fords ;? he ordered them to cross the river, which they effected in so rapid and unexpected a manner, that the Britons, struck Avith consternation at so unusual and daring a mode of attack, surren- dered the island, and sued for peace.
1 Probably between Aber in Caernarvonshire, and Beaumaris in Anglesey, where a branch of the Watling-street crossed the Menai.
[ cxviii
EXPLANATION OF THE MAP.
LINE OF FORTIFICATIONS MADE BY OSTORIUS ON THE RIVERS NEN AND AVON, TO SEPARATE THE TWO GREAT TRIBES OF THE ICENI, A. D. 50.
THE Iceni (who under their two clans the Iceni Magni and the Iceni Coritani, possessed all the eastern part of England from the Stour in Essex to the Humber), alarmed at Vespasian's reducing the whole south-west of England, took advantage of the absence of the princi- pal part of the Roman force, and invaded the territory of the Trino- bantes, and those nations who had become the allies of the Romans, Ostorius, therefore, after repelling them, instantly formed the plan of breaking the power of this great people, by drawing a line of forts from the German Ocean to the Severn, which would effectu- ally separate the one clan from the other ; and while on the western side he began merely by planting stations along the banks of the Avon from Tewkesbury towards the centre of Warwickshire ; on the eastern side, he covered the whole banks of the Nen not only with stations, but with such a number of fortified posts between them, as completely to break the force of this powerful people, At the first sight, we may see that not only the British great-ways were intercepted (such as the Rykneild, the Walling, and the Ermin streets], but also that all the communications between their several towns on each side of this line were cut off. However, before this great work could be completed, and while the Romans were still at work on their line, the Iceni assembled in their great camp at Bur- rough hill near Daventry, to attack that part of the fortification
[ cxix ]
which was still unfinished near the Walling-slreel. Ostorius in- stantly collects the confederate forces, and storming the enemy's trenches, gains a complete victory.
HAVING, as briefly as the importance of the subject would admit of, related the transactions of the Romans in Britain, from the period of the first invasion of our island by Julius Caesar, 55 years before Christ, to the time of the total subjugation of Cambria ; and having traced the several campaigns of Ostorius, Suetonius, Fron- tinus, and Agricola in that country ; let us now consider by Avhat means the conquest of Wales was accomplished by the Romans.
Julius Caesar, when he made his first descent upon Britain, brought only two legions with him ; the seventh and the tenth. In his second invasion, he brought five legions with him, and two thousand cavalry, who returned with him to Gaul the same year in which they come over into Britain.
I have before had occasion to mention, that during the successive reigns of the Emperors Augustus, Tiberius, and Caligula, no atten- tion was paid to the conquest of Britain.
The names of the second legion called Augusta ; the ninth, the fourteenth, and the twentieth, called Falens victrix, maybe collected from different passages of the historian Tacitus, as having been transported into Britain by the Emperor Claudius ; and from the same author we know that all these legions remained there under the reign of Nero, when the celebrated battle took place between the Romans under Suetonius, and the Britons, headed by their
[ cxx ]
Queen Boadicea ; for the ninth legion was surprised and destroyed by her; the fourteenth, and the vexillarii of the twentieth were engaged in the battle ; and the second was absent only, owing to the negligence of its commander, Pcenius Fosthumus, who stabbed himself on hearing the success and honour which the other legions had acquired in this engagement.0
But as only two of these legions seem to have any connexion with Cambria, I shall confine myself to them, and endeavour to trace their respective operations during the period of their residence in our island.
LEGIO SECUNDA AUGUSTA.
LEG. II. AVG.
THIS legion came into Britain during the reign of the Emperor Claudius, under the command of Vespasian, b and continued in it as long as the Romans. History does not inform us, if it was employed by Ostorius in his memorable battle with Caractacus, or by Suetonius in his expedition against the island of Mono, ; but we know that it was ordered to attend on the expedition against the British Queen Boadicea, but owing to the misconduct of its commander P(znius Poslkumus, did not join in the engagement that took place. As they had a station at Caerleon in Monmouth- shire, and a camp at the Gaer near Brecknock, it is probable they
1 Et Poenius Posthumus, praefectus castrorum secunila? legionis cognitis quarta-de- cimanorum vices! manorumque prosperis rebus, quia pari gloria legionem suam frau- daverat, abnueratque, contra, ritum militiae, jussa ducis, se ipsutn gladio transegit. Tacitus Annal. Lib. xiv. 38.
b " Et Britanniam inclytus erga Vespasianum favor, quod illic secundae legioni a Claudio praepositus, et bello clarus egerat, non sine motu adjunxit casterarum." Tacit. Hist. Lib. iii. cap. 44.
