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FIFTY-SECOND VOLUME.

THE LIFE OF MARY WARD.

IN TWO VOLUMES.

VOL. II.

[ALL RIGHTS OF TRANSLATION AND REPRODUCTION ARE RESERVED.]

ROEHAMPTON : PRINTBD BY JAMES STANLEY.

EriffTxived from the. onginal oilpainting in the Paradeiscr' Haus, (the first Convent of the Institute of the Blessed Viiy in Mary in Munich.) noTv in the possession of the JSluns of the Institute at Altottinff, Bavaria .

THE LIFE OF MARY WARD

(1585— 1645)

MARY CATHARINE ELIZABETH CHAMBERS

OF THE INSTITUTE OF THE BLESSED VIRGIN.

EDITED

BY

HENRY JAMES COLERIDGE

OF THE SOCIETY OF JESUS

VOLUME THE SECOND

LONDON

BURNS AND GATES

GRANVILLE MANSIONS W. 1885

C3

INTRODUCTION.

The long delay which has intervened between the publication of the first volume of this work, and the completion which is now offered to the reader, has been occasioned by a variety of causes, and has not been altogether unfruitful and without its advantages. It has enabled the writer to avail herself of some very interesting documents which have come to light in Rome and elsewhere since the first volume was finished. But I regret to say that it is quite clear that many more documents of importance must b6 in existence of which we are not yet possessors, and' that a far longer delay would have been necessary, if it had been possible to wait for the full elucida- tion of many points of the history which must now be left in some obscurity. But it seems better to finish the work while it can be finished, than to postpone the remainder indefinitely. The archives at Rome are slow in yielding their treasures, and it is out of the power either of the Author or the Editor of these volumes to accelerate the process. Nor is it at all certain that the documents which might help us

vi Introduction.

most as to the difficulties in the history ought not to be sought for elsewhere than at Rome.

Much, however, has been done ; enough, it is hoped, to attain the main object of this work. For the main object, which has been kept steadily in view, has not been the accomplishment of a perfect his- torical account of all that relates to Mary Ward, much less of all that relates to the history of the Insti- tute which she began with so much zeal, carried on with so much energy and perseverance, to see it crushed, or almost crushed, by an act of the Supreme Power in the Church, to which she submitted with full loyalty, and which was not recalled, as far as it was recalled, till long after her death. Such a history would require a far longer work and far more copious resources than have been at our command. The work before the reader is the life of Mary Ward rather than the history of her Institute, and in this respect it may perhaps claim sufficient completeness.

Mary was one of those distinguished servants of the Church who have had to show their loyalty to her in the most beautifully conclusive way, by submitting to her proscriptions, and sacrificing thereto, like the hero of old, what was dear to them as their own flesh and blood. Such services are among the most heroic that can be made by the children of the Church. They give the opportunity for the display of the highest devotion, and we cannot doubt that they

Introduction. vii

are rewarded in proportion to their merit. I am much mistaken if these volumes do not leave on the mind of the reader a very definite and well- drawn image of the character of this most interest- ing English lady, and if they do not attract to her the admiration and the veneration of modern Catholics among us. This is the great object of the work, to give a true history of Mary Ward. And if this is done, other matters, relating to her peculiar work and its fortunes, may be allowed to wait for the time when it may be more possible to treat them with all fulness.

At the same time, it would not be true to say that the history itself of the action of authority, both in regard to Mary Ward and in regard of her Institute, is not sufficiently explained in the pre- sent volumes. There are some pages of the present history over which no one would willingly linger, but these pages do not relate to the action of the Rulers of the Church, except very indirectly. A larger supply of documents might lead to many personal revelations. It could not well alter, except in one point, of which I shall speak presently, any main feature of the history. We know quite enough to understand the action of the Holy See, and we can see how that action, at the time, was necessary and inevitable. And we can see also in the subsequent history the reward of the patient

viii Introduction.

submission to authority of those whom it struck most severely and in the tenderest point. It is no wonder to us to find that, in the days in which we live, the work originally begun by Mary Ward has grown into one of the fairest and noblest orna- ments of the Church, under the sheltering hand and protection of the Supreme Pontiff himself This happy issue will not seem a strange result of the life and character of Mary Ward. On the contrary, it will seem a natural result in the order of His Government, Whose word tells us that they who sow in tears shall reap in joy. This principle is never more certain of illustration than in the case of those who trust themselves to His Providence, when some great work of zeal and devotion has to be sacrificed either to charity or to obedience.

Whatever may be thought of the prudence of the steps taken by the English Virgins in their attempt to obtain for their Institute the full recognition of the Supreme authority, there can be no doubt about Mary's thorough loyalty and honesty, her singleness of heart, her tenacity of purpose, her courage and her humility. These are qualities which would not have been brought out in so marked a manner if all had gone smoothly with her and her plans in her dealings with the authorities of the Church, nor should we, under different circumstances, have had from her so bright an example of the perfect charity

Introdtiction. ix

towards opponents which is one of the invariable characteristics of saintly souls. I do not see how any one who reads this history can be surprised at the great devotion and veneration which Mary Ward inspired in those who were most familiar with her, or wonder that she should have left behind her an impression on their minds which was perpetuated in all those who succeeded to their work. The most precious instincts of charity and gratitude must be stifled, if a character and a course of suffering like hers are not to gather round them an ever-increasing halo of glory, in the minds of successive generations labouring under the same banner. It is quite clear that there was nothing of general disloyalty or rebelliousness in the veneration in which her name came to be held, even though it is also clear that the members of the Institute in some places gave but too much handle to the attacks of their opponents, when they came to accuse them of treating her as a Saint without authority.

It has already been said that the action of the Holy See, in suppressing the Institute as it existed in the state in which we find it at the opening of this volume, needs no defence. It is perfectly clear that the English Virgins could not have obtained that sanction from the Holy See which they so simply and so courageously demanded. They could not have obtained it in those days under any cir-

Introduction.

cumstances, and they most certainly could not have obtained it under the peculiar circumstances of Catholicism in England at that period. The narra- tive before us also shows that we have but a very partial and incomplete account of the actual state of the Institute itself immediately before its suppres- sion. We read of the doings and aims of Mary Ward herself, of the state of the houses in Rome and Naples, of the favour with which she met in Bavaria, and the like. This is not nearly all that must have been before the eyes of the Holy See at the time. We hear hardly anything of what was going on in England itself at this time, and we are told very little of the state of things in the other parts of Europe' where the Institute had been ori- ginally founded, and where, under the extremely trying conditions under which the work had to be carried on, there is certainly abundant reason for fearing that disorder had begun, and might speedily become normal. Our want of information as to the state of things in England furnishes a peremptory answer to any complaints that may rise in the minds of the admirers of these religious Ladies. For it cannot be doubted that the chief cause of the suppression is to be found in the hostility to the Institute which was evinced by the English clergy.

The final suppression by Urban VIII. was brought on, against the original plan of the authorities at

Introduction. xi

Rome, who wished to proceed in another way, by- troubles in the houses in Flanders to which Mary Ward was a stranger. But the burthen which she contemplated taking up was too great for her shoulders. It is no light task, even in the pre- sent day, when the means of communication are so much greater, for a lady in Mary Ward's posi- tion to govern a number of convents of religious women in different parts of Europe, even though she resides at Rome, and has no external difficulties to contend with. There is great reason for thinking that no one in Mary Ward's days and in her posi- tion could have been equal to such a work. And there seems to have been among these English ladies a very great inclination to a mode of action which has often ruined the most promising Institutes. I mean that the rapid multiplication of houses wher- ever occasion offered itself, without a due regard either to the careful formation of the subjects by whom they were to be filled, or for the securing of due supervision on the part of superiors. If any Institutes, among the many which exist in the Church, are more likely than others to be ruined by such imprudence, they must certainly be those which are formed on the model and in the spirit of the Society of Jesus.

The reader of this volume will be disappointed to find that the sources of information now and then

xii Introduction.

fail us, just at times when we should be glad to have it, and that we are thus left without light which might enable us to see more clearly how the ques- tion of the sanction or the prohibition of the pro- posed Institute presented itself to the Holy See. But it is quite sufficiently clear that many and consi- derable disorders were already rife. We are obliged to follow in these pages the footsteps of Mary Ward herself, and we do not find much to help us as to the state of the Institute at a distance, while she was urging its cause at Rome. We see enough to make us fear that there were many dangers already in course of development. All these things, as has been said, must have come in some measure before the eyes of the Holy See, already directed to the Institute both by the supplications of its promoters and the strong remonstrances of its adversaries, and it is not surprising that such a state of things should have hastened on a decision already inevit- able.

Another thing which must have made it impera- tive on the Holy See to make an immediate, choice between suppression and sanction was the develop- ment of the Institute in Bavaria and Austria in the last years before the final blow. We find in the present volume a very prudent letter of advice written by Mary Ward's great friend, the famous Father John Gerard, in which he urges the Ladies

Introduction. xiii

of the Institute not to be so much in a hurry to accept new houses. Both in Bavaria and in Austria the Ladies had the warm support of the Catholic Sovereigns, the most valued sons of the Holy See, and it might well have seemed essential to the rulers at Rome to prevent the further advance of what they could not positively approve, though up to that time it had been tacitly tolerated. As we read the pages of this volume we are more and more con- vinced of the absolute singleness of purpose of Mary herself and of all those immediately around her. But the Holy See has often to oppose strongly the designs and acts of persons of the utmost purity of intention. And in the matter of the development of her Institute at that particular time, Mary may well be thought, even by those who admire her character most sincerely, to have acted with an over-sanguine precipitancy.

In truth, all through the history of the present volume we miss the presence of some prudent counsel- lor, acquainted with the state of affairs at Rome and with the manner of proceeding of the Holy See, to guide the adventurous spirits of Mary and her com- panions in their bold plan of introducing what would have been very little short of a female Society of Jesus. It is only fair to add that Mary herself and those around her never seem to have given tangible ground for the charges made against them of usurp-

xiv Introduction.

ing any part of the priestly or Apostolic office ; but their refusal to accept the law of enclosure which had so lately been strongly insisted on by Pius V. may have given ground to an impression that many, at least, of these Ladies were desirous of being free to go wherever they might think it well to go, and to do whatever their zeal for souls might suggest. This might seem very dangerous and intrusive. Putting aside such excesses, the work which they aimed at doing is being done at the present day by thousands of religious women all over the Church, and it would be little short of calumnious to speak of these in the manner in which some of her opponents spoke and wrote of Mary Ward and her friends. Such was the misery of those sad times. Many of the children of the Church, especially in England, had not only the burthen of having to fight a terrible battle against perse- cution and tyranny of the worst kind. They wasted much of the vigour and strength which were so much needed for the conflict, in domestic quarrels. Under such circumstances it must often happen that the rulers of the Church may have to refuse their sanction to what is violently opposed, simply because the violence of the opposition is enough to put a bar to success. When the kind of action which is thus prevented is in itself liable to the suspicion of novelty, and likely to be accompanied by much

Introduction. xv

danger and risk, the sanction may be withheld on this ground also. But it need not then be supposed that the charges so freely made have been accepted as true. To grant to the English Virgins all that they asked would have been, in any case, very hazar- dous, and to refuse to sanction what is hazardous may often be not only prudent, but necessary.

It is perhaps hardly possible to close this short Introduction without some reference to what those familiar with this subject know to be a considerable difficulty to the Catholic historian of the Institute of the English Virgins, in consequence of the language of a famous Bull of Benedict XIV. I might, in- deed, justly say, that the Life of Mary Ward might be left to itself, without entering on questions raised concerning her, and raised only incidentally, more than a century after her happy death. But it is better to say here a few words on this subject for two reasons. In the first place, it might appear disrespectful to the memory and authority of so great a Pontiff as Benedict XIV. to pass over in silence his reflections on Mary Ward and her case. But in the second place, it also appears that the narrative given in the present volume goes very far indeed to explain those reflec- tions. In the year 1749 Benedict XIV. issued a famous Bull,* which has always been highly valued in the Church, on account of the legislation which it * The Bull Qtiamvis justo^ April 30, 1749.

xvi Introduction.

contains as to the relation between Bishops and the Superiors of such Institutes as the Institute of Mary. Into the merits of the question between the Bishop of Augsburg and the Convent of Mindelheim, no one would now care to enter. The discussion of the ques- tion brought up incidentally the proceedings at Rome concerning Mary Ward, and some documents there were consulted by order of the Pope. Thus it is that we have, in the first part of this Bull, a narrative of the circumstances, based on a consultation of these documents, and apparently on this alone. I think, when all things are fairly considered, it will be found that the discrepancy between the story of Mary Ward as sketched in the Bull, and as written in the follow- ing pages is not great, even to outward appearance, and that the circumstances encourage us to suppose that, did we know more, the difference would entirely vanish. If this is so, a considerable historical difficulty will have been removed.

In the first place, it must be remembered that Benedict XIV. simply gives the story as far as it could be found in the Archives of the Roman Congre- gations, by persons who only consulted those archives for a particular purpose, a century and more after the occurrences to which they referred. It was one of the characteristics of the conduct of Mary Ward, that she never defended herself against personal charges. In consequence of this fact, it is not at

Introduction. xvii

all probable that the archives consulted by the order of Benedict XIV. contained any documents at all on her side. In this, Mary Ward acted on a principle diametrically in contradiction to that which guided St. Ignatius, who, time after time, when accusations were made against him and the Society, insisted on a juridical investigation and a definite decision, notwithstanding the readi- ness of the accusers to withdraw their charges. Mary Ward acted on a principle of noble humility, St. Ignatius on one of supreme prudence. Thus the archives contained the unanswered accusations made against the English Ladies by the agents of the English clergy. They contained records of the formal acts of the Congregations in her regard. But they could not possibly contain many documents which might have made the previous history completely intelligible. For instance, Bene- dict XIV. says nothing of the encouraging letter of Cardinal Lancelotti in the time of Paul V., on which it was that the hopes of the English Virgins were built, and justly built. This letter, and the consent of the Ordinaries in the places where houses were opened, gave them the toleration on which they acted. But the Bull of Pope Benedict only says that Mary Ward had opened houses at St. Omer, at Liege, Treves, Cologne, and elsewhere, " as may be believed, for a good purpose," and that she came to Rome

xviii Introduction.

to solicit the confirmation of her Institute under Gregory XV. The letter of Cardinal Lancelotti was not such a document as could find a place in the archives consulted under Benedict XIV.

