C A I. I- KDAR8.

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A. 294H. \Vt. -JL715. ft

2

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have

IHh. Each aeries is to be chronological.

~

V

• employed in foreign a^eTarTto transcribe at full length important and secret papers.

LETTERS AND PAPERS, FOREIGN AND DOMESTIC,

OF THE REION OF

HENRY VIII.

v/? w . *XWV^ — •"

C, 13 S. JJiei Calendar c.

Calender c^t State. Peiper^

LETTERS AND PAPERS,

FOREIGN AND DOMESTIC,

OF THE BEION OF

HENRY VIII.

PRESERVED IN THE PUBLIC RECORD OFFICE, THE 1JRITI8H MUSEUM, AND ELSEWHERE IN ENGLAND.

ARRANGED AND CATALOGUED

BY

JAMES GAIRDNER, C.B., LL.D.,

LATK ASSISTANT KEF.PKK OK THE 1'CIILIC RECORDS, AND

R. H. BRODIE,

Or THE PUBLIC RECOUP OKKICE.

PUBLISHED HY THE AUTHORITY OF THE LORDS COMMISSIONERS OK HIS MAJESTY'S TREASURY UNDER THE DIRECTION OF THE MASTER OF THE ROLLS.

VOL. XIX.-PART 1.

LONDON:

PRINTED FOR HIS MA.II.STY S STATIONERY OFFICE, BY MACKIK AM) CO. LD.

And to be purchased, either directly or through any Bookseller, from EYRE AND SPOTTISWOODE, EAST HARDING STREET, FLEET STREET, B.C. ; or

OLIVER AND BO YD, EDINBURGH ; or E. PONSONBY, 116, GRAFTON STREET, DUBLIN.

L908.

CONTENTS.

PREFACE ... ... \ii

LETTERS AND PAPERS , 1

PREFACE.

SCOTLAND was now, more than ever, the great source of anxiety and vexation to Henry VIII. It has been shown in the last two Prefaces how the sanguine hopes he had rtaiued after the battle of the Sohvay Moss had been completely overthrown in the course of a single twelve month. The pledges of Scotch prisoners had proved slippery ; cajolery and gifts to a few noblemen could not bind a nation. Unreasonable demands had only provoked an infinity of double dealing. The Governor had revolted to the Cardinal ; the infant Queen had been crowned ; Henry himself had not duly confirmed the treaty; Scotch merchant ships had been arrested on the coast of England; purti/ans of the English King had continually diminished; and finally, in December, the Scotch Parlia- ment hud declured the treaty null for want of confirmation, and renewed the old alliance with Trance. The situation was really \vor.se than before the victory of the Solway, for 1 'ranee hud by this time been declared England's enemy.

Yet the Scots were not seeking for war, but only for security, and desired to send a herald to procure a safe conduct for new ambassadors to pa.->s into Mugland, and another for the Patriarch Grimani to do so on his return homewards.1 The Duke of Suffolk, however, staid the herald and a man of the Patriarch's nj>on the Borders till he should hear from the King;3 who, quite approving of his act, bade him tell the herald that as he came, not from the three Estates of Scotland, but from Arran and the Cardinal, the King had appointed the Duke to hear his

1 Vol. XVIII., Part 11., Nos. 612-8. • Ib., No. 519.

A 894U. \Vt.-Jl71.*. 1117/01. M. •

viii PREFACE.

credence. And after hearing it, Suffolk was further to tell him that if those who sent him would join with the other Lords in the Parliament to perfect the treaty, lay hostages, and then send up ambassadors, the King might perhaps deign to hear them ; but no proposals for a new treaty would be listened to, for if the old one was not considered valid, there was no security for another.1 This answer must have been intimated to Arran and the Cardinal before the month of January was much more than a week old, for Ross herald was sent home with it on the 5th ; 2 yet it was simply ignored in letters which they -both wrote to Henry VIII. on the 19th, Arran writing at the same time a separate letter to Suffolk not to stop the messenger but allow him to go up to the King, as the matters of his charge concerned greatly the quietness of both realms.5 The purport of their letters to the King was that after much trouble there was now perfect obedience to the Queen and Governor, all the noblemen being at last agreed to act as loyal subjects, and they desired a safe conduct for the bishop of Orkney and other ambassadors for the establishment of tranquillity and the common good of both countries.