[ cxxi ]
acted under Julius Fronlinus in the reduction of the warlike nation of the Silures, in the year 76.
In the time of Hadrian, this legion was in Cumberland at Ne- therby and Beaucastle, and in the western side of Northumberland ; and had probably their share in the work of Hadrians Vallum ; or when in the advanced stations of Netherby and Beaucastle, they might be posted there to protect those who were employed in that work.
In the beginning of the reign of Antoninus Pius, they appear to have been on the eastern part of the Roman -wall in Northumber- land. No. 1 . From thence, in the same reign, they marched into Scotland, and were employed in building the -wall, as appears from the express testimony of several inscriptions found there, 1 , 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7. In the time of Severus, it is very probable they were employed in the construction of the -wall that goes by his name. From Northumberland or Cumberland, they passed per- haps through Westmoreland to Caerleon, and might leave on their march the inscription No. 34. Though this legion may have taken up its quarters at Caerleon before the reign of Severus, and the building of his wall; yet it might have marched from thence for this service, and returned again to its old quarters after the completion of it. The following inscription found at Caerleon in Monmouthshire, proves that it was there either in the lifetime of Severus, or in the joint reigns of him and Caracalla, in the year 210. " Pro salute Auguslorum nostrorum Severi et Antonini el Gette Casaris, Publius Saltienus Publii filius Mcecia \tribu\ Thalamus Hadrianus prafedus legionis secunda Augusta Caio Vampeiano et
Luciliano [consulibus]."c
c Horsley, p. 321. VOL. i. q
[ cxxii ]
And here they seem to have continued till late in the empire. Antonine's Itinerary places them here, and various other inscrip- tions, No. 16, 18, prove that they remained for a long time sta- tioned at Caerleon. Yet it is certain, that they were removed from thence before they finally quitted Britain, for the JVbtitia Imperil places them at Rhutup<et or Richborough in Kent, from which port they probably set sail for Gaul and Italy, when they finally took leave of Britain.
LEGIO VICESIMA VALENS VICTRIX.
LEG. XX. V. V.
THIS legion, styled by some authors Valeriana, but most generally Valtns Victrix, was one of the first sent over by Claudius into Britain. The vexillarii of this legion were engaged in the battle with Eoadi- cea, A. D. 61. The command of it was, at a later period, conferred upon the celebrated Roman general, Agricola, who employed it first in subduing the Ordovices in Wales, and afterwards the Cale- donians in Scotland. The stated quarters of this legion were at Deva, or Chester. It seems to have been employed in the same military works with the Legio secunda Augusta. From the inscrip- tions 22, 23, 24, 25, which were found on the Roman wall in Scot- land, mentioning this legion, or their vexillatio, and the quantity of -wall they built, it is clear that they had their share in the construction of that work under Antoninus Pius. If the altar found at Benwell fort in Northumberland (26) was erected by a centurion of this legion, at the same time that the other [ 1 .] was by a cen- turion of the Legio secunda Augusta, this legion must have been
[ cxxiii ]
in those parts in the former part of Antoninus Pius's reign, either engaged on Hadrians Vallum, or on their march against the Cale- donians. I know not well what period to assign to the inscription at Lanchester (28), unless we suppose it to have been set up as they returned victorious from Scotland ; and the symbols of victory standing on the globe seem to countenance such a conjecture. It is evident, however, that this legion was at Chester A. D. 154, in the reign of the same emperor ; and it is natural to suppose, that it bore its part in building the wall of Severus ; but amongst the many centurial inscriptions upon the face of this wall, there is not one to be found of this legion, or of any cohort belonging to it ; and it is difficult to conjecture, how it came to be excused from that labour, since it is certain that it remained in Britain to a much later period. They continued at Chester under the reign of Diocle- sian and Maximilian, as the altar (30) testifies. It appears by the inscription (27), that this legion was employed in some work at the station of Whitley castle, the ancient Alone, or Alione, in the south-west corner of Northumberland ; and we find it afterwards in Westmoreland by the inscription, recording its name on the rock (34), and the name of one of its members in the sepulchral stone (29). The inscriptions preserved at Bath, 32, 33, seem to be the latest records of this legion in Britain, and were left there pro- bably during its march from the north (at Chester), to some sea- port in the south, previous to its quitting our island ; and as it is not (like the Legio secunda Augusta) mentioned in the Nolitia Im- peril, it is not unlikely that it departed from Britain before that treatise was written.