There can be no doubt, on the simplest historical grounds, that everything that is recorded in the Bull before us is based on the documents consulted. But the documents consulted would not mention any of the facts of the case for which no formal record was required. Thus the opening of the house and schools in Rome, which are shown in the present volume to have been tolerated, on Mary's own request, that the Institute might be seen at work, and which were afterwards closed, is alluded to m the Bull as something clandestine. It was no doubt both unauthorized, and also tacitly permitted by the highest authorities. Thus, when suppressed, the house might be spoken of as something that had been opened " clam." But the experiment was in fact made under the vigilant eyes of Cardinal Mellino. There would be no record of this in the archives, and thus, when the schools were closed, it might be said that they had never been acknowledged or never permitted. This would be true technically. But the statement would not be fairly understood, if it was taken as conveying any censure on those who had made the experiment, as if they had endeavoured to elude the supervision of authority. As soon as

Introdtiction. xix

the facts stated in the present volume concerning this and a certain number of other houses are under- stood, it becomes clear how we are to understand the word " clam." This is an instance of the manner in which the statements in the Bull are to be com- mented on and explained by the narrative here given. But it would be impossible, in the limits of this Intro- duction, to make a complete commentary of this kind.

The account of Mary Ward and her proceedings given . in the Bull of which I speak, may be summed up as follows. She is said to have come to Rome in 162 1, for the purpose of obtaining the confirmation of her Institute. In 1624, it is said, the Procurator of the English Clergy made formal and grave com- plaints to the Congregation of the Propaganda, on account of the detriment caused to the missions in England by the manner of living of these Ladies, and in consequence of these remonstrances the Institute was submitted for examination to Cardinal MeUino. In 1628, Cardinal Klessel, the Bishop of Vienna, is said to have complained to the same Con- gregation of the opening of a house of these Ladies in his city without any consultation with him, and to have asked what was to be done. Besides impru- dence in spreading too fast, they seem to have neglected to obtain the leave of the Ordinary, which was then necessary even for exempt Religious. Ac-

XX Introduction.

cordingly, in that year a Congregation was held, and it was ordered that the Apostohc Nuncios in various parts should be instructed to suppress all these houses. At the same time the General of the Society of Jesus was ordered to forbid his subjects to take any part in the direction of these communities. This order was given, it is said, because the English Virgins made a boast of being under the direction of the Fathers of the Society, whereas, as the archives here quoted say, St. Ignatius, in the well-known case of Isabella Rosella, obtained from the Pope an order that the members of his Society should be for ever freed from the charge of the direction of religious women.

I may pause here to remark that the impression given in the present volume as to the attitude of the General and authorities of the Society towards Mary Ward and her companions is, that they treated her and hers with great personal kindness, but at the same time, with marked reserve and coldness as to her plans. It is clear that it was a common topic among the adversaries of Mary Ward in the ranks of the English Clergy, that they were at least secretly supported by some of the Fathers of the Society. Here again we are without any full information as to the facts of the case in England, where it is quite certain, at least, that the authorities of the Society thought it worth while to issue stringent orders

Introduction. xxi

against anything that might bear the appearance of a justification of the charge. It is also certain that Mary Ward herself considered the authorities of the Society as hostile to her. It may be considered as showing the strong influence of the enemies of Mary Ward, who were, at the same time, unfriendly to the Society, that an order such as that here mentioned should have been given to the Father General. Another proof of the same influence is the use of the name " Jesuitesses" in the Bull of Suppres- sion, a name which the ladies in question never assumed.

To proceed with the account given in the Bull of Pope Benedict. In 1629, we are told, some of the houses of the Institute were suppressed by the efforts of the Nuncios at St. Omer, Liege, and Cologne. When the Nuncio at Cologne attempted to suppress the house at Treves, there appeared a "certain woman named Campian" — this is our friend Winefrid Wig- more — " calling herself a Visitor of the Institute in question, and armed with letters patent from the pretended Superior General, Mary Ward, who op- posed with great force and contention the efforts of the Nuncio. For Mary, being still at Rome, as soon as she understood the purport of the Pontifical com- mands, determined to hinder their taking effect to the utmost of her power, and sent Encyclical letters to her subjects everywhere telling them not to obey.

xxii Introduction.

This made the Papal Nuncio at Cologne desist from his attempt."

It seems, moreover, from this account, that it was this difficulty at Treves that brought about the final Suppression by means of the Bull of Urban VIII. The Nuncio at Cologne wrote to Rome, and at the same time Cardinal Klessel continued his requests for instructions as to the house at Vienna. The Bull tells us that houses had already been suppressed at Bologna, Fossombrone, and Rome, after having been constituted " clam." The word " clam " has been already explained. The history contained in the present volume makes no mention of a house at Bologna. Perhaps it is a clerical error for Perugia. Nor can I trace the other name, but as Naples is not mentioned, and as the house there was suppressed in 1629, it is probable that that house is meant. The Archives at Rome would have no official docu- ments concerning what was done at a distance, and all through this statement we find the most perfect substantial accuracy, accompanied by great vagueness as to such details and large omissions. Benedict XIV. proceeds to say that a new Congregation was now held by the Holy Office, from which ultimately emanated the Letters of Urban VIII. suppressing the Institute. Over this we need not linger. The paragraph ends by saying that orders were given for the imprisonment of Mary Ward and the afore-

Introduction. xxiii

said Campian. It says that Mary had in the mean- time gone to Belgium. This must be a mistake for Campian, or Winefrid Wigmore. Mary was not in Belgium at all at this time, though when she left Rome, it may have been understood that she intended going to that country.

We must here very largely supplement the state- ments drawn from the archives of the Congregation, which, as has been already said, could not possibly contain the details of Mary Ward's movements and proceedings at a distance from Rome. It must also be remembered, that the account given in the Bull of Pope Benedict is only a summary of what the archives contained, made a century and more after the events. Such a summary, drawn up by persons to whom the subject-matter of the documents was not familiar, would almost certainly miss some im- portant details and give prominence to others not so important. Mary Ward, after founding her houses in Bavaria and Austria with great promise of success, on account of the very favourable manner in which she had been welcomed by the Elector and the Emperor, had gone to Rome in 1629 to plead the cause of her Institute for the last time before a tribunal of Cardinals specially nominated by the Pope, from whom she always received the greatest personal kindness. (An account of this audience will be found in c. i. of Book vii. pp. 290 seq.). It was

xxiv Introduction.

then that she found, as we are told, that if she would abandon two points in her Institute which she deemed essential, the government by one Head, directly subject to the Pope, and the non-enclosure, she might have obtained the sanction which she sought. But on both of these points she would make no concession. It was now, if ever, that Mary wrote the letters mentioned in a preceding paragraph, enjoining on her subjects not to obey the decrees already issued, emanating from the Congregation held in 1628. But I shall return, presently, to the subject of these letters.

Unfortunately, the exact date of this last audience of Mary Ward is not given. After a short interval she' again left Rome and returned by Venice to Munich. In the meanwhile great troubles had occurred in the houses in Flanders. The account given of these is that many of the Sisters and some of the Superiors were for making terms for them- selves with the authorities, abandoning Mary Ward, and setting up, as it seems, an Institute of their own. On this Mary sent Winefrid Wigmore to Liege as her representative, to endeavour to calm the storm, and it may seem a not unreasonable conjecture that the letters which are spoken of in the Bull of Bene- dict as having been intended to combat the execution of the order of dissolution, may have been letters ■conveyed by Winefrid exhorting the subjects in ques-

Introduction. xxv

tion to remain faithful to their Institute. Of this, however, presently. We are left almost entirely to conjecture and reasoning on this matter, as no letters are forthcoming, and these proceedings at Liege are veiled in much obscurity.

It is, at least, certain, that Mary did not go to Belgium at this time. She went to Vienna, with the view of there awaiting in tranquillity and resig- nation the final decree of the Holy See, which she anticipated. It was there that she met for the last time her saintly friend and adviser, Father Domenico di Gesu, who died February i6, 1630. It was there, in the course of 1630, that she heard of the rumour that the Suppression was decided on, and that she herself was to be dealt with as a heretic. It was on the receipt of the rumour, as it appears — and it was as yet no more than a rumour — that she wrote the letter to Cardinal Borghese, who had before be- friended her, mentioned in p. 329, and the touching memorial to Urban himself, printed in p. 330. But she did more than this. For, knowing that at Vienna, the Emperor would probably interfere to hinder the execution of any decree against herself, she volun- tarily left that city and went to Munich. The Bavarian Elector was, as she knew, too scrupulously conscien- tious to think of opposing any obstacle to the will of the Pope. The Letters of Suppression were signed by Urban on the following January 13th, and they

xxvi Introduction.

reached Munich soon after. Mary Ward was "im- prisoned" on February 7, 163^. Before the Bull arrived at Munich, she had already anticipated it by issuing circulars to all the houses urging in the strongest way the absolute and perfect submission to its commands. The proof of this anticipation of the order of the Pope is contained, among other sources, in the second letter which she wrote from her prison on the lOth of February, in which she mentions the issue of the former circulars. There is no doubt at all as to these facts.

It must be added that, whatever may be thought about the former letters of which the Bull speaks as having been issued by Mary Ward, the facts about the circulars of which we now speak are confirmed by Benedict XIV. His Bull entirely omits the whole story of the detention of Mary Ward in the Anger Convent, and her liberation by the order of the Pope. Indeed, the archives at Rome could hardly be ex- pected to contain anything of this kind. All the proceedings were conducted at a distance from Rome. The narrative in the Bull supposes Mary to have gone to Belgium, and it is quite possible, as will be seen by the readers of this history, that when she left Rome she had intended to go thither. As a matter of fact, she never went further than Munich.

The Bull adds that she and Winefrid were brought to Rome, and kept there at the expense of the Pope

Introduction. xxvii

in libera ciistodia. There is nothing here inconsistent with the narrative in this volume, although nothing is said about the kindness shown by Urban VIII. to Mary except that she and her companion were " received with clemency." Again, it is said that, as it turned out that as Mary had revoked tempestive the letters which she had written by sending others, and that as Winefrid had rather been carried away by womanly levity and impetuosity than erred through malice, they were allowed to live together, their method of life was carefully examined, and, as it is implied, not disapproved. It is added that Mary Ward, after having tried in vain the baths of San Cassiano, with leave of the Holy Congregation, was allowed to leave Italy for Liege cum sito comitatu, as having on former occasions found the air there beneficial to her health. The words " cum siio comi- tatu " indirectly confirm the important fact, as stated in the present volume, that Mary lived in Rome with her companions in a community of their own. The readers of the following pages will find in them a great deal more than is here said of the kindness of the Pope, of his permission given to Mary to have her companions living with her as a community under his own eye, of her further journey to England, furnished with commendatory letters to Nuncios and other great people, and the like, and of her communications with Urban VIII. both before

xxviii Introduction.

and after her arrival in England. She went to that country with commendatory letters to the Queen from Cardinal Barberini. It must again be repeated, that all these things could find no place in the archives of the Holy Office or of the Propaganda, nor, if they could have been there, would they have been quoted in the very brief summary of her case given by Benedict XIV. But it may confidently be said that the full history here given is sufficiently confirmed by the words of the later Pope, and that the two stories in no way contradict one the other. They are not, in truth, two stories, but different parts of the same story.

As far, therefore, as Mary Ward herself is con- cerned, there is but one statement in the Bull of Benedict XIV. which can be considered as casting any imputation upon her. That statement refers to the letters which she is said to have written en- couraging her subjects to resist, not the Letters of Suppression, but the orders given by the Holy See to the Nuncios to dissolve the several houses before the Suppression was publicly decreed. These orders were given, of course, before the Letters of Suppres- sion existed. They were private instructions to the Nuncios. Even these letters Mary is said to have revoked teinpestive. The proper meaning of this expression is that she recalled them in due time, not simply that she recalled them soon. And

Introduction. xxix

it may well be supposed that, when the order for her imprisonment was given, this was not known, as indeed it could not have been known, at Rome. Pope Benedict says nothing at all, of her being imprisoned " as a heretic and a schismatic." The probability seems to be that any one whose detention was ordered by the Holy Office would be imprisoned under such a title, but there is not the slightest evidence that any charge of heresy or schism was sanctioned against her. We have, on the other hand, the distinct and formal exculpation of the English Ladies from such a charge, by the Secretary of the Holy Office, given at p. 410. The letter says that Mary and her companions " have most readily obeyed what our Holy Lord commanded concerning the suppression of their Institute, to the entire satis- faction of their Eminences. . . . Also, if your Holiness should be questioned, you may affirm that in this Holy Tribunal, the English Ladies who have lived under the Institute of Donna Maria della Guardia, are not found, nor ever have been found, guilty of any failure which regards the holy and orthodox Catholic faith."

We may fairly take the short and, in some re- spects, imperfect account of the Suppression given us in the Bull of Pope Benedict as setting forth the principal motives by which the Roman authorities were guided in the action which they finally adopted.

XXX Introduction.