The unanimity was certainly remarkable, but it was scarcely such as Henry could relish; for an agreement had just been made "in the Rood Chapel of Greenside beside Edinburgh" on the 13th between Commissioners on the part of the Governor (three of whom were members of the proposed embassy) and the earls of Cassillis and Glencairn, and three others, Commissioners for the earls of Angus and Lennox as well as for them- selves.4 All the four earls agreed to be true to the Queen and to aid the Governor in defence of the realm and "Haly Kirk"; and the Governor promised for his part, in the Queen's name, to discharge the summons

1 No- 2 0( fc» Vol. • No. 8. 'Nos.44,46,46.

4 No. 24.

PREFACE. ix

of treason against George Douglas on Angus and others finding security for their future loyalty. In pursuance of this agreement a decree was made at Edinburgh on the following day that Angus should enter his brother George or else deliver Tantallon to the Governor's keeping, that the said George should deliver his son, James Douglas, Master of Morton, that Cassillis should deliver his brother Mr. Thomas Kennedy, and Glencairn his eldest son, Alexander Cunningham (called the Master of Glencairn), that Lennox should be bound to obedience under a penalty of £10,000 or be answerable for all his past insurrections, and that various others besides should find pledges or give bonds ; the pledges to be entered on the 15th, the day after the date of the document.1

This was a considerable revolt from England ; but Sir George Douglas was equal to explaining his conduct calmly to the Duke of Suffolk, to whom he wrote the whole state of matters on the 15th.a Admitting that he and his friends were now bound to "refuse the opinion of England and to take a plain part in defence of Scotland," he said it was a matter of necessity for the time. He had been in Stirling with Angus and Lennox, and they had come to Leith on the 10th. Daily they had offered battle in the fields within half-a-mile of Edinburgh till the night of Monday the 14th, but were not strong enough to assault the town. Robert Maxwell had come with Angus to Stirling and spoken with his father lord Maxwell in the Castle; after which they had both gone over to the Governor and the Cardinal. None of the Northern men except John Charteris would join them in opposition ; several great men, discouraged, made private agreements with the Governor, and the Douglases had to do the like as their adversaries were ten to one. The pledges required of Angus and his brother were Tantallon Castle and Sir George's two sons ; • but Sir

1 No. 80. • No. 38.

x PREFACE.

George had entered himself instead or they would have put his sous to death. It was clear therefore that for the present he could not keep his engagements; but he hoped, lie wrote, to make all his countrymen serve the King if he could once get liberty.

The cool assurance of this added fuel to the King's indignation. He marvelled at the "untrue dealing" of Angus and Sir George, as well as of the others who had experienced "inestimable benefits" at his hands; and he was bent on taking signal vengeance. Suffolk received orders at once to make two " notable raids," in the East and in the West, sparing none of the Douglases' friends, but wasting with fire and sword the lands of them and the Maxwells.1 The King also des- patched Richmond herald to Scotland with authority to demand his prisoners from the Scottish Parliament.2 But these summary proceedings were not quite so easy as he imagined. The Scottish Parliament had been porogued on the 15 December3 to the 18 February; and though Suffolk was quite ready to carry out the raids, he found reason presently to forbear one of them. Angus had sent to him his chaplain and secretary John Penven,4 or Penman as he was sometimes named, and another servant named Sandy Jerden (Alexander Jardine) with a letter of credence. Penven explained to Suffolk, much as Sir George Douglas had done, the circumstances which had driven Angus and his brother to agree with the Governor, especially as Maxwell and his son had failed them at need; but he assured Suffolk they were as whole in heart to the King as ever; and if the King would send " a main army " in March before help could reach Scotland from France or Denmark he would be master