[ cxxiv ] •,"v '.!s' .. , /,
'^ EXPLANATION OF THE INSCRIPTIONS.
PLATE I.
"No. 1. Jovi Optimo Maximo Dolicheno et numinibus Augusti pro salute Imperatoris Caesaris Titi ./Elii Hadriani Antomni Augusti Pii patris patriae et legionis secundas Augustas Marcus Liburnius Fronto centurio legionis ejusdem votum solvit lubens merito.
2. Imperatori Antonino Augusto Pio patri patriae legio secunda Augusta fecit passus ter mille ducentos septuaginta unum.
3. Imperatori Caesari Tito y£lio Hadriano Antonino Augusto Pio patri patriae legio secunda Augusta per mille passus quater sex centos sexaginta sex solvit (votum}.
4. Legio secunda Augusta fecit.
5. Imperatori Caesari Tito yElio Hadriano Antonino Augusto Pio patri patriae legio secunda Augusta per mille passus ter sexcentos sexaginta sex.
' The interpretation of these inscriptions has been copied from Horsley.
PLATE I.
AVGPRO SAYIEIMP CAEJ/lRlST/IELIHdCR
PlIPP ET
WON
TOLKEIV5DEM V SL,
IMPCABTIlOA
.s. n.
&LOLL10YR' LEGAVGPRPRi
M*^-^
Jamr. Basin- knlj. '
n*l|ni l
cxxv ]
PLATE II.
No. 6. ^Imperalori Casari Tilo^Elio Hadriano Antonino Augusto Pio patri patriae legio secunda Augusta sub Quinto Lollio \3rbico legato August! proprietors fecit.
7. Vexillatio legionis secundae Augustae.
8. Legionis secundae Augustas cohors decima.
9. Legio secunda Augusta fecit jussa.
10. Dis Manibus Flavius Lucianus miles legionis secundae Au- gustae.
1 1 . Legionis secundae Augustae cohors octava fecit. 12,. Legionis secundae Augustae cohors quarta fecit.
13. Legionis secundae Augustae cohors secunda.
14. Legionis secundae Augustae cohors prima.
15. Legionis secundae Augustae Centuria Volusiana.
* The words printed in italics are inserted where the original inscription is defective.
[ cxxvi ]
PLATE HI.
No. 16. Dis Manibus Julius Julianus miles legionis secundae Au- gustae stipendiorum octodecim annorum quadraginta hie situs est cura agente amanda conjuge.
17. Vivio Marciano militi legionis secundae Augustae Januaria Matrina conjunx pientissima posuit memoriam.
18. Dis Manibus Gaius Valerius Caii films Galeria Victor Lug- duni signifer legionis secundae Augustae stipendiorum annorum quadraginta quinque cura agente Amnio Perpetuo bene merenti.
19. Legio secunda Augusta fecit.
20. Legionis secundae Augustae Genturia Julii Tertulliani.
21. Vexillatio legionis secundae Augustae ob virtutem appellatae sub Agricola optione. Apro et Maximo Consulibus, ex officina Mercati. Mer cairns Jilius Fermii.
P'LATE III.
DNVlVblVUANV
VIVO
ANO AVG-IAvvAR.1 A
ll AN NOR XL
H10SJTVS EST' CVR/VAGENTE- AMANDA CON1VGE
GAI.RKI//VICTP IX,DVNISIGLEG-II/VC
•STPXVII'ANNOR'XLVCV
RA'ACINT.AMN 10 PERPITVOB
LK
>IVLITE
RTVLL1A
LEC1IAVG FEC IT
EXrklfGII-AVGOBAPP
COAO-VMBVy
CIVA-MERCATI
. , "Uljuiiiiil , ,M:,.