I gather from this Bull that it had been intended to avoid the necessity for any Bull of Suppression, by dissolving the several houses of the Institute silently. It would thus have died out, and the members might have been induced to transfer them- selves to orders recognized in the Church, or their cases might have been dealt with singly. It also appears, from the narrative of Pope Benedict, that the reason why this course of comparative indulgence was abandoned is to be found mainly in the dis- turbances at Liege. The letters of which we are now speaking, and which are said to have been written by Mary Ward before her departure from Rome, are not indeed directly stated to have been addressed to the communities in Flanders. But as they are said to have produced, or helped to produce, the effect of forcing the Nuncio at Liege to suspend his action, it is clear that they were in some way connected with these disturbances there. Those who examined the archives at Rome in the time of Pope Benedict seem to have thought that Mary herself was at Liege at this time, and even that it was there that her imprisonment took place. This is a mistake. She went to Vienna and Munich, and sent her faith- ful follower Winefrid Wigmore, as is indeed stated in the Bull before us, to represent her at Liege. Whatever was done there was in the absence of Mary, and as far as we can gather, entirely contrary

Introduction. xxxi

to her wishes and entreaties. We are confirmed in the supposition that the troubles at Liege were the final occasion of the Letters of Suppression, by the fact that that document mentions the Apostolic Nuncio in Lower Germany as having been instructed to bring about the dissolution of the houses, and as not having succeeded in the discharge of the com- mission entrusted to him.

An account of the disturbances caused by those who are called the disaffected Sisters at Liege will be found in the following pages (see pp. 313, 314). It appears that several of the members of the Insti- tute in that city had been prevailed upon to enter- tain the plan of giving up the work as it had been formed by Mary Ward, and of obtaining the Pon- tifical sanction for something different, hoping thus to avert the entire suppression with which they were threatened. It was to avert this danger that Father Gerard seems to have written his long letter or trea- tise of remonstrance, which was sent to Mary Poyntz, and by her to others. It was to avert this mischief that Mary herself sent Winefrid Wigmore to Liege, too late to prevent the division. It is of these dis- sentient members that Mary Poyntz said that "they perhaps did not fail through malice, and that they suffered great remorse of conscience." This might well be the case, as the author of this volume adds, since it would appear that, instead of averting what

xxxii Introduction.

they feared, "they gave at Rome, by their negotia- tions, and among those inimical to the Institute, the impression of seeking to oppose the action of the Nuncio in obedience to the Holy Office, bringing upon Mary the odium, and upon themselves more surely the final Bull of Suppression, as its words show." Winefrid was sent to calm the storm, not to aggravate it, but she arrived too late, as well as the letter of Father Gerard. And the Nuncio, having already desisted from his attempt to carry out the quiet suppression of the community there, had written to Rome, as we may fairly conjecture, the complaining letters on the receipt of which the Holy See acted at once. It was this, as we are informed both by the Bull of Suppression itself, and by the later Bull of Pope Benedict, which made the further and stronger action of the Holy See appear necessary. The language of the account given in the last of these two Bulls seems to suggest the idea that it is drawn from some report sent to the Holy Office from the Nuncio at Liege, and thus it confirms the supposition that some such complaint was the principal and immediate cause of the Bull of Suppression.

The whole story of these troubles at Liege, as far as we have it in the Lives of Mary Ward, is so obscure that we cannot hope to trace exactly what part it might have been supposed Mary herself had

Introduction. xxxiii

in it, in consequence of the effect of the letters which are spoken of, not in the Bull of Suppression, but in that published a century and more after the time by- Pope Benedict. All that Pope Urban says is that the Nuncio had failed in persuading the Ladies in question to give up their way of life. We know that Liege was not only the residence of the Papal Nuncio, but that its Prince-Bishop was a prelate of great dis- tinction and position, and had published a document, of which a copy is given in the present volume, in which he took the English Ladies under his special protection. There is also a document to the same purpose from the Nuncio himself This Prince- Bishop was Ferdinand of Bavaria, brother to the Elector, who was Mary's great friend. We find Ferdinand himself spoken of later on in the narra- tive as an old and trusted friend. Mary Ward went to see him on her last journey to England in 1638, and it is even thought that she then projected, with his approval, a new house for her Sisters. In any case, the Prince-Bishop was, all through, a great friend and patron.

If we ask ourselves — for we are practically reduced to conjecture on this most important point of fact — what was the purport of the letters from Mary Ward, of which the Bull of Pope Benedict speaks, the alternatives before us are not many. It may be considered as improbable in the high- c

xxxlv Introduction.

est degree, that she should have urged any open resistance to the orders emanating from Rome. Such a course would have been foolish as well as wrong, and it would also have been entirely out of keeping with her character. In the darkest mo- ments of her imprisonment at Munich, and when she thought, and when all others thought, that she was on the very brink of death, she refused, even at the risk of dying without the last sacraments, to sign a paper presented to her, in which she was made to say that, if she had ever said or done anything contrary to the faith or Holy Church she repented and was sorry for it. The reason which she gave for this refusal was that, by signing such a paper, she would be casting a slur on a great many innocent and deserving persons, of whom her words would imply that they also had been guilty of the fault spoken of It turned out, when she asked whether the Pope or the Holy Office required this signa- ture, that she was told that they did not. She wrote her own dying declaration, as she deemed it, stating positively that she "had never said or done anything, either great or small, against His Holiness, ... or the authority of Holy Church." This is not the language of one who a short time before had written letters advising open and contumacious resist- ance to direct orders of the Pope. '

What it appears possible that Alary Ward may

Introduction. xxxv

have done in the letters of which we are speaking, is this. She may, at the time when she discovered that the intention at Rome was that the dissolution of the Houses of the Institute should be carried out by the action of the Nuncios in the various countries, have written letters recommending the communities to shield themselves, as long as possible, under the protection of the Ordinaries, and thus at least delay the execution of a sentence which she might still hope finally to avert. If these letters produced any effect at all at Liege, it would be in the way of encouraging the community to shelter themselves under the authority of the Prince-Bishop, and it is, indeed, difficult to imagine any other way in which a defenceless set of religious women could have opposed any such resistance to the efforts of the Papal Nuncio for their suppression. This con- jecture seems all the more probable, as we know that the Prince-Bishop was a prelate of immense power, as he held secular as well as ecclesiastical juris- diction, and that he was also a devoted friend to Mary and her Institute.

As a matter of history, we are told that on April 30th of this same year, the Bull of Suppression was carried out by the command, not of the Papal Nuncio, but of the Prince-Bishop of Liege. It does not seem impossible that the facts may turn out to be, that Ferdinand was reluctant, in the first instance,

xxxvi Itih'oduction.

to consent to the suppression by the Nuncio, and that this may have been attributed to these letters of Mary Ward's. The lives of some of the saints contain similar instances of qualified opposition to Pontifical orders, which, after all, simply amount to what we commonly speak of as using all the forms of law to delay a dreaded sentence. I need not here go at any length into this question, as we have really no evidence, but conjecture only, as to what was the purport of these letters spoken of in the Bull of Pope Benedict as having been written by Mary Ward. It will be enough to cite an instance which occurred at Rome itself, within a few years of the date of which we are speaking, and which must have passed under the vigilant eye of Pope Benedict himself, when he filled the important office called that of the Promoter of the Faith. I quote from the memorial of Cardinal Calini, addressed to Pius VI. in 1780.

The Cardinal there says: "Two letters of St. Joseph Calasanctius are extant, inserted in the summary of the Process of his Beatification in 17 16, when Mgr. Lambertini, who afterwards became Pope, a man profoundly versed in such matters, was Pro- moter of the Faith. The servant of God, who was General at the time of the Scholcs Pics, although deprived of the exercises of that charge, wrote these letters expressly to encourage the religious to follow

Introduction. xxxvii

the Institute until the Brief [of abolition of the Institute as a religious order] should be communi- cated to them by the Bishops, because, in virtue of the Brief of Abolition issued by Innocent X., the Ordinaries of the various places were charged to communicate it to the Schools. Lambertini, with reference to these letters, made no remark im- plying suspicion that the principles of the writer were erroneous or at variance with the obedi- ence due to the decisions of the Holy See. More- over, it is stated in the Life of the Saint printed at Rome, at the printing press of St. Michele in Ripa, and written by a religious of the Scholcz Pi(^, that the holy General, then very old, foreseeing the fatal blow, despatched the Venerable Brother Humphrey of the Blessed Sacram.ent to Poland, and other northern countries where their schools were more numerous, in order to procure that the Brief should not be published in those countries, as in effect it was not" If Mary Ward had done in her letters what St. Joseph Calasanctius did, her action might have been spoken of in strong terms in the report of the Nuncio to Rome. On the other hand, if she had done more than this, we might expect to find some stronger language used in the Bull of Pope Urban, than that which is actually used. Nothing more is said than that the Nuncio had not been able to persuade the communities in

xxxviii Introduction.

question to lay aside their manner of life. Mary's own dying declaration will support this view of the case in the minds of all who honour her.

The language of the Bull of Pope Benedict XIV., of which I am speaking, is undoubtedly severe in regard to Mary Ward, and in this it differs greatly from the language of Pope Urban VIII. Pope Urban names no one at all in his Letters. But it must be remembered that Benedict had before him none of the information concerning Mary's character which we possess, and that he had to deal with a state of things which could not be otherwise than annoying to one in his position. He saw that the recent act of Clement XL, by which the Rules of the Institute of the Blessed Virgin Mary had been formally sanctioned, had been interpreted in some quarters as a reversal of the condemnation of the Institute by Urban VIII. He was told that people were using language as if the old Institute of the " Jesuitesses" had been restored. He w^as informed of what looked like a regular ailtus of Mary Ward established among the religious who claimed to descend lineally from her. All this looked like an attempt to claim that the action of Urban VIIL had been directly reversed. These were facts which a Pontiff like Bene- dict XIV. was not likely to deal with indulgently, and he did what was most natural under the cir- cumstances in insisting on the legal view of Mary's

Introduction. xxxix

case as far as that could be gathered from the archives of the Congregations.

The reader will find in the concluding book of this history, the remarks that it is thought necessary to make about the question of continuity or non- continuity between the Institute which Urban abol- ished and that the rule of which Clement approved. It is quite clear, and this is drawn out by Benedict XIV., that when the Institute of the English Virgins was sanctioned, in the degree already mentioned by Clement XL, that is, when its rules were approved, every care was taken by the petitioners for that ap- proval to keep out of sight in any public document any claim whatsoever to that continuity. As far as the petition for approval goes, the Institute originally begun by Mary Ward and her companions might have had no existence at all. The " English Virgins " are described as Noble Ladies driven from their own land by persecution, who had taken refuge in Bavaria many years before the time of the petition, who had founded a house or Conservatory in which they lived under a kind of rule, and in which they had devoted themselves to the education of girls, and other works of piety. It cannot be questioned that the petition of the Duke Elector, their protector, must have been carefully framed, so as to omit any reference to the former Institute, and thus to avoid the slightest appearance of asking the Holy See to go back on

xl Introduction.

what it had done in the time of Urban. It may have been perfectly well understood that this caution was necessary in order to gain the consent of the Holy See.

Benedict XIV. had thus no difficulty in insisting on the legal and ecclesiastical distinction between the two Institutes, and we cannot doubt that the advisers of the Elector Maximilian were prompted by the truest prudence in the wording of their request. It by no means follows that, either in Munich or at Rome, the fact was unknown, that the English Virgins were, so to say, the lineal descendants of the companions of Mary Ward, that they were in pos- session, as the present volumes sufficiently show, of a great mass of documents and traditions of the elder Institute which they considered their greatest trea- sures, and that they regarded Mary herself, though not as their recognized Foundress, at least as the " Mother " under God to whom their existence was in the first instance owing. In all this they were perfectly free, as their successors in the Institute are perfectly free. But, the moment they went beyond the historical and moral debt which they owed to her, they might seem to be calling in question the wisdom of the action of the Holy See in regard to- her and to her Institute, and from this they prudently refrained.

This prudent silence and abstention was enough

Introduction. xli

to satisfy the Holy See. The enemies of Mary had long passed away. There could be no desire, either in England or at Rome, to persecute any memory, least of all that of one who, if she had once failed in a point of conduct — a matter as to which docu- mentary evidence is very deficient — certainly, and by the acknowledgment of all, at once redeemed her mistake, one who was treated with marked favour by the very Pope who had shattered her work, one who closed, as far as man can judge, a holy and laborious life by a death precious in the sight of God. The silence which it was right to maintain in all official acts and documents concerning the connec- tion between the members of the shattered Institute of which Mary had been the authoress, and the community for which the approbation of the Holy See was at last obtained, did not impose the obli- gation of covering her memory w^ith any veil of perpetual darkness. Nor can we suppose it at all probable that, when Pope Clement approved of the Rule of the English Virgins, he was ignorant of the spiritual ancestry of the beautiful and fruitful Institute which then for the first time obtained formal recognition at the hands of the Church.