1 No. 61. a No. 68.

1 Sef Vol. XVIII., Pt. n., No. 498 ; and in the Present Vol. No. 68.

4 An old diplomatist. See letters of his to Sir George Douglas written from France in 1686. Vol. XI., No. 916 i. ii.

PREFACE. xj

of all Scotland South of Forth and have all the Douglases and their friends with him. Penven also had a credence to bear to the King himself; and Sir George and Angus would leave Scotland and come to the King if he thought they could do better service that way. Suffolk replied that he had information quite contrary to what they told him — that all the King's party in Scotland would forsake him, and that Angus himself had told a Scotchman sent to him that " he feared he should have no more ado with England." They assured him, how- ever, that Angus was as much devoted to the King as ever. Suffolk felt that he could not detain a messenger accredited to the King, and as the Douglases still pre- ferred to be true at heart he must countermand an order to burn Sir George's property at Coldingham.1

On the 1 January the King had determined to recall Sadler, with some idea of despatching him with a message to the next Scotch Parliament if a safe conduct could be obtained.3 He conveyed to the King Suffolk's opinion as to the best modes of prosecuting a war against Scotland, if it should be decided on, in the coming year. Suffolk suggested that an invasion early in the year would be advisable, to destroy the corn then left and prevent the sowing of grain ; which would compel the Scots in the existing scarcity, before they could obtain help from France and Denmark, either to do as the King required them, or see their whole country wasted South of the Forth. But for want of grass the army could hardly enter before the 1 May ; and, till then, it would be as well to leave the Alerse alone for relief of the army when it came. An alternative plan was to lay 2,000 more men in garrisons for three months, so as to destroy everything within sixteen mile> of the Borders and stop the sowing. The Borderers would be thus driven inland beyond the Forth for food,

1 No. 58. * No. 2.

xjj PREFACE.

as even their fishing would be cut off, and they would be quite unable to invade England. In either of these cases an army of 20,000 men would be necessary; but in the first case, only for a six weeks' invasion ; in the second, during three months for defence.1 The King approved of the invasion policy, but was anxious that it should take effect if possible in March as he intended to invade France later in the year, and desired to know Suffolk's opinion whether sufficient victualling could be procured so early. He thought enough provisions could be obtained from Yorkshire, Lincolnshire and the Mid- lands ; and that even 14,000 foot and 2,000 horse, in a month or, perhaps, twenty days, could sack Edinburgh, at least the town, and burn Teviotdale and the Merse on their way home. He intended also to revoke Suffolk that he might accompany him into France, and to send Hertford to replace him on the Borders.3

Suffolk's reply, written on the 14 February, was that an invasion in March would not be possible. Necessaries for either army could not be procured within so short a time; and if it could the carriage was impracticable for reasons which he stated. Such at least was his opinion ; but if the King and Council thought otherwise he would do his best to press the matter forward.3 On the 5th the Council wrote to him that the King would send his decision in a day or two as to the main invasion, but was anxious to keep the Scots harassed by Border raids, as they desired peace only to have time to sow their corn and get aid from France and Denmark. Neither the Douglases nor others should be spared ; and if Sir George and his friends remonstrated they should be told that the King was informed that the Governor had given Coldingham anil Cockburnspath to the Humes, and although Sir George still kept possession it was necessary to overrun them that the Governor and Cardinal might think him out of credit

JNo. 69, 'No. 71, 'No. 88.

PREFACE.