_
0 0
PLATE iv.
• -
AEHADRl^
ANTONIN PI OP- P- VEX
, CAESARl
T.AELIO-HADRI
v ,. s -L.M
H0*«licd MarchiriBo6.lyTffinuim Ihlfcr.
[ cxxvii
PLATE IV.
No. 2,2- Imperatori Caesari Tito JElio Hadriano Antonino Au- gusto Pio patri patriae vexillatio legionis vicesimae valentis vic- tricis fecit per passus quater mille quadringentos undecim.
23. Imperatori Caesari Tito JEAio Hadriano Antonino Augusto Pio patri patriae vexillatio legionis vicesimae valentis victricis fecit passus
24. Imperatori Caesari Tito &lio Hadriano Antonino Augusto Pio patri patriae vexillatio legionis vicesimae valentis victricis fecit per mille passus quadringentos undecim.
25. Imperatori Caesari Tito vElio Hadriano Antonino Augusto Pio patri patriae vexillatio legionis vicesimae valentis vic- tricis fecit per mille passus tria.
26. Centurio legionis vicesimae valentis victricis votum solvit lubens merito.
2,1. Vexillatio legionis vicesimae valentis victricis refecit.
[ cxxviii ]
PLATE V.
No. 28. Legiovicesima valens victrix fecit.
29. Publius JElius Publii films Sergia Bassus Qujestor designatus
legionis vicesimae valentis victricis vixit annos et Publius
Rivatus liberti et Hero .... miles legionis vicesimae valentis vic- tricis faciendum curarunt. Si quis in hoc sepulchrum alium mor- tuum intulerit inferet fisco dominorum nostrorum
30. Pro salute dominorum nostrorum invictissimorum Augusto- rum genio loci Flavius Longus tribunus militum legionis vice- simae .... Longinus filius ejus domo Samosata votum solvit.
3 1 . Jovi Optimo Maximo Tanaro Titus Elupius Galeria Praesens Guntia primipilus legionis vicesimae valentis victricis Commodo et Laterano Gonsulibus votum solvit lubens merito.
32. Julius Vitalis Fabriciesis legionis vicesimae valentis victricis stipendiorum novem annorum viginti novem natione Belga ex col- legio fabricae elatus hie situs est.
33. Dis Manibus Marcus Valerius Marci filius Latinus centurio eques miles legionis vicesimae annorum triginta quinque stipendio- rum hie situs est.
mEmvwixAN
T-PRIWFVSLIBBIHERC M-' LEG-Vl-VIC-FCCSl
EPVLC-AL!VMMOR ERITINFERFOD-NN-
: ;.VM
-'liiSIMORVM VGC-GEMOCC
PI AVI v-s- LONG
rRlBMlfcLEGXX
PRI LEGXXVV COMMODOET MTER/4NO
COS V. y L, M
IVLIV^VITA IliFAQRlC'ES IS-LE&XXW a
DJSMAA//8VJ •M-VALFRIVJ.M PllATINVSQQ MLE5LKXX-AN
STIPEND
H • S E
IXNAT10NEGF LGAEX-COIEGO FABRCL-EIMV S-H S F
16uTki'i8o6.hTWMli« JGIlrf,.llbm>V S«w! . London
PLAT
XX w
CA E S-RA
lAVCfTXXV
[LE©I©!MES • 311 • ET • XX
Jaiac* Ba«uc d-nlj.1
I'ultohrd March I'Arfi, be WU1am.WU-i,.VJbetn3rlc S»rrt, l.
[ cxxix ]
PLATE VI.
No. 34. Caius Varronius essus legionis vicesimae valen-
tis victricis Julius Lucanus Tribunus legionis secundae
Augustas C
35. Centurio legionis secundae Augustae et vicesimae valentis victricis.
36. Caesari Trajano Legiones secunda
Augusta et vicesima valens victrix sub Licinio Frisco
propraetore.
VOL. I.
[ cxxx ]
REMARKS ON THE INSCRIPTIONS.