The history of the centuries which have passed since the days of Mary Ward, and especially the history of the Catholic Church in England since these days, suffice to show us that the work which

xlii Introduction.

she aimed at introducing into this country could not have flourished, in the manner and form which her sanguine mind had given to it. Her great reason for the refusal, in which she persevered to the end, of the rule of enclosure, was the hope of working among her own countrymen at a time when there could be no formally constituted convents. Yet it is certain that her design could not have been carried out, even if she had not been so strongly opposed by the clergy in England. The time had not yet come for the freedom which would have been essential for the very existence of her Institute. On the other hand, the storms and afflictions under which the Institute of the Blessed Virgin came into the world, the long night of bare or tacit toleration, the opposition, and, in a certain sense, the disgrace under which it had to force its way, may well be thought to have made it the hardy and vigorous plant which we now see it to be. In our own days it has spread all over the world, and has become one of the most useful of the Institutes which adorn the Church. The grain of wheat had to sink into the earth and die, and then it became capable of bearing much fruit Moreover, Mary fought the battle for others like herself The lines on which she strove in vain to build have been the plat- form for scores of similar undertakings. Other similar works have flourished at once, and in a few

lntroductio7i. xliii

generations have already become old and lost their first strength. If Mary Ward could have foreseen the ultimate success of her work, as it was to be, she might not indeed have laboured more devotedly or more hopefully under the terrible trials to which she was subjected, but she would at least have rejoiced and given thanks to God for the immense reward which her sufferings were to merit and at last to receive. May the work thus nurtured in the storm, and rescued or recalled from the grave, hardened and knit together by obloquy and persecution, continue to show, until the end of time, that strength of abiding life and fruitfulness which belongs to the choicest objects of the love of Heaven ! And may the children of the Institute of the Blessed Virgin learn, from the life of the devoted soul whose history is here sketched, the many lessons of humility, charity, courage, and obedience, which are necessary for all those who undertake a work like theirs !

H. J. C.

31, Farm Street, Berkeley Square. Feast of St. Anne, i88j.

CONTENTS.

Introduction

BOOK THE FIFTH.

THE INSTITUTE IN ITALY.

Chapter I.

Early Days in Rome.

1622.

Difficulties on arrival

First arrangements.

Pope Gregory XV.

Kind reception of Mary .

She lays open her plans at once

Novel position

Semi-religious dress of herself and her companions .

Surprise of the Italians .

Mary's straightforwardness .

Memorial to Gregory XV.

Prepares for another interview

The General of the Jesuits, Mutius Vitelleschi

His correspondence with Father Blount .

Prohibition as to the English Virgins

Mary's visit to the General

Statement concerning her choice of Rule .

Opinions of the General .

Life of Mary and her com- panions in Rome

13

PAGE

Friends there few . . .19 The Oblates of St. Frances . 20 Epidemic in Mary's household 21

Chapter II. Work in England. 1622. Mary's intentions for England 21 Her companions there . . 22 Frances Brookesby . . 23

Her vocation to the Institute . 24 Way of life of other members 25 Sister Dorothea . . -25 The Timperleys . . .26 Sister Dorothea's narrative . 27 Her various works of charity . 28 Excommunicated by the Pro- testants . . . .29 Change of abode . . .29 The oath of allegiance . . 30 Four conversions . . -31 Reformation of a household . 32 Taken before a Justice . . 33 Questioned and dismissed . 34 Fears discovery in London . 35 Further conversions . . 35 Mr. Palmer and Mrs. Arendall 36

Contents.

xlv

PAGE

Discussions on Mary Ward

and her Company . . 37

Defended by Lady Timperley 38

Advice given to Sister Dorothea 39

Chapter III.

" Jerusalem."

1622.

The Rev. John Bennett .

State of the Englisli Catholics

Cause of the number of Mary's opponents ....

Divisions as to the appoint- ment of a Bishop

Memorial of the English Clergy against the Jesuitesses

Charges against the Institute .

Answer to some of the charges

Modern Congregations of v^'o- men approved by the Church

Confirmation of the Institute practically impossible when first asked ....

Injurious effects of the charges

Dr. Kellison's Report

Mary's friends

Father Andrew White .

His value for the Institute

Gift of money for its further- ance

Conditions ....

"Jerusalem". . . ,

Chapter IV. The Institute on trial. 1622, 1623. State of Mary's affairs at Rome Letters of Rev. John Bennett , Impressions produced by

Mary's line of action. Memorial of English Clergy

laid before the Pope . Mary's petition to the Con- gregation of Regulars . ,

61

62

63

Reasons for petition to open

a house in Rome Difficulty of the undertaking . Petition granted Barbara Ward's illness . Mary sends for Sisters from

Liege ..... Style of her letters . Letter to Barbara Babthorpe . Teachers and plan for public

schools in Rome .

Chapter V.

A Holy Death.

1622, 1623.

Margaret Horde's narratives . Sufferings of Barbara Ward . Her virtues .... Her ardent love of God . Mary's state of feeling . Sympathy in Rome for her

and her sister . Barbara's last moments and

dying words Mary's resignation . Occurrences at Barbara's burial

Chapter VI.

A House at Naples.

1623.

Barbara Ward's estimate of

Mary's character Mary's power of winning others Cardinal Bandino . Cardinal Trescio's way of life Cardinal Gimnasio . Cardinal Zolleren . The Institute and its work

little understood in Rome Cardinal Mellino . His watchful observation of

the English Ladies . Father Gerard in Rome

64

65

66 67

68 69 69

71

72 73 73

74 75

76

17 78

79

81 82

83 84

87 87

xlvi

Cofiteiits.

Plan for extension of the In- stitute .... 90 No means of help . . 91 The authorities at Naples . 92 Mary Ward's journeys . . 93 Travelling companions and

equipage .... 94, Poverty and illness on arrival 94 A visit and its results \ . 95 The Neapolitan hotise . . 96 Troubles at Liege . . 97 Letter to Barbara Babthorpe 98 Mary leaves Winefrid Wig- more at Naples . , 99 Letter to her from Rome . 99

Chapter VIL

Two months' work in the Holy City.

1623, 1624.

Death of Gregory XV. . . loi

Invitation to Perugia , . 102

Letter from Margaret Horde 103

' ' The Doleful Evensong " . 104

Letter to Susanna Rookwood 105 Recommendatory letters from

Cardinals .... 106

Consoling letter to Winefrid 108

Troubles in Flanders . . 109 The Prince-Bishop of Liege

and the Papal Nuncio write

in favour of the Institute . 110 Father Blount's orders from

the General of the Jesuits . 112

Consequences to the Institute 113

Chapter VIII.
Pervgia.
1624.
Journey to Perugia .	114
Letter to Father Coffin	"5
Reception by the Bishop	117
Poverty	118
Kind thoughts for others	119

Failing health

Death and character of Su

sanna Rookwood Winefrid Vice-Superior Postulants at Naples . Mary's illness. She goes to

S. Cassiano Cure of Cardinal Trescio Effects of her prayers . Progress at Perugia Elisabeth Wigmore Letter to Winefrid Death of the Bishop of Peru

Chapter IX. A Struggle for Life, 1624, 1625. Mary returns to Rome . Urban VIII. Letter to Winefrid Audience with the Pope Prevision of trials Caution is urged . A Congregation of Cardinals

appointed . Little hope of success . Mary's reasons for persever

ing . The Rev. Thomas Rant Critical position of the In

stitute Mary's ' ' loneliness " No advocate for her cause Opinion of Suarez Of Lessius . Father Burton's Treatise Takes the same view

Lessius Life of our Lady the model

followed . Letter to Winefrid concern'

ing Treatise Cardinal Borghese Memorial to the Cardinal

PAGE

120

Co7itents.

xlvii

The dreaded decree post- poned Mary's account to Winefrid . The war in the Valtelline Distress in Rome .

156 157 158 159

Chapter X, Some results of the Holy Year.

1625.

Poverty of the houses . . 161

Letter of Margaret Horde . 162

Princess Constanza Barberini 164

Visit to San Cassiano . . 165

Want of money for journey . 166 Mary's commendation of

Winefrid .... 167 Rant's letters . . . 168 More charges brought for- ward ..... 169

PAGE

The schools closed . . 171 Mary's silence and submission 172 Rant's instructions to his

successor ....	17^
Christmas wishes to Winefrid	174
The Holy Year .	^IS
Opening of the Jubilee .	176
Mary at the Quarant' Ore .	177
An ecstasy ....	178
Spiritual favours at various
churches ....	I7q
Cure of Dr. Ferro .	181

NOTES TO BOOK V.

Note I. Memorial of the English Cle}-gy . .183

Note n. Letter of Ferdinand of Bavaria . . . 187

Note HI. Letter of the Apos- tolic Nuncio . , . 189

BOOK THE SIXTH.

THE INSTITUTE IN GERMANY.

Chapter I.		Cardinal Federigo Borro-
Through the Tyrol to Mtmich.	nieo's kindness .	204
		Mary receives letters .	206
1626.		Prepares to cross the Alps .	207
Mary visits Naples .	193	Arrives at Feldkirch and pro-
Her generosity . . .	194	ceeds to the church .	208
Return to Rome .	19s	Ecstatic prayer there .	209
Interior sight of future suffer-		Vision concerning Charles I.	209
ing	196	Inhabitants crowd to her	210
Determines to go to England	196	Received by Archduke Leo-
Choice of route .	197	pold at Innspruck	211
Reasons for that vi& Germany	198	Embarks on the Inn	211
Recommendatory letters	199	Is shown interiorly the future
Intentions for obtaining them	200	Confirmation of the Insti-
Reception by the Grand Du-		tute	212
chess of Tuscany	201	Anna Griinwaldin and Mary's
The Duchess of Parma and		prediction ....	214
others ....	202	Meditation before arriving at
Arrival at Milan . .	203	Munich ....	215

dviii

Contents.

Chapter II.

The Paradeiser Haus.

1627.

Tradition in Bavaria .

Maximilian I. . , •

The Electress Elisabeth

Mary's first audience .

The Paradeiser Haus granted by Maximilian .

Selection of Sisters for Ba- varia

Letter to Barbara Babthorpe

Letter of Father Gerard

His counsel to Mary

The English Ladies dispar- aged to the Elector .

He gives them a yearly revenue

His gracious words to Mary

Winefrid Bedingfield and Cicely Morgan .

Anna Rorlin and Catharina Kochin ....

Letter to Winefrid Beding- field

Letter to Naples .

217 217 219 220

222 224 227 231

233

234 234

23.5 236

237 239

Chapter III.

Foundations in A tt stria and

Hungary.

1627, 1628.

The Emperor Ferdinand II.

He invites Mary to Vienna .

Change of Superiors

Letters of the General and Jesuit Fathers .

The Elector writes to Ferdi- nand

The Emperor founds the

house for the English

Ladies ....

"^Mary's watchful care for the

whole Institute . . . 247 —Novitiate at Naples . . 249

241 242 243

244

245

246

The Institute invited to Pres- burg

Cardinal Pazmanny

Count Adolph Althan .

Desires a foundation at Prague ....

Winefrid Wigmore sum- moned to Bavaria

Mary welcomes her

Progress at Prague

Letter of Barbara Babthorpe from Presburg .

Community and schools there

Chapter IV.

Suspense.

1628.

Cardinal Harrach's opposi- tion .....

Father Valerio de' Magni

Cardinal Klessel writes to Rome ....

Mary's partial knowledge of events there

The Bishop of Bayreuth's offer

Consequences of refusal

Sour wine made fit for use .

Attack of illness. Mary visits Eger

She reviews her life when re- covering ....

Her resolutions .

Our Lady's favours

Letter of Father Gerard

The foutidation at Prague abandoned

The Countess Slavata .

Mary goes to Presburg.

Disperses a set of revellers .

Her firmness in adherence to principle ....

Interview with Maximilian .

250

253

253 254 255

256 257

259 261

263

264

264 266 267

268

270 271 272 273

274 275 276 277

277

278

Contents.

xli

IX

BOOK THE SEVENTH.

SUPPRESSION OF THE INSTITUTE.

Chapter I.

Before the Cardinals.

1628, 1629.

Proposed journey to Rome . 281

Lack of Counsellors . . 282

Mary's dangerous illness . 283

Letter to Frances Brookesby 284

Mary leaves Munich . . 285 Between life and death on the

journey .... 286

Illness on arrival at Rome . 286 Dictates narrative of her

life 287

No steps yet taken against

the Institute . . . 287

Audience with Urban VIII. . 288 He names two delegates to

examine her cause . . 289 Appoints a Congregation of

Cardinals .... 290

Great need of an advocate . 291

Mary's preparatory measures 292 Her appearance before the

Congregation . . . 292 Chief points on which she

dwells .... 293 Effect on Cardinal Borgia . 294 Two features of plan indis- pensable . . . . 295 Future results . . . 296 Mary refuses Cardinal Ban-

dino's advice . . . 297 Her magnanimity. . . 298 Determines to return to Ger- many .... 299 Her device as to expenses . 300 Buys silk at Venice for altars in Germany . . .301

d

Chapter II.

The Neapolitan and Flemish Houses.

1629.

Disquieting news at Munich . 302

Mary goes to Vienna . . 303

Her letters intercepted . . 304

House at Naples dissolved . 305 Memorials sent thence to

Rome .... 306 Attempted division within the

Institute .... 308 Letter of Father Gerard . 308 Personal attack on Mary in- tended .... 310 Letter written for the Sisters

at Liege .... 312 Disaffected members of the

Institute .... 313

Elisabeth Ward and others . 314 Winefrid Wigmore sent too

late 315

Mary Ward's character . 316

Conclusion of her letter . 317

Chapter III.

The Decree of the Holy Office.

1629 — 1631.

Mary's life at Vienna . . 318 Father Domenico di Gesia in

the city .... 319

His death .... 320 Mary's probable intercourse

with him .... 321

Spiritual trials . . . 321

Her demeanour under them . 323

Contents.

Her life in community . . 324

English novices . . . 325

Twins in religion . . . 326

Princess Mary Renata . . 327

First news of imprisonment . 328 Mary writes to Cardinal Bor-

ghese .... 329

Memorial to the Pope . . 330 Perfect forgiveness of oppo-

sers 332

The Emperor's protection . 332 Mary's return to Munich, and

illness . . . .333

Arrival of the decree . . 334

Chapter IV.

The Anger Convent.

1631.