Mil

with the King. On the West Borders the like sevi-rit\ was to be used. Wharton was to appoint Robert Maxwell. as hostage for his father, " a very short day to come in " according to his promise, and whether he came in or not, a great raid was to be made on his father's lands the night following. If he came it would be a punishment for his and his father's untruth ; if he did not, that alone was ample justification.1

On receipt of this two days later Suffolk wrote to the King, anticipating apparently the decision that had not yet been communicated to him as he saw the King's "earnestness" for the invasion, and submitting a plan by which it might really be done in March.3 Hut on the 9th the Council wrote again to him that the King, weighing the difficulties of the case, had adopted his alternative policy of increasing the Border garrisons by 2,000 men ; and that the King would semi 15,000 soldiers and mariners into the Firth of Forth to burn the town of Edinburgh if the castle would not yield, and also to land in Fife and waste the country to St. Andrews, while the garrisons, now 3,000 strong, should keep the Scottish Borders occupied, a rumor being raised at the same time that a " main army " was to enter Scotland by land.3 So the great blow had to be deferred, and nothing more serious was actually effected for some time than a night raid by Wharton on the West coast4 in which Annandale was completely burned and devastated, and twenty prisoners carried off across the Border, though the invaders were hotly pursued in returning.6 In the interval Suffolk sent in his estimate of the expense of an expedition of 15,000 men by sea and of 4,000 horse and 14,000 foot by land, giving his opinion at the same time that the land expedition

>No. 92. 'No. 96.

* No. 98. 4 On the 12 February, No. 110.

'Wharton considered that the expedition would have been more successful but that " all men did not their duties," No. 122.

xiv PREFACE.

was preferable. For by sea they could only burn the town of Edinburgh (the castle could not be taken) and destroy places within easy reach on either side of the Firth; and then the King would be no nearer his purpose and his friends in Scotland in worse favor than ever. But if the Earl of Hertford were sent in command of a good army by land they might be in Scotland by the 14 April and back again by the 15 May.1

The Earl of Hertford was sent Northwards as the King's lieutenant, and was with Suffolk at Darlington on the 4 March.3 Here they remained together for a few days consulting on affairs of Scotland;3 but by the 12th Hertford had reached Newcastle, where he had summoned Wharton and Sir William Eure to meet him on Monday the 17th.4 That night they duly arrived, and on Tuesday morning Hertford presented them with the King's letters patent creating them lord Wharton and lord Eure, with other patents to them and Sir Ralph Eure of the offices of Warden of the East, West and Middle Marches ; after which he laid the King's plans before them in great secrecy, and asked their advice how 4,000 horsemen could pass through Scotland to Edinburgh to join an invading force by sea. They at first considered that it might be done if they were only sure that the force sent by sea would have landed by the time they got there ; but return- ing would be very dangerous, and with all good will for the exploit they declared finally that it was not feasible. The same answer was returned by the Captain of Norham and experienced men on the East Marches. But lord Eure and Sir Ralph his son agreed to make a raid as far as Haddington, burning that and other towns on their way homewards ; while Wharton by another raid should burn Hawick, remaining two days and nights in Scotland and

1 No. 136. « No. 169. »Nos. 164, 169, 171-3, 180, 182. «Nos. 182, 190, 191.

PREFACE. xv

likewise burning the villages on his n turn. These exploits, dNtrarting the attention of the Scots, would make the landing at Lcith more easy.1

Meanwhile, notwithstanding the King's fiery indignation at the ••untrue dealing" of the Douglases, the mi- of Penven fnmi Angus had indueed him to think over matters. He had really no friends in Scotland whose friendship was not paid for; and to discard some of them who still professed loyalty, merely because they were manifest double dealers, would nowise improve his prospects. Without trusting them in the least degree — or only trusting their sense of their own interests— JXT- haps something might yet be made of them. Penvt-n had made a good impression on the King before now, and bad last year received a promise of a benefice iu England.8 Now the King took him into his own service and sent him back to his former master as a royal chaplain and no longer that of a Scotch earl, with what particular message we do not know, as indeed this journey back is only a matter of inference. Certain it is, how- ever, that Penven was at Darlington going Southwards on the 25 January3 and that he was at Douglas on the last day of February, from which place he was despatched again Southwards that day by the Earls of Angus and Glencairn, no doubt after full consideration of a message from the King. The return message this time was of urgent importance, and the two Earls particularly desired an answer before the 9 March. Henry in reply said their letter was obscure and the time too short for him to comply, but if they would despatch Penven once more to him with diligence, taking care that their enemies

1 No. 228.

1 Vol. XVIII., Pt. n., No. 849. This benefice apparently was in Winchester diocese, given him by Bishop Gardiner by the King's desire. 1 n March another benefice, in Canterbury diocese, was given him by the King himself. No. 278 (60).