No. 1 . This altar was found at Benwell in Northumberland, and (according to Horsley) is preserved in the court of Robert Shafto, Esq. It is inscribed to Jupiter Dolichenus, who had several altars dedicated to him both in Britain and other places : an inscription recorded by Reinesius : Jovi Optimo Maximo Dolicheno, ubiferrum nascitur, has caused a supposition that Jupiter Dolichenus had some concern in iron mines. On one side of this altar is the sacri- ficing knife and axe ; and on the other, the patera and praferi- culum.
No. 2. This inscription is said to have been found at the fort of Duntocher in Scotland, and is nowd above the gate of Cochnoch house, about half a mile from the fort. The purport of this inscrip- tion is, that the Legio secunda Augusta had built 3271 paces of the wall, and on that occasion erected this monument to the honour of the Emperor Antoninus Pius. At the bottom of the stone is a Pegasus ; at the top, a sea-goat ; and eagles heads on each side, with a rose at the corners, all in relievo, (and as Mr. Gordon in his Itinerarium Septentrionale says), executed with the best taste of any Roman stone in Scotland.
No. 3. This stone, deposited in the University of Glasgow, be- longs to the fort at Castle hill in Scotland, which is not four miles from Old Kirkpatrick at the end of the wall. It is remarkable for
d By the word now, I allude to the time in which Horsley published his Britannia Romana, A. D. 1732, and gave an account of all these inscriptions.
[ cxxxi ]
the variety of figures that are sculptured upon it. On one side of the stone is the figure of a horseman in mezzo relievo, with a spear in his right, and a shield in his left hand. Behind him stands a Victory, with a crown in her hand ; and underneath are two cap- tives, with their hands tied behind their backs ; at the foot of one them is a short sword, or dagger ; and between them is a Roman standard, or vexillum. On the other side of this stone, is the figure of an eagle upon the back of a sea-goat ; and under this, and near a vexillum, is another captive in a sitting posture, with his hands tied behind him, and a bonnet or turban round his head. These figures may very probably allude to the victory of the Romans over the Caledonians, and the sea-goat to the maritime parts of the country.
No. 4. This stone belongs to the fort at Bemulie in Scotland, where it was found ; and is placed in the walls of Calder House. The inscription is surrounded by a crown of laurel, supported by two Victories, and has a double cornucopia at bottom.
No. 5. This stone was discovered on the same ground as the former ; and was placed in a similar situation ; but, Mr. Gordon says it was taken down, and removed within the house at Calder.
No. 6. This stone was found near the same fort of Bemulie, and is preserved in the University of Glasgow. The inscription, which has generally been read," Posuit legio secunda Augusta Quinto Lollio Urbico legato Augusti propratori" confirms the passage in Capitoli- nus, where speaking of Antoninus Pius, he says, " Britannos per Lollium Urbicum legatum vicit alio muro cespititio ducto," kc.
No 7. Horsley saw this mutilated inscription, which is curiously ornamented, at Skirvay, about a mile and a half west from Kilsyth.
[ cxxxii ]
No. 8. This stone, decorated with the figures of the sea-goat and Pegasus, is built up in the walls of a house at Benwell, Northum- berland ; and it confirms our conjectures, that a part of this legion was employed on the east end of the wall.
No. 9. This stone belonged to the fort at Cramond in Scotland, and was deposited in Baron Clerk's collection. Mr. Gordon makes it votive, and reads it Jovi votivo sacrum legio secunda fecit; but I must prefer the reading by Horsley ofjussa fecit, which is the same as ex j'ussu.
No. 10. This stone is evidently sepulchral.
No. 1 1 . This inscription was in the side wall of a house at East Denton in Northumberland, a village on the wall, about a quarter of a mile west of Benwell fort ; but on the destruction of the house, it came into the possession of Horsley. It refers probably, by the word fecit, to the construction of some part of the wall.
No. 12. This inscription was in the church wall at Corbridge, Northumberland ; it is of the same sort as those usually erected by the legions and legionary cohorts, when they were employed in building any work, and I believe usually set in the face of it.
No. 13. This stone was discovered at Benwell in Northumber- land, and was built up in the wall near the cellar door of Mr. William Pattison's house. It resembles No.