Circular to the houses . . 336

Ursula TroUin . . . 356

Her reception as a novice . 337

Dean Golla's visit. . . 338

He explains his errand . . 339 Mary's conversation with

him 340

The Elector's conscientious- ness ..... 341 Mary's feelings . . . 342 Departure from Paradeiser

Haus . . . .343 The Anger Nuns . . . 344 Orders they received . . 345 Mary's deportment . . 345 Her reception . . . 346 Mary's prison . . . 347 The first night . . . 348 Resolution to defend her in- nocence .... 349 Warm feehngs of Mary Poyntz 349 Lemon-juice correspondence 350 Two only in the secret . . 351 Mary's notes from prison . 352 Deaths of opponents . . 353 Her charity towards them , 354

Describes her lodging . Directions to the Sisters

Chapter V.

Release.

1631.

Memorials sent to Rome Circular repeated to the

houses Mary comforts her com

panions Duplicate memorials . Advice to Margaret Genison Prayer for her adversaries Fears discovery of correspon

dence Has leave to attend Mass Refusal of sacraments . Violent illness Danger of death . Asks for last sacraments The Dean's conditions . Mary's refusal Writes a declaration Arrangements in case of death Another memorial to Rome False reports Extreme Unction. Mary carried to the church Parting with her companions Sudden recovery . The Pope's mandate arrives Death of Mary's friends Her Sisters fetch her . Palm Sunday at the Anger A message from the Electress Takes leave of the nuns Two predictions and their ful

filment Decision to go to Rome Messages from Holy Office Appeal to Urban . Results of appeal . Explanation of messages

PAGE

3SS 357

358 359

360 361 362 363

363 364 365 365 366 366 367 367 368

369 369 370 371 371 372 373 374 374 375 376 377 377

378 380 381 381 383 383

Contents.

Chapter VI.

The Bull of Pope Urban.

1631.

State of the Institute . . 385

Severity of sentence . . 386

Stringency shown in Flanders 387

Prediction as to Munich . 389

Maximilian's course of action 390

PAGE

Sufferings of Sisters . . 391

Food multiplied . . . 392

"Myjungfrau" . . . 393

Charge of heresy . . . 393

Suppression at Vienna and

Presburg . . . -395

Letter to Frances Brookesby 396

Loss of vocations . . . 396

Mary's state of mind , . 397

BOOK THE EIGHTH.

THE BEGINNING OF REVIVAL.

Chapter I.

The First Years after Suppression.

1632—1634.

Mary's Letters . . . 401

Disguised expressions . . 402

Points untouched by the Bull 403

Farewell at Munich . . 403

Audience with the Pope . 404

Requests and answers . . 405

Fears for Paradeiser Haus . 407

Intended return to Munich . 408

Seeks further vindication . 409

Letter of the Holy Office . 410

Change of intentions . . 411

Letter to Bishop Smith . 412

Arrival of Mary's companions 412 Favours shown them by

Urban .... 413

A larger house sought . . 414

Mary goes to Anticoli . . 415

Mary Poyntz at Braunau . 416

Her journey to Italy . . 417 Winefrid Bedingfield in

charge at Munich . . 418 Mary's welcome to Mary

Poyntz .... 419 Letters to Winefrid Beding- field 420

The Roman household . . 421

Anxieties there . . . 422

Schools at Munich . . 423

Intercourse with the Elector. 424

Death of Joanna Brown . 425

Of Ellen Marshall . . 426

The victims of the Plague . 426

Death of Catharina Kochin . 427

Chapter II.

Last Troubles, Illnesses, and fourneys.

1635—1638.

Mary's new house at Rome . 428

Death of Electress Elisabeth 429

Mary's suffering health . 430

Visit of Monsignor Bocca-

bella 431

Message from Urban . .431

Mary's answer . . . 432

Goes to San Cassiano . . 432

To Piano Castagnano . . 433

Letters to the Elector . . 434

Returns to the baths . . 435

Is closely watched . . 436

Indignation of visitors . . 437

Letter of Franciscan to Rome 437

Visits Monte Giovino . . 438

Complains to Urban . . 438

His gracious answer . . 439

Hi

Contents.

PAGE

Ursula Trollin's fidelity . 440 Letter concerning Munich

schools . . , •441

Last notes of meditations , 441

Projected return to England 443

Extreme illness . . . 443

Mary's fortitude . . . 444

Goes to Nettuno . . . 444

Attack of fever . . . 445 The Pope sends his last

blessing . . . • 4'?5

Intention of going to Spa . 446

Father Gerard's death . . 446

Urban's farewell words . 447

Journey through Italy . . 448

Crosses Mont Cenis . . 449

Winters in Paris . . . 450

Arrival at Li6ge . . . 450

Goes to Spa .... 451 Illness at Stavelot . -451 Interview with Ferdinand of

Bavaria .... 452

Chapter III.

Mary in England.

1638 — 1642.

Letter to Pope Urban . . 453

Cardinal Barberini writes to

Henrietta Maria . . 453

Mary's sufferings at Lifege . 454

Plan of work there . . 455

Visions at St. Omer . . 456

Arrival in England . . 457

Isabella Layton . . . 458

The new household . . 458

State of England . . , 459

Audience with the Queen , 459

Count Rosetti . . . 460

Mary's visitors . . . 461

Work of education . . 462

Letter to a parent . . 463

Helena Catesby . . . 463

Elisabeth Rookwood . . 464

Pursuivants' visits . . 465

Designs of fresh work . , 466

PAGE

Letter to Roman members . 466

Mrs. Porter .... 467

Preparations for schools . 468

Course of public events . 469

Letter to the Pope . . 470

To Cardinal Barberini . . 471

Decision to go into Yorkshire 472

Mary's last letter . . . 472

Chapter IV.

In Yorkshire once more.

1642— 1644.

Difficulties of removal . . 473

Leaves London . . . 474 Visits Ripley and Studley

Royal . . . .475

At Newby and Babthorpe . 476

House at Hutton Rudby . 477

Arrives there . . . 477

Mary's companions . . 478

Severe illness . . . 478

Pilgrimage to Mount Grace . 479

Raids of Parliamentarians . 480

Visit of troopers . . 480

Mary's love of the poor . 481

Devotion to the Holy Angels 482

Mary at Hewarth . . . 482

Visitors there . . . 484

Counsels to her companions . 484

New plans .... 485

Answer to prayer . . . 486

Receives martyrs' relics . 486

Siege of York . . . 487

Confidence in God . . 488

Mary in the city . . . 488

Protection from danger . 489

Returns to Hewarth . . 490

Chapter V. Last Days. 1644, 1645.

Mary's sufferings , . . 491

Winefrjd's j ourney to London 492

Contents.

liii

Mary names the day of her return

Assists at Christmas Masses

Last Confession and Com- munion

Extreme Unction put off

Names Barbara Babthorpe to succeed her

Consoles and sings with her companions

Letter of Mary Poyntz .

Mary speaks of her wishes for the Institute

Asks for a priest .

Farewell to her companions

Her death

Beauty returns in a few hours

Father Bissel's account

Last words and acts

Difficulties as to burial .

Funeral

A maligner punished .

Osbaldwick Church

Mary's grave and epitaph

The merchant Straker .

The grave opened

Uncertainty as to her mains

Chapter VI. After Marys death.

1645—1703-

The two Institutes

Esprit de corps among old members .

New beginning tolerated

This view reasonable .

Followed in present work

Mary's companions at He warth

Resolve to go to Paris .

Gift of the Marquis of Wor- cester

Paris community .

493 493

494 494

495

496 497

499 499 499 500 500 501 502 502 503 503 504 505 505

506

507

508 509 509 510

510 5"

S12

512

Frances Bedingfield goes to England ....

Foundations at York and Hammersmith .

Loss of house at Hewarth

Queen's gift of house in White- friars' Street

Community moved there from Paris

Queen Mary Beatrice's help

House broken up .

Settlement in St. Martin Lane.

Barbara Babthorpe's govern ment ....

Her death — Mary Poyntz succeeds her

Mary Poyntz at Munich

Her views and labours .

Goes to found at Augsburg

Good reception there .

The Bishop protects the Eng- lish Ladies

Death of Mary Poyntz .

Favours of other Bishops

Catharine Hamilton and other Sisters

Chapel dedicated to the Sacred Heart .

Catharine Dawson, Chief Su perior

Winefrid Bedingfield's death

Orphan-House founded at Munich ....

Visit of Boudon, Archdeacon of Evreux ....

Helena Catesby founds a house at Burghausen

Her difficulties

The chapel built .

Blessed Sacrament placed there ....

Education given by the Eng- lish Ladies

Helena's holy and austere life . . . ■ .

513

S13 514

51S

516

517

517

S18

518 519 520

521 521

522 523 523

524

525

525 526

526

527

528 529 529

530

531

533

liv

Contents.

Catharine Dawson petitions the Holy See for confir- mation .... 533 Her successor, Mary Anna

Barbara Babthorpe . . 534 Prepares to petition afresh . 535 Favour of the Elector and

his family . . . -535 Loan of Paradeiser Haus

changed into a gift . . 536 Rebuilt at Elector's expense . 536 Confraternity of the Humility

of our Lady . . . 536 Incident in the chapel . 537

Elisabeth Rantienne founds

at Mindelheim . . . 538 The Elector befriends the

petition at Rome . . 539

Arguments used in its favour 540

Bull of Confirmation issued . 541

Clement XI. offers to give

the second approbation . 542

Chapter VIL The New Institute. 1703—1885. Houses in England assist

towards the Confirmation . 543 Letter of Dr. Leyburn, Vicar- Apostolic .... 544 New foundations . . . 545 Houses at St. Polten and

Bamberg .... 545 At Alt-CEtting . . .546 At Meran .... 547 Difficulties and privations . 547 Francesca Hauserin Chief Superior .... 548

PAGE

The suit at Rome . . 549 Francesca Hauserin's cha- racter .... 550 Her body found incorrupt . 551 Josepha von MansdorfF . 552 The schools of the Insti- tute 552

Decree of secularization . 553 Napoleon preserves the com- munity at Mainz . . 553 Austrian Houses untouched . 553 Augsburg Community not

broken up . . . 554 "The Painted Life" in the

convent .... 554 Relics of English Martyrs

there . . . .555 Remarkable appearance of

light in the church . . 555 Nuns of the Institute nurse

sick soldiers . . . 556 Mrs. Ball and the Irish

Branch of the Institute . 557 Novices re-taken in Germany 558 Community established at

Nymphenburg . . . 558 Gregory XVL appoints a

General Superior . . 559 Increase of the Institute . 559 Final approbation by Pius IX. 559

NOTES TO BOOK VIII.

Note I. Letter from Father Robinson , O.S.B.,to Mary Poyntz .... 561

Note II. On the Portrait in this Voltonc . . . 562

ILLUSTRATION.

I. Portrait of Mary Ward

(Frontispiece)

THE LIFE OF MARY WARD.

BOOK THE FIFTH.

THE INSTITUTE IN ITALY.

CHAPTER I.

Early Days in Rome.

1622.

We have seen that the vision of some heavy cross before her overshadowed the heart of Mary Ward in the Holy House at Loreto, and thence onward till she entered Rome. Though there may have been little more in what Almighty God permitted her to see than a dim undefined picture of suffering to come, yet that little would make a gloomy background enough to the host of minor difficulties which pre- sented themselves in the outset of her new under- taking. Poverty and friend lessness were not among the least of these. One of the travellers, describing the end of their journey says : " Besides God and His holy saints, we expected to find but few other friends. We were strangers in a foreign country, far from home, with little hopes of human means, without lan- guage, acquaintance, provision, or money, all which difficulties are very potent, and will try the hearts of the most perfect men." Their little stock of coin was all but expended on the road, and they scarcely knew where to turn for a lodging. But their courage failed not. It was enough that they were in Rome, and so these hardnesses and roughnesses, to which B 2

First arrangements.

flesh and blood are generally very sensible, were suffered to press but lightly on hearts full of the im- portance of what they had in hand, and bright with hopes of great spiritual gifts in store. Let us, with these devoted souls, turn for a time to the sunshine rather than to the gloom which circumstances cast around them, and follow them as well as we can in the first early stages of their residence in the Holy City.

Mary fixed the temporary abode of herself and her companions near the Ponte Sisto, not far from the English College. Here there were many near at hand who could best aid her by their counsel and other means in promoting her arduous suit. Her personal friends in Rome were few, but she was probably well supplied with recommendatory letters and introductions. The first person to whom she made known her arrival in Rome was wisely chosen. The immediate results which followed give, however, the impression that the arrangement had been pre- -concerted between herself and the holy Carmelite .Father, who had already taken a warm interest in the well-being of the English Virgins at Ti'eves or ' Cologne. Father Domenico di Gesu Maria had re- turned to Rome a fortnight before Mary and her companions reached the city. His influence with those highest in authority in the Church has been imentioned in the former volume. We are told that &t his first interview with Gregory XV., after giving the account of the mission intrusted to him by the Pope's predecessor, he had obtained from the Iloh- Father, by a simple request, a promise that the canonization of St. Teresa should take place together

Audience with Gregory XV.

with that of St. Isidore, already in preparation. Besides this, it is said that, through his personal advocacy, the names of St. Ignatius, St. Francis Xavier, and St. Philip Neri were added. Father Domenico had not forgotten Mary Ward and her undertakings, with their pressing requirements. He spoke of her and her cause to Pope Gregory in a way which secured for her the early reception which she desired. Accordingly, on the next day but one after her arrival, that is, on the feast of St. Stephen, she was admitted to a private audience.