• No. 68.

31715 b

xvi PREFACE.

did not catch them again at a disadvantage, and would behave "like men of honor and courage/' he assured them they should lack no reasonable assistance.1 On the •~>th Angus replied from Dalkeith that he was very anxious to assure Henry of his faithful mind, notwithstanding all that he had heard to the contrary, and he sent up l'< nveu again with a credence2 both from him and from other lords. Passing by Darlington once more on his way up, Penven informed Hertford that the purport of his message was to hasten the invasion of Scotland, the land army entering by Berwick, while a naval force pro- ceeded to Ix'ith with victuals. The lords also wished ten or twelve ships sent by the West sea to annoy Argyle, and a garrison of 2,000 or 3,000 left on the Borders to annoy the lairds of Johnstone3 and Buccleuch. The King's friends would assist if the invasion took place before the Scots obtained assistance from France.4

Now, the Scottish Parliament had met on the 18 February, only to bo prorogued to the 28 March;5 and Richmond herald still remained at Berwick awaiting the King's pleasure as to his further procedure,6 till Hertford at Darlington, learning that there was to be a meeting of Scotch lords at Stirling on the 10th, instructed him to repair thither at once and execute his charge to them.7 He accordingly went and demanded from the lords the delivery of the Scotch prisoners released upon parole; but he came back with a "slender answer."8 Penven, meanwhile, accompanied by Lennox's secretary Thomas Bishop, had delivered to the King the message of Angus and his friends.9 Four Scotch earls, Lennox, Angus, Cassillis and Glencairn, had sent them to declare in what imminent danger they were placed, as Cardinal

1 Nos. 146, 158. * No. 165.

' Hertford calls him by mistake the laird of » St. Johnston's." Of course, Johnstone of Annandale is meant.

1 No. 180. 8 No. 121. • No. 159. T No. 173.

' Nos. 22H-9. • Nos. 216, 220, 225-6,

PREF.U I

XVJl

and tin- carl of Arran were preparing forces them; and they besought the King, it >eems, to send an army for their relief.1 Such, at least, \\as Henry's own interpretation of the message, and \\e have no other. Henry intimated that it would be. \ery e\j>cn- sive and not altogether seasonable to send an army on their behalf; but he sent down Sir Robert Bowes to Lord Whartou at Carlisle with a commission to them both to make a treaty with commissioners sent from the four earls under which he would do the thing required if pledges were given that he could trust.

So there was still a King's party in Scotland — treacherous double dealers, no doubt, they might be, but there was still a King's party. How unstable it was, Henry must have been well aware; but even past experience, perhaps, did not lead him to expect that the snowball would begin to melt immediately in his hands. Within three weeks, however, he found it necessary to revise very materially the instructions to AVharton and Bowes, owing to the fact that Angus had so fully committed himself to Arran and the Cardinal that negotiation with him was quite out of the question. Yet not very long after he had drawn up new instructions for negotiating with the other three noblemen, I/-iiii(»\. Glencairn and Cassillis, he found that Cassillis also had gone over to the Governor and the Cardinal ; and discouraging as were these repented defections, he drew up a third set of instructions to negotiate with Lennox and Glencaini only, hoping for greater constancy in them.*

The " slipperiness " of Angus had become manifest at the very beginning of April, though at first the Privy Council thought it might be well hushed up.3 On MOT 31 March he seems to have paid a visit to Hamilton, where Lord Maxwell presented him to the Governor, and he returned next day to Douglas. On Thursday following (3 April) he and Maxwell and some of the Douglases were

1 No. 248(2).

• No. 887 (1, 2).

No*. 285, 292.

xviii PREFACE.

arresti-d. evidently by their own consent, and Sir George Douglas shortly afterwards. The Master of Morton, Sir George's son, was quite equal to continuing his father's explanations. Maxwell, he admitted, had been taken by his own consent; but his father and Angus were suffering for what they had done in the King's behalf. Since Pen ven's coming home they had been regarded as public enemies and they were to be shipped off to France in the Lyon, or else have their heads struck off.1 Duplicity could hardly go further. But the Master of Morton was in his own house of Dalkeith which he said he was pretty sure he could keep as well as Tantallon to the King's use; he hoped for the King's help, however, if he was besieged, the Governor being now engaged in besieging Glasgow, which Lennox kept. The hint was not lost; and Hertford replied to him sympathetically. He regretted that his father and Angus were in trouble by the perfidy of Maxwell, but was glad he was determined to avenge it. He must be on his guard, however, against being entrapped like the rest, and he need not doubt that the King would aid him. If Angus and Sir George were sent to France in the Lyon with the French Ambassador and Grimani, the King's ships would intercept them.3 It was needful to do everything to keep the King's remaining friends in Scotland together.3

We need not trouble the reader with the Master of Morton's answer and the further communication with him. The great aim of Hertford was to get him to deliver Tantallon Castle into the hands of the English, which he and Alexander Jardine, the keeper, declared themselves perfectly ready to do. But of course there was a very considerable difference between promising and performing.4 The King knew that nothing was to be expected from the Douglases, and the defection of Angus had, as his Privy Council wrote to Hertford, compelled him to alter his 1 Nos. 294, 297, 299. ~ * No. 306^ • No. 810.

4Nos. 248(4), 820, 826, 882, -4,

!•};! i .\( i.. X1X

plans for the subjugation of Scotland. IMore Hertford left for the North he had intended to have Leith fortified and just afterwards he had planned with Lisle, the Lord Admiral, how to fortify the Calton Hill also; which places he had hoped to keep with the help of Angus while later on lie proceeded to the invasion of France. But now he was afraid they might be recovered by the enemy, to his serious detriment when he should have a better op]xirtuiiity to invade, as he intended to do next year. He therefore instructed Hertford to forbear from fortifying those places, and merely burn the town of Edinburgh, '"beat down" the castle, sack Holy rood palace, sack, burn and destroy Lcith and all the towns and villages round about, " putting man, woman and child to tire and sword " wherever resistance was made; then passing over to Fife, do a like work of destruction there, not forgetting to turn upside- down the Cardinal's town of St. Andrews, so that " the upper stone might be the nether, and not one stick stand by another," sparing no creature alive, and if there were any chance of winning the castle to ra/e and destroy it piece- meal. A month spent in these operations while the Wardens committed like havock on the Marches and especially, if |>ossible, destroyed Jcdburgh, would be most "to his Majesty's honor," the army's surety and the saving of excuse. !

These grim instructions issued on the 10 April were received h\ Hertford at Newcastle on the 12th; and though he felt bound to carry them out as far as practicable, he did not think them ]>olitic. Leith he believed could \tc fortilied, and being the chief port of Scotland, on which Mdinbur^h depended for supplies, the keeping of it would force the capital and all the country round to yield. This would also encourage Lennox to come in, as he knew the French could not trust him and "the title of Scotland" would prevent his agreeing with the Governor ; so that he

1 No. 811. Sft the full text in Hamilton Papers, II., No. 807.

xx PREFACE.

would have to yield to the King the strong fortress of Dumbarton, which together with Leith would give him the command of the whole country South of Forth. Of the order to beat down Edinbugh Castle Hertford probably had his opinion, though he did not express it; but as to the demolition of St. Andrews he ventured to point out the difficulties, as it would involve a long march with ordnance by land, while by sea it was not clear that a landing could be effected.1