Gregory XV., one of the illustrious family of the Ludovisi of Bologna, had not yet been seated for a year on the Papal throne. He is praised personally, for his piety, for a great and benevolent desire to advance all good souls, and also for his love to the poor, especially the sick among them. Gregory's pontificate was short, lasting barely two years and a half, but during that time his government, in spite of his feeble health, was energetic. Among his acts there were some which had important and enduring effects upon the welfare of the Universal Church. Two may be here named as touching in some degree upon the present history — the foundation of the Con- gregation of the Propaganda, and the restoration of the Episcopal Rule in England, which for a long period had been in abeyance, and for many years had become a subject of continual discussion before the Holy See.

Recommended by one already esteemed as a saint, and with the prestige accompanying the bearer of letters from two of the most exalted amonof the

The Popes kind words.

Catholic Sovereigns, as well as from a Princess so devoted a daughter of the Church as Isabella, Mary- was received with great kindness by the Pontiff. " He received her with singular benevolence and with all fatherly and benign expressions, so far as to say, * God had in good time provided for His Church,' al- luding to the profit which was to come by her labours." To His servants, whom He places in positions of high responsibility with regard to the souls of others, God sometimes vouchsafes a light as to the future, not granted to those around them who have not the need for the same spiritual discernment. Such a light it may have been that suggested to the Pope's mind the idea of the usefulness of women's work in the great struggle with heresy and its attendant legion of evils, in which the Church was then and has ever since been involved. Gregory again intro- duces this idea in his answer to the Archduchess Isabella, which alone among several Briefs mentioned here by Mary's biographers has come down to us. In his answer he says, that " Mary's piety is highly to be praised, which has with such labour gathered together a band of companions whom she brings forward and offers for God's honour, at a time when the Prince of Darkness employs so many hosts of ungodly men in the fight against the Catholic faith. We rejoice that many noble women stand beneath her banner." His words also show the high esteem and veneration which Isabella entertained for Mary's character, for he adds, " as the letter of your High- ness contains such an excellent testimony of all her virtues, we desire that her piety and this commenda-

Marys quickness in action.

tion should be weighed with no little favour, and have therefore commanded that her Institute and her motives should be immediately taken into con- sideration,"

Mary was not slow in following up the gracious reception which she had received from the Holy Father. " Her ambition, which had for its object but labours and sufferings, as well as her perfect fidelity to the good pleasure of her Divine Master, would not permit her to lose time, wherefore she immediately presented to His Holiness and the Congregation he appointed for her business to be treated in, what her intentions were and humble petitions of them, and this with all simplicity and integrity, which many politicians condemned her for, pretending she might with more ease obtain her ends by only making appear what was more likely to be plausible."

The novelty and peculiar organization of the work for which Mary Ward sought approval, totally unlike any yet permitted to women under religious vows, naturally elicited plenty of advice from those acquainted with the care and prudence requisite in laying any fresh scheme before eyes so necessarily criticizing as those of the Supreme Rulers of the Church. But Mary had, as we shall find, many others besides those in high place to deal with, and among them no {&\^ who had but little of kindly feeling towards her. It is not very easy, under the present circumstances, both of society at large and of the Church, to throw ourselves into the extreme diffi- culties, either of her undertaking, or of her position

6 Difficulty of positio7t. '

at the moment of which we write, One of the very first pioneers, by God's Providence, of the most re- markable change that had yet taken place in the system of conventual life for women, she had now entered a country, perhaps, of all others the most uncongenial to such an attempt. In England and France and Northern Germany, the greater inter- course with neighbouring countries, political changes on an extensive scale, foreign wars and the unspar- ing hand of religious strifes between large bodies of people, had broken down the old wall of mediaeval customs and habits, and were gradually introducing new tones of thought and feeling, and were preparing the way for future and yet unthought of changes. Novelties and innovations were in some way ex- pected, and had the advantage, at any rate in many places, of an accompanying prestige rather than the contrary. Not so with Italy. Though con- tinually torn within itself by the quarrels of turbulent nobles and equally turbulent populations, both the religious and social state and domestic manners of the peninsula had remained untouched. Old tradi- tions still retained an undiminished and sovereign sway.

Thus the very presence of Mary and her com- panions in Rome, as petitioners in person to the Holy See, must have excited universal surprise. Much more was this the result of their appearance in the streets, when, having cast aside their pilgrims' garb, they were to be seen in a dress which, however dissimilar to those of cloistered nuns, still, by its peculiarity and difference from the prevalent fashions

Appearance in the streets.

of the day, marked it as that of women devoted to a religious object. Besides, though the long black silk cloak, fastened to the top of the tightly fitting- white cap, covered them from head to foot, it could not conceal the linen band over the forehead, which then strictly belonged to conventual attire. This one mark of their calling they still retained, with but slight alteration. Feelings far beyond those of astonishment must have been raised in the minds of the Italian people, when these English strangers were seen on foot in the streets, where Italian ladies and religious women never trod, especially as not only the voice of common report, but their own bearing and comportment, stamped them as of supe- rior birth and position.

In the capital of Christendom, as well as in all other Catholic countries at that time, even aspirants to religion, when once they had entered the walls of a convent, were scarcely to be seen, by the world at large, outside. Centuries had rolled on, but the good old customs of the Church in this respect remained unaltered. What, then, but doubt and distrust, to say the least, could arise at the sudden apparition of women claiming to be received as religious, walk- ing abroad and worshipping in the public churches, with even greater freedom than the habits of society permitted to ladies of their own class in those south- ern countries of Europe .'' We hear of the same prejudices still existing in those regions even after a space of nearly two hundred years, since non- enclosure has been sanctioned by the Holy See. What, then, must have been their strength in the

Straightforwardness,

first half of the seventeenth century ? A very little knowledge of the trials of those who have to do battle with long-seated habits and prejudices will give a ready idea of the force of character, the con- fidence in God, and the amount of other eminent virtues requisite for meeting such an ordeal with any hope of success. Nor is it marvellous that Mary Ward's advisers should have beset her with counsels of wariness and prudence. It might have been better for her to have listened to such counsel- lors— but at all events she showed herself a true Englishwoman by not doing so.

When she entered Rome, Mary could not have been ignorant of the opinion which would probably be entertained both of herself and her plans. She knew too that she had strange and unusual requests to make of the Holy See. But it was not in her nature to keep back her aims. She may have said to herself that the work she was engaged in was not her own ; it belonged to Almighty God. This con- fidence had been deeply impressed upon her by His many wonderful Providences in its behalf. Why, too, should she adopt a policy which involved a subsequent line of action little in accordance with that which God had hitherto blessed } Moreover, she had already found a certain amount of favour with the Pontiff's predecessor, Paul V., by a totally contrary course. Why draw back now } There were, no doubt, certain other adverse symptoms, to be explained in the following chapters, which heightened her difficulties, and well might urge caution upon her ; but their importance did not for a moment

Me7norial to Gregory XV.

make her hesitate in the choice between a straight- forward way of acting and the contrary. We cannot blame her simplicity and courage, but she might perhaps have lost nothing and gained a great deal by a little less of that truly Saxon bluntness which she now seems to have displayed.

It was in this spirit that Mary drew up in English her first memorial to Gregory XV.^

IHS.

Holy Father, — Seeing by Divine appointment we are to take upon us the same holy Institute and order of life already approved by divers Popes of happy memory (Paul HI., JuHus III., and Gregory XIII.) to the religious Fathers of the Society of Jesus, and that for this twelve years space (since this zeal of God's honour and the good of souls hath been writt in our hearts), we have tried and exercised ourselves in like practice, according to the mea- sure of Divine grace given us, so far forth as the continual persecutions heaped upon us, both by bad and good men, ever since our beginnings, have permitted us (which en- deavours of ours have, notwithstanding, through these and other the like incumbrances, been hitherto far short of that measure of good, in glory to God and service to His Church, which the same Divine Goodness daily offers us, our vocation requires at our hands, and we ourselves live for no other end, but to put in practice) — as well, therefore, to take away these and other such impediments, as for our more confirmation and comfort in this course, more certain direction of the Holy Ghost in our proceedings, and the greater encouragement of such as shall hereafter join them-

1 Nymphenburg Archives, a manuscript in English endorsed in ancient handwriting, " Copia Memorialis Sanctitati suce oblati com- pendium continens earum rerum quas humiliter petimus."

lo Petitions for Confirmation.

selves unto us ; We humbly beseech that by the authority of the See Apostolic, the aforesaid Institute (holily observed by the said Fathers of the Society of Jesus, with so great fruit to the Universal Church) together with their Consti- tutions, manner of life, and approved practice (altogether independent, nevertheless, of the said Fathers) may likewise be approved and confirmed, in and to us, to be entirely practised by us (as the needful means to the same end, which is the greater glory of God, and the good of souls common to us with the said Fathers), according to the prescript of the same Institute, so far forth as God hath not prohibited by diversity of sex, as in ministering sacra- ments, public preaching, teaching, and public disputing of matters of divinity, and all such things as are only lawful for priests to exercise. All which things it shall be sufficient for us to persuade souls unto, and so to be cause of the same good in them. Beseeching humbly Your Holiness to approve in us this our holy vocation : Denouncing us from hencefonvard to be religious : Giving us authority to admit to probation and profession, according to the custom and practice of the said Society. Humbly submitting our- selves under the obedience of Your Holiness, and all your lawful successors, beseeching it will please Your Holiness now possessing the Seat, to receive this our whole company into your and their especial care and protection, not suffer- ing bishops in their particular dioceses or others whom- soever, to have any ordinary authority or jurisdiction over us. For that kind of government, though holy in itself and helpful to other religious communities (who are not, as we must be, at the free disposition of their immediate and me- diate superiors for the greater good of souls and service of the Church) were not only contrary to the Institute, allotted unto us, but would moreover (as experience teacheth) much molest and hinder us, both in the way of our own perfection, and that service we are to perform towards our neighbours.

Mary's second interview. ii

Grant this, Holy Father, God Himself will be your recom- pense. Who no less rewards the execution of His wills. To Whom be all honour and praise.

This memorial certainly could never be accused of want of plainness of speech. It asked for the estab- lishment of an Order exactly like the Society of Jesus, as far as was compatible with the sex of its members, for independence of all ordinary jurisdiction, and the like. Mary trusted herself and her cause to God, by this open way of speaking. We shall soon see what reason she had for such a course, and for disclaiming at once in strong words, even in this first petition, all thought of usurping powers which did not belong to her sex, while taking her stand upon what was true in the causes of enmity alleged against her. It may be added that, in addressing Gregory XV,, she knew that she appealed to one who had himself received his education and early training from the Society of. Jesus, who was then about to canonize its Founder and one of its greatest saints, and who was endowed with a high esteem and affection for that Order — an esteem which, in the following year, induced him to choose their church, the Gesu, for his final resting-place.

There was another interview necessary for Mary Ward during the early days of her stay in Rome. This interview would have been a difficult task to any one who had less trust in the orderings of God's Providence, or who was less obedient to His Voice. For Mary knew beforehand what the result was finally to be, that is, to an ordinary eye, disappoint- ment and disheartening discouragement only. How

1 2 Mutius Vitelleschi.

must not the words, which hitherto had been hke a guiding star through a troubled sea, have rung upon her inward ear, as she turned from the Pontifical throne to undertake the next duty which lay before her. " Take the same of the Society, Father General will never permit it. Go to him." It was, then, an act of obedience to God which she was to fulfil, whatever followed of pain or annoyance, or even worse. Mary had promised to Him to do her part faithfully, and accordingly she prepared to plead her cause, with as much care as if the consequences depended on her efforts and as if she were in ignor- ance as to future success or failure, with the confi- dence that God could bring about His will as much through the one as the other.

It does not appear that Mary Ward had as yet had any direct communication with the General of the Society of Jesus, Father Mutius Vitelleschi. But she knew through others that, whatever kindly feeling he had manifested towards the English Virgins, he yet had thought it best to take a very decided line to free his Order from all responsibility in the eyes of others, as if they had any desire to act as co-founders of the Institute, or of assuming jurisdiction over it when founded, all which was forbidden by their Con- stitutions. The painful state of party spirit among the Catholics in England, no less than the variety of opinions expressed by the Fathers of the Society with regard to the Institute, had lately brought about a correspondence between the Rector of the House of the Society in London, Father Blount, and the Head of his Order, with regard to the English Virgins

Letter to England.

and their work, on the question of the calumnious misrepresentations of which they were the subject. Father Blount seems to have included their Belgian Houses in his observations, his powers extending to that country, and it was through his means that the Jesuits were disengaged from their share in an ar- rangement concerning a loan of money which Father Gerard had procured for Mary Ward, enabling her to found at Cologne and Treves. This had happened a few months before Mary left Flanders for Rome, and, just about the time we are now considering, Father Gerard was displaced from the Rectorship at Liege, in consequence, as it was said, of the course of action he had adopted with regard to Mary Ward and her undertakings.

Father Blount had written to the General, as it would appear, at great length, during some part of the year 1619, and the following is the answer of the latter to the communication f-

As to the Convents of Virgins who imitate the Institute of the Society, I must greatly praise the zeal and diligence of your Reverence in informing me of all that you have ascertained respecting their Institute and their manner of living and acting. When opportunity serves, I will take care that the Pope be warned, in order that, if it should happen that on partial information he has made any con- cession, or if anything is done by them beyond the con- cession of His HoHness, he may order it to be remedied. Meanwhile, I wish your Reverence diligently to inquire

^ From papers belonging to the ancient Archives at St. Omer, now in the Archives de I'Etat, Brussels. It is endorsed, "What the General says about the Virgins," and is headed, "From the General's letter, Feb., 1619" (N.S. 1620).