After a night's thinking over the order about Leith he was no better satisfied. Last year when the King's ships were in the Firth the Scots were afraid that they carried timber to make a bulwark on Inchkeith of which they would cover the walls with turf; and if this had been done, as he learned from good authorities, it would have been the undoing of Edinburgh, as no ships could have come into Leith, or hindered the victualling of it when it was in English hands.2 His remons- trance, however, on being carefully considered by the Council, was overruled and the fortification of Leith forbidden.8 Meanwhile he awaited at Newcastle the arrival of Lisle, the lord Admiral, with the fleet which was to convey the army into Scotland. The lord Admiral had taken leave of the King on the 20 March and sailed for Harwich next day.4 A few days later he lay "in the Wands " without Harwich,5 but was stayed for some weeks afterwards, no doubt for lack of favourable wind, and he only reached Shields on the 20 April. Hertford then at once prepared to embark the troops, but they were still detained till the 30th before they got a wind to take them out of the Tyne.13

The Government of Scotland was taken unprepared. On Saturday morning, 3 May, the people of Edinburgh

1 Xo. 319. •> No. 327. « Nos. 848, 887.

» No. 2»0. No. 21!). Nog. ::(•(!. 1:-J2. 151.

beheld a great fleet arriving in the Firth of Forth.1 That afternoon the ships lay before Inchkeith, and on the morning of Sunday the 4th at 9 o'clock the ami} landed without opposition at Granton.' Marching towards Ix'ith they found 6,000 Scots horse and foot prepared to dispute their passage, drawn up along a brook betwn n Leith and Edinburgh with ordnance "laid in two straits.' The (fovernor and Cardinal were present. But after half an hour's lighting the Scots gave way and the Governor and Cardinal fled. At another passage, just before the town of Leith there was further resistance with some pieces of artillery; but these were soon silenced. The English occupied the town for two nights unmolested, the soldiers and mariners taking booty to the value of £10,000 (worth £100,000 in our day). In the harbour, too. were two princely ships, the Salamander and the Unicorn, which were seized to the King's use and laden with cannon shot. But what a town it would be to keep! Hertford again sorely regretted his instruc- tions. It was equal to Antwerp or Dieppe as a port ; and it could be made very strong. None of the neighbouring heights could command .it with the artillery of those days, and all the country would be glad to be the King's subjects.8 After the occujiation of Ix^ith on Sunday night, Hertford received a message by a herald from the provost and burgesses of Edinburgh, who next morning came offering, if protected against the power of Scotland, to submit and have the treaties accomplished. Hertford told them that he was sent to revenge the untruth of the nation and he intended to have their town and castle to use as he thought lit. putting all

unx's Hist, of the Reformation, 1. 119. Kiio\ *iys tlif.v cnim- "without knowledge of any man in Scotland, we ineane of such U should haif had the care of the milim-." Does this mean that there were some Scotchmen who were in the secret ?

'Nos. 168, 104,588. »"-• IM

XX11

who would resist to fire and sword. The provost replied that in that case they would defend themselves; but if Hertford declared what terms he would accept, they would deliberate about opening their gates to him. Hertford said he would make no conditions, but, as the ordnance was not yet landed and the army could not march till next day (Tuesday), he gave them till 7 o'clock in the evening to make up their minds.1

That Monday the English ships came into Leith harbour and unloaded . On Wednesday the 7th Hertford, leaving lord Stourton in Leith with 1,500 men, advanced towards Edinburgh. He was met by a herald and trumpet from the provost and town council, who offered to deliver the keys of the town if the lives and goods of the inhabitants were spared and the town saved from fire. Hertford said he took their former answer as final— that unless he offered terms they would resist, and asked if they would deliver the castle. The herald replied that the castle was out of their power, but they would deliver the town. Hertford then sent him back with a message that if they would turn man, woman and child into the fields and come out to meet him he would do as he found cause. As Hertford came nearer the Provost sent to desire his favor, saying the town should be yielded without resistance. Hertford said, as they were desirous of its security, they must deliver him the keys. But while he was expecting the surrender the inhabitants of one or two houses in the suburbs raised fire and smoke and the town prepared to resist. On this he sent forward Ixml Lisle and the vanguard, who, entering by the suburbs, attacked the Canongate before Sir Christopher Morice, master of the ordnance, had time to dr,i# his artillery up the steep incline to batter the iron gate. This, of course, was ill advised, and though the Scotch gunners, who defended the gate, were beaten

•No. 472.

PR' xxiii

off then- was some contusion, in which I /ml William Howard was wounded in the cheek by an arrow from OIK- of his own side. But while tin- archers ami gunner* shot at the battlements of the gate, so that defen<l< is durst not show themselves, a cannon was brought hard up to the gate itself and blew it open. The way was then cleared and cannon were carried right up through the to\\n. The hardy gunners even ventured, against orders, to attack the Castle, which replied with damaging effect, dismounting one of their pieces. The attack \\;is foolhardy; the gunners were ordered to withdraw after blowing up the disabled gun. Further attempts on the Castle were hopeless; but it was determined utterly to destroy the town. Fire was set to it in two or three places, and the burning was continued next day and two da\s following.1

On the 8th the Wardens of the East and Middle- Marches with 4,000 horse arrived by land in aid of the expedition. On the 9th Hertford again attacked Edinburgh, which had chosen a new provost and repaired the principal "port" of the town with stone and earth. The assault was quickly delivered, the gate forced open with artillery, and the town won anew. The work was very thoroughly done. Even Holyrood Abbey was pretty well burned, though the exploit was more dangerous than was expected owing to the shot from the castle. A detachment, moreover, was sent over to Fife which burnt Kinghorn and the neighbouring villages.8 By the 15th Hertford and Lisle were able to reix)i-t that they had devastated the whole country to within six 111 ilrs «»f Stirling, and they would bum l/rilli next da\ . The enemy, they said, would never recover from the mischief done, nor be able to gather any power that year, whatever aid came from France or Denmark; and so, attn burning Leith, they proj>oscd to march homeward.3 On the route they of course continued the same practices.

1 Nos. Ib8, 588. • Nos. 188, 688, 584. ' No. 510.

xxiv PREFACE.

They burned Musselburgh, Preston, Seton, Haddington, Dunbar, and as many other peels, houses and villages as they could reach. One ineffectual effort was made to stop them on the 17th at a narrow pass by lords Hume, Seton and Bothwell, with the power of the Merse and Teviot- dale. But the resolute advance of the English, as soon as a mist which had separated the armies had dispersed, almost immediately caused the enemy to withdraw, and the invaders reached Berwick on the following night.1

Many further details of the campaign will be found in the documents. But I must not pass over the fact that the arrival of Hertford and Lisle and the attack on Edinburgh led to the liberation of Angus and his brother, and with them of lord Maxwell, who had allowed himself to be taken prisoner by the Scottish government, and lord Gray, another of the Solway prisoners put in confinement in Scotland. Sir George Douglas himself came to Hertford on Sunday, 11 May, telling him that but for the arrival of the English he and his brother would have lost their heads. They had been delivered in the hope that they would show themselves good Scotsmen in defence of their country like their ancestors ; but Sir George said he would be at the King's commands, as he trusted his brother also would be.2 In the course of their interviews Hertford did not fail to remind him of the Master of Morton's promise relative to the delivery of Tantallou Castle to the King. But this occasioned no difficulty. Tantallou, Sir George said, belonged to his brother who, he believed, would not stick at it and he would get his brother to visit Hertford in the camp. Angus himself, however, had written in the meanwhile to Hertford that all he had was at the King's command, who, he hoped, would consider his house quite as ready to do him service as any other man's.3 This answer Hertford took at its true value, and he would willingly ' - - t -

'Nos. 581, 688. ,<>. 510. ; Nos. oil. -HO.