14 Prohibitions.

whether any one of our Society is mixed with their direction or government, or has more to do for them than is usually done for any other penitents who come to our churches. If you ascertain anything of this sort, at once forbid him to do so, whoever he be, and let me be at once informed. Besides, lest the vague impression which many have, that these convents are subject to the Society, should serve as a pretext for withdrawing them from the authority of bishops as ordinaries, let your Reverence take care, either in person or by some one else, prudently and modestly to warn the bishops of those cities in which these Virgins have houses, that the Society does not pretend to have any authority at all over these convents or women, and that it does not wish in any way to have anything to do with them, more than with any other women who frequent our churches. That this may be still more plain, your Reve- rence must go on as you have begun, and forbid any of ours to teach Catechism in their schools, until your Reve- rence shall receive notice to the contrary from me.

This last prohibition is the only portion of the letter of Father Vitelleschi which has the appearance of hostility to the English Virgins, for, as to the other points, Mary Ward herself did not desire any- thing which the General forbids. The prohibition to teach in the schools of the Virgins was a temporary measure, and might easily have been revoked under altered circumstances. The Father General could not have been ignorant, either that Mary had laid the whole organization of her designs before Paul V., or of his answer, or of the care with which she fully explained her plans before each of her foundations, to the Bishops and Papal Nuncio of the cities where she opened her houses. The letter shows the writer's

Marys motives. 15

disposition towards the Institute, and the difficulties with which Mary had to cope in her proposed inter- view. She must have been aware of the communi- cation by the results which followed on the orders given. But she did not shrink back from her task. Her object in now seeking an interview with Father Mutius Vitelleschi was not to press anything incon- sistent with the regulations of his Order. She neither desired that the Society of Jesus should be co-found- ers with herself and her companions, nor did she seek to place the Institute under the jurisdiction of their General. Her words to Gregory XV., as well as on many former occasions, were sufficiently plain on both these heads. Her visit was rather an act of courtesy, to give the General the solid reasons which induced her to abide at all costs by the decision, to adopt the Rules of St. Ignatius as the foundation for the spiritual life and organization of her Congre- gation. It was also to remove, as far as possible, whatever dislike or prejudice had been raised in his mind from the exaggerated and calumnious reports which she knew must have reached his ears, to obtain his goodwill towards her plans and, beyond this, his assistance, as far as might be, in gaining the much- desired confirmation from the Holy See. His tacit approval would carry a weight with it which, thrown into the scale on her side, would go far with the Pope to win for her what she sought.

No account of this visit is given by any of Mary's biographers. But there are notes^ in her own hand, which she laid before the General by word of mouth

** Nymphenburg Papers.

1 6 Statement to the General.

at the time, or sent to him afterwards in writing. The title of " Blessed " given in them to St. Ignatius marks their date as before the day of his canoniza- tion, i.e., March 12, of the year Mary came to Rome. They are endorsed in the hand of one of Mary's companions, Adniodiim Rdo. in Xto. Patri P. Mutio de Vitellescio, Societatis Jesu Generali.

IHS.

Reasons why we may not alter, &c.

First, Because what we have chosen is already confirmed by the Church, and commended in several Bulls and in the Council of Trent, as a most fit Institute to help souls.

Secondly, Because experience and the great mutation of manners in the world, in all sorts of people, doth show it to be so.

Thirdly, Because we have proved, now this twelve years, that the practice of the same Rule doth much conduce to our own profit in perfection, and no less to the help of our neighbour.

Fourthly, Because that is the vocation unto which we were first called, and which hath been confirmed in us by the assured trials prescribed in the book of Blessed Father Ignatius his Exercises, and therein approved and com- mended to all by the highest authority. Therefore, as our Lord saith that " none can come to Him unless His Father draws them," and that " every plant which His Father hath not planted shall be rooted out," we therefore, having used of cleansing our hearts, that we may see God's will the better, of retirement and prayer, and the best advice we could find for our help therein, have always found this choice of ours to be the only way to guide best to our end, and most to secure and advance our own salvation and perfection, and therewith to serve also the Church in

Reasons for choice of rule. 1 7

procuring the good of souls by all means possible for women to the greater glory of God, a quo omne datum optimiwi et omne domim perfectum, from Whom all vocations to religious perfection must come, and not from man ; as we see it hath proved in all prevalent orders.

And if it were wrong to force any private man to marry a wife whom he cannot affect, much more must the election of every one's vocation in this kind be free ; which is not only more sure to last all the term of our life (sith the other party never dieth) but is for ever to endure and doth deter- mine our place with Christ for all eternity.

Now as it is free for every private man to choose for himself, so much more it must needs be fit for princes to be their own choosers. This is the reason of that was said before, and good reason, that the King of kings should choose His own Spouses, and that God and not man should give vocations : and if so to every private soul, how much more to a beginning order and so much importing the service of His Church and good of souls.

We are left to the few indications suggested by remarks in Mary Ward's letters, and to minor details in other manuscripts, to judge what efifect was pro- duced on the mind of Father Mutius Vitelleschi by her arguments. Various facts elicited as the history proceeds show that he had less hard opinions con- cerning the English Virgins. He may have been influenced by personal acquaintance with Mary Ward, a not uncommon result which the knowledge of her character produced, and also by the unblameable and devout lives and labours of herself and her com- panions in Rome. It is a case in which we would gladly avail ourselves of documents, which perhaps exist in some of the Roman Libraries, but which c 2

1 8 Caution necessary.

are unfortunately inaccessible. But, it may be added, the elements of the case before the Pope, and, in a ■certain sense, before the General and others at Rome, are not far to seek, or at all unintelligible. Mary Ward, in this respect, came before her time, and the condition of her country, on account of which she was led so much to insist on freedom for her Sisters from the ordinary rules of religious life, was marked by other circumstances also which made it imperative on the Holy See to exercise the greatest caution. Even if, at that time, the great change which she demanded could have been conceded, the state of discord among the English Catholics would have made the concession impossible. So, as to the Society of Jesus. If her greatest friend in the Society had been himself the General, he must have seen the great danger that he would incur by identifying himself openly with the cause of the Virgins, in the face of the powerful enemies of both.

Before proceeding with the public affairs connected with the two interviews we have been considering, some idea has now to be gained of the private life of Mary Ward and her companions after reaching Rome. They were quite alone in the city, knowing no one among those who were fellow-exiles with themselves in Rome — in fact, they had no one who could be called a friend beyond three or four young students at the English College, who were related more or less to themselves and other members of their Institute. Mary Poyntz's younger brother, John Poyntz, Edmund Neville, a connection of Mary Ward's, and one of the same family as the Edmund

Friends but few in Rome. 1 9

Neville whose history has already been told in this work, and Adrian Fortescue, alias Talbot, allied to both the families of those names, and also to various Sisters in the convents of the Enghsh Virgins, had arrived in Rome only three months previously ; Robert Rookwood's residence as a convictor in the College had been some months longer. He was probably a brother of Susanna Rookwood, whom we shall soon find as an additional member of Mary's household at Rome. All the above-named young collegians became fervent priests and religious within a few years' time.* John Poyntz, who had adopted the alias of Campian, in which he was in later years imitated by his sister, is named in the Diary of the English College as "an example of every virtue" during his stay there. He left Rome in .1624, and was in that year received into the Society of Jesus at Watten, so that his sister Mary was privileged to know from him of his happy choice while yet herself

■* Robert Rookwood became a secular priest in 1621, and was sent to England five years subsequently. He was Confessor to the Poor Clares of Gravelines and their filiations at Rouen for a lengthened number of years, dying at the latter city in 1671. His father was Edward Rookwood, of Euston, Suffolk, who was imprisoned by Queen Elizabeth when on a visit at his house. He remained in prison for above twenty years, and was reduced to extreme poverty by the heavj- fines inflicted on him for his faith. He did not die until 1633 — 34. From a pedigree of the Rookwoods of Euston, jDublished, since vol. i. of the Life of Alary I'Faj-d was written, in Records, by H. Foley, S.J., vol. vii. part ii. p. 669, it would ^ippear that Susanna Rookwood was probably a daughter of Edward, and therefore a cousin (not sister, as formerly stated) of Ambrose Rookwood of Coldham, who suffered in the Gunpowder Plot. The pedigree states that Sarah or Susan Rook- wood was living at Euston in 1605 — the year, therefore, before Mary Ward first left England.

20 The O Mates of St. Frances.

in that city. Of some of the Fathers of the EngHsh College we shall hear at a later date.

But though almost destitute of friends of their own nation, the general interest shown towards all those driven from their country by the unhappy state of persecution existing in England, soon pro- cured many marks of kindness to Mary Ward and her associates from among the devout Italians. The religious, as far as their cloistered condition permitted, showed them all sisterly good will. To these their own letters of introduction, and doubtless the inter- vention of the English Fathers also, gained them access. Father Domenico di Gesu introduced them to the Oblates of St. Frances, of the Torre dei Speccht.^ That great servant of God had miraculously cured one of these nuns, who had been afflicted for many years with palsy and other evils. He was in the habit of giving exhortations to the community, and much esteemed their holy way of life. They wel- comed our travellers with much warmth, and so entered into their plans and appreciated their spirit and the object to which they had devoted their lives, that some among them regretted that the English Virgins had not visited Rome a few years before, telling them that had they not yet bound themselves by vow as Oblates, they would have entered the Institute and laboured with them. Their rule allow- ing them to admit women within their inclosure, the nuns invited two of Mary's companions to stay with them, for the purpose of learning the Italian language, to fit them for the work opening before them in

' See vol. i. p. 294, for an account of this Congregation.

An epidemic in the household. 21

Rome. This visit was in the spring of the year, and lasted two months. It was no sooner over than the whole of Mary's household were visited in the month of June by an epidemic resembling small-pox — a trial bringing a disastrous result in its train which fell heavily upon these united and devoted hearts, wound- ing Mary the most deeply of all. Of this we shall presently speak.

CHAPTER II.

Work in England. 1622.

Our readers will gain perhaps a clearer and more accurate view of the difficulties lately spoken of as besetting the advance of Catholic labours for the good of souls in England, by returning for a short time to scenes in that country. The nature of the opposition which was raised against Mary Ward's work, as well as the progress and value of that work itself, will become apparent through the rela- tion of what was passing with regard to it among her own country people. For with all her interest and all her labours for her foreign houses, it was in truth for England and the glory and honour of God in His Church there, that Mary Ward was freely sacrificing herself and her good name. The one guiding thought which ruled her was, how best to forward the welfare of the numerous souls, but waiting

22 Mary's companions in England.

to be preserved from loss or drawn back whence they had strayed, by bringing to perfection the design which had already proved so able an instrument in her hands for their good. This was the key hence- forth to Mary's life. This had urged her Rome wards. There were no doubts as to vocation now, how weary soever and long the way might be by which God was about to lead her. Nor was the gloom of the present moment ever an impediment to one whose confidence in Him was so strong as to future results for others.

No detailed account appears to have been pre- served during the three years following Mary's release from her English prison in 1618, of the labours of her Sisters whom she left behind her when she crossed to St. Omer. She had placed Susanna Rookwood as Superior at their head, and kept up a frequent corre- spondence herself with the community, encouraging and strengthening them in their difficult and dan- gerous avocations by her wise counsels and tender sympathy ; but of these letters none remain. God blessed their labours in large measure. But neither success nor Mary's fervour and love for souls, nor the same motives in her companions, ever induced her to overtax the powers of mind and body of those under her care. Thus such as were selected to be chief in responsibility among the workers in England, had no sooner finished their allotted time than they were relieved by others competent to take their place. Susanna Rookwood was therefore recalled from her anxious post in the year 1621, to the comparative rest and refreshment of quiet convent life at Liege. A glimpse of the graces and merits which her three

Frances Brookesby.

years' Superiority won for her has already been given us in a former chapter. Another highly-gifted soul was sent to England in her room whose name has not yet been brought forward among those of the earlier English Virgins.

Frances Brookesby^ was one of an ancient English family of consideration. She was born in 1587, and from an early age until her thirtieth year filled some office as Lady of Honour about the Court. Though adorned with many virtues and good qualities, she was greatly given to the vanities of the world, for which her position in the somewhat gay Court of Queen Anne of Denmark gave ample opportunity. In the very midst of their full enjoyment, however, God bestowed upon her suddenly such a disgust for their emptiness and worthlessness, that she hence- forth loathed them as much as before she had loved them. Together with this enlightenment she received an interior attraction to make an entire renunciation of all earthly things, and in order to fulfil it she determined to leave the Court and her own country^ to live a life of poverty and devotion to God, though as yet she knew not where He would lead her. But before any means were apparent for carrying her resolution into effect, the devil stirred up a fierce opposition to her design, both through her friends and by interior temptations, filling her with fears and

^ Perhaps a sister of Edward Brookesby, of Shouldby, Leicester- shire, who married Eleanor Vaux, known in the history of Father Garnett and in that of the heroic Mrs. Vaux, whose sister-in-law she was. The Brookesbys also intermarried with the Bedingfields and other families of note.

24 Vocation to religion.

anxieties. So furious were his assaults upon this favoured soul to turn her from her pious purpose, that it is related of her in her Necrology^ that he even appeared to her in a visible form, that of a horrible bear, and endeavoured by rage to scare her from her determination.

She persevered in spite of his machinations, and in 1617 or 1 61 8 Divine Providence opened in some unexpected manner the way to leave England, and brought her into the neighbourhood of one of the houses of the Institute, where she speedily found the vocation she was seeking. Here God rewarded her amply for what she had suffered, filling her with His Divine love ; and it is said of her that so super- abundant were His consolations, that she found it impossible to conceal them from the eyes of others, even amidst her laborious exterior occupations. Her zeal for souls was great, and it speaks much both for her virtues and advance in holiness, and for her intel- lectual and moral qualities, that Mary Ward should have selected her for the trying office of Superior in England only three or four years after her reception into the Institute. Her stay there was marked by the number of troubles and annoyances which she had to face from party-spirit among Catholics in carrying on the work, as well as by the endurance of great persecutions from those outside the Church. But hers, like that of many of her religious Sisters, was a spirit cast in a mould which nothing could move or overcome when the honour of God was con- cerned.

2 In the Nymphenburg Archives

Way of life in the Institute. 25

For several years before Frances Brookesby came to England, the members of the Institute had been not only living in secret in London, as a quasi-com- munity, but had been stationed in various parts of the country, in villages or towns, wherever an opening presented itself. In such times as those we are con- sidering, it was often impossible for two to be together lest suspicion should be raised by their mode of life. They frequently, therefore, if necessary, while working among all classes of society, lived in the country houses of the rich, the better to avoid observation. We shall see that even this easily explained arrangement was turned into a subject of accusation against Mary Ward.

A short abstract written by one of the Sisters thus employed has come down to us,^ containing the account of her way of life and occupations during the years 1621 and 1622, and is given here as best eluci- dating the objects of the present chapter. The writer is called in the ancient endorsement " a lay-sister," but the contents of the document point out pretty clearly that she was not only a lady by birth, but also of some position in society. She was, however, one of a class of which we have other examples. In order to escape the trammels of the world and the opposition of friends, raised in this instance against her entering the Institute, she had concealed both her name and rank, and embraced the lowly estate of a lay-sister, making these sacrifices the opportu- nity of a free-will offering to God. And not only

^ In the Nymphenburg Archives, a manuscript copy in English of much the same date.

26 Sister Dorothea.

to the world at large was she known alone as " Sister Dorothea," but among her own Sisters in religion none knew who she was, so that she must have obtained from Mary Ward the permission that this ignorance should last on even after her death. The old French Necrology, which states the day of her death, though not the year, gives her no other nomenclature. Her narrative is written for her Superior, Mrs. Brookesby, and at her desire, and perhaps that of Mary Ward also. Her fears lest she should be discovered in her disguised dress when mixing among former acquain- tances, both laity and priests, in company with the lady who knew her secret in London, could only proceed from one who was of equal rank with those whose recognition she shunned. But there is no clue which in any way assists to detect her personality.

The scene of Sister Dorothea's labours was the county of Suffolk, and the lady whom she speaks of as " my lady," and whose name has been purposely omitted by her in the history, is mentioned in the Necrology as Mrs. or Lady Timperley. We have seen that Mary Ward was well acquainted with that county, and had again visited it on one of her later journeys to England. The Timperleys had long been possessors of Hintlesham Hall,* near Ipswich, and Sir Thomas Timperley, who was probably the owner in the year of which Sister Dorothea writes, had married Eliza Shelley, daughter of Sir John Shelley of Michelsgrove, Sussex. We shall find that another member of the Shelley family, a near relation of Lady Timperley, was already one of the Sisters of

^ This ancient Elizabethan mansion is still in existence.

■ Life among the poor. 27

the Institute. Sister Dorothea's residence at Hintle- sham may hence be traced to this connection.

SISTER DOROTHEA'S NARRATIVE.

A relation of one of ours, a lay-sister, one of those that live in villages in England.

According to your command I intend in the best and briefest manner I can to relate my proceedings and manner of living : which is in the house of a poor woman, pre- tending to be her kinswoman. And by the means of my worthy lady H. H. (Timperley), who only knoweth who I am, I have sometimes means of frequenting the sacraments for myself and others : the want of which is indeed very great, and the greatest suffering I have; all the rest is nothing, neither is this much considering for Whose sake it is.

I dare not keep schools publicly, as we do beyond the seas, especially at my first coming, because it was before Easter when presentments are accustomed to be, and all sorts of people looked into, but I teach or instruct children in the houses of parents, which I find to be a very good way, and by that occasion I get acquaintance, and so gain- ing first the affections of their parents, after with more facility their souls are converted to God.

Besides teaching of children, I endeavour to instruct the simple and vulgar sort, I teach them their Pater, Ave, Creed, Commandments, &c. Those who in respect of the fear of persecution, loss of goods, and the like, I cannot at the first bring to resolve to be living members of the Catholick Church, I endeavour at least so to dispose them that understanding and believing the way to salvation, they seldom or unwillingly go to heretical churches, abhor the receiving of their profane Communion, leave to offend God

2 8 Conversions.

in any great matter, or more seldom to sin, and by little and little I endeavour to root out the custom of swearing, drinking, &c. I tend and serve poor people in their sick- ness. I make salves to cure their sores, and endeavour to make peace between those at variance. In these works of charity I spend my time, not in one place, but in many, where I see there is best means of honouring God. But it is much to be lamented, that when poor souls are come to that pass that they desire nothing more than to save their souls, by means of the sacraments, it is incredible to say how hard a thing it is to get a priest to reconcile them ; partly through the scarcity of priests, and partly through the fear of those with whom they live. I had at once three in great distress, for the space of half a year I could by no means get one, although I went many a mile to procure : neither could my lady help me. At last upon March 20, 1622, my lady her sister sent for me to meet Mr. Palmer, a Benedictine, at her house for my own comfort : I told him of the three poor people so long desirous to be reconciled, he had compassion on them and willed me to bring one of them into a by-field, and there he reconciled her. The other two enforced to expect longer in respect of the inconveniency of the place. It was now Easter time and one of these being in danger of death, and remember- ing your reverence had willed me in such a case to spare no pains, and to take any, what priest soever, I went twelve miles (which was little in respect of other journies usual with me). There I found a secular priest and brought him home. This priest reconciled at this time three, and not long after, having three more to be reconciled in the same place besides divers Catholics who from places far distant I had gathered together to receive the sacraments, by my lady her means, I procured a Benedictine, a very good and zealous man, and from whom the poor received much com- fort, to come to the poor house where, under pretence of

Protestant Excommunication. 29

gathering herbs to make salves with, I had called them together some days before.

Three things I observe to happen at the conversion of any. (i) That I never gain one alone, but morg. (2) One at least ever dieth happily, the rest lives. (3) That when- soever any are reconciled presently comes upon us perse- cution much more vehement than at other times, as now an excommunication was prepared for me, and publicly in the church delivered to divulge. But the events maketh me still remember your words, who often hath told us that we should find these people like unto dogs, Avho with their barking do endeavour only to hinder" people from attaining to their journey's end, but bite they dare not. Even so it happened many times with me, but at this time very parti- cularly ; for the minister finding no name but Dorothy put to the excommunication, fearing it might be a trick put upon him, which he could not answer, said in a great rage unto the officers : " I will not be a fool, nor bring myself in danger of the law, to please none of you all," and so refused to do anything against me.

The 19th of April at my lady her request, I went for three weeks to live with a gentlewoman who was newly become a CathoHc. Her father and mother were such Catholics as take the oath, her husband a very cold one, notwithstanding he was very sickly, and soon after died. The whole house was very disorderly, and had not good report. At my first arrival there I perceived it would not have been well taken if I had spoken of God, &c., where- fore sorting myself with their dispositions I soon gained their affections, by serving and tending them both, and making medicines and salves, and teaching them to do the same. In fine I so gained them that whatsoever I did or said was gratefully taken, then I endeavoured to lose no time, for as much as I perceived the gentleman his life would not be long. I persuaded him to prepare himself by

The oath of allegiance.

means of the sacraments for the next life. Only such priests resorted thither as held the oath to be lawful.^ I

® The oath here mentioned is the well-known oath of allegiance first promulgated by James I. in 1605, which for so long became a terrible instrument of oppression and cruelty towards the Catholics, and also a fruitful source of painful doubt and disunion, with all the consequences thence arising, among themselves. The wording, most aptly suited to secure both these ends, was the united work of the Protestant Archbishop Bancroft and a renegade Jesuit, Christopher Perkins. The expressions employed made it no simple promise of submission and secular obedience to the Sovereign. They are rather a protest against the See of Rome. Not content with denying the power of the Pope to depose kings, the doctrine itself is denounced as "impious, damnable, and heretical," and the spiritual authority of the Pontiff is impugned as to his powers of dispensation. The penalty of Prenimiire was attached to refusing the oath, that is imprisonment for life and the total loss of property. It was universally pressed on all, men and women, above the age of eighteen. A division of opinion at once arose among Catholics as to the possibility of conscientiously taking the oath. Some of the priests, especially the archpriest Black- well (who had at first denounced it), pronounced it by different argu- ments to be lawful, and together with various laics, thus endeavoured to avoid the disastrous results following upon a refusal to subscribe to it. But the tidings having been carried to Rome, Paul V. issued two Briefs enjoining its entire rejection by all dutiful children of the Church, as' "containing matters contrary to faith and salvation." These Briefs were followed by a third removing Blackwell from his ofHce, and appointing Birkhead in his room, commanding also the latter to with- draw the faculties of such priests as persevered in accepting the oath. This last Brief was not issued until after Blackwell, who had been seized by pursuivants, and was in prison, had signed the oath, and had also wholly rejected the arguments laid before him by Cardinal Bellar- mine and others on the duty of submission to the decisions of the Head of the Church. It was in vain that Cardinal Bellarmine pointed out to him, that "in whatsoever words the oath is conceived by the adver- saries of the faith in that kingdom, it tends to this end, that the authority of the Head of the Church in England may be transferred from the Successor of St. Peter to the successor of King Henry VIII." Blackwell persevered in putting his own construction on both the words of the oath and those of the Pope in his Briefs, and his e.xample being followed by a certain number of the priests, was quickly imitated

Dying man reconciled. 31

commended the Fathers of the Society, wishing he were acquainted with them. It seemed he savoured well my words, for God calling him to his last account in my absence, he got a Father of the Society unto him, and was happily departed before I could return, although I made all the haste I could, when by my lady (unto whom his wife wrote very earnestly for my return) I understood of his danger of death. Finding him newly dead, his father, mother, wife, and family all sorrowful, I comforted them, and took occasion to invite them (as before I had done him who lay then dead and themselves said ended happily) to make use of the Father and they did.

The gentlewoman now a widow, was earnest for my stay, and I perceiving much good there to be done, in particular aiming at the conversion of four there, I was content to stay and entreated the Father to do the like. He staid and presently reconciled one, and the others not long after. There came my lady, Mr. Palmer, the Benedictine, and a great company besides; they found a very neat chapel, which pleased them all well. The Father and the Bene- dictine, as my lady told me, fell into talk of me, both of

by large portions of the laity in various parts of the country. By the great body of the Catholic clergy these were looked upon as schis- matics, and were refused the sacraments. Meantime numbers of the faithful, obedient to the voice of the Holy See, suffered unflinchingly the severe penalties prescribed by the law, unless they were wealthy enough to buy off these extreme measures, or preferred a voluntary exile. Blackwell was never released from prison, and died in 1613. The oath continued to be pressed with more t»r less rigour according to the state of public events during the reign of James, and was again brought into play with renewed vigour during the Titus Oates panic of 1678, &c. It may here be observed that Mary Ward and her com- panions, faithful adherents on this as on other occasions to the Holy See, and to those who abode by its decisions, were in consequence obnoxious to all Catholics, whether priests or laics, who took the oath. The oath survived till our own time, and is still taken by Anglican ministers at their " Ordinations."

Refonnatioit of a household.

them commended me much : the Father wished there were a thousand such as I in England. I was fearful lest they should suspect who I was, but the lady did assure me they had not the least suspicion of me, for if they had she said she was assured they Avould not have so much commended me, for neither of these did approve but much oppose against Mrs. Mary Ward and her company. We were not more busy in disposing souls to God, than the devil (as his custom is) was careful to hinder all he could, for unawares come in the Justice and officers beset and searched the house. But confiding in God, His goodness protected us, they found nothing of danger.

This trouble ended, my lady and Mr. Palmer com- mended the gentlewoman and her family to my care, saying I seemed to have wrought a miracle of her and the whole household, they were so marvellously reformed. I had indeed instructed them, taught them the Catechism, how to pray, provoked them to frequent the sacraments, to leave the customs of drinking, swearing, &c., I got the locks mended, carried oft" the keys every night with me, and to give them the greater content, there was no servile work about the house which I did not perform with all willing- ness. It pleased God to give so good success to my poor endeavours that when I would have departed to my poor people, after I had been with them about six weeks, I could by no means get away. The Father of the Society, who by my means came acquainted there, at his departure told me how much he was edified to see the good I had done and was like to do. He seemed much consolated that God was so much honoured here, and again wishing many more such in England, and offered me all the assis- tance he could afford. I saw indeed many reasons for my longer stay; the principallest was the preservation of the gentlewoman whose constancy w^as so much feared that her ghostly Father wrote unto me in these words. If ail our

Before the Justice. 33

labours should be lost in her, yet would they not be lost in Him for Whom we did t/iem. And withal entreated me to stay with her altogether and to leave my other place, saying it is as grateful to God to keep one from falling, as to convert one. I answered it was an unreasonable request, and that I would never forsake my poor friends, notwith- standing I would endeavour the best I could to help and comfort both, as by God's grace I have hitherto done. Doth not this good man here a little forget himself in per- suading me, by leaving the poor to do the same which they are pleased to tax and cry out against our Mother and hers for?

My longer stay in this place gave occasion of much speech in the town : the reformation of the house, and so many refusing to go to the heretical church, did so much enrage the neighbours and officers, that they carried me before a Justice, but God so provided that I was no sooner gone, but presently came to the house to see me a couple of gentlemen one of which was a Father of the Society, the other akin to the Justice, wherefore he hastened after me, and spake to the Justice in my behalf. Notwith- standing I was much urged to conform myself to the laws of the realm, and was threatened with imprisonment if I would not yield. He would needs have a reason why I would not go to their churches. " My reason is," said I, " because I am a Roman Catholic, therefore will go to no other Church but our own." "This answer is not con- formable to the laws of God, the King, and realm," said the Justice. I answered it was conformable to the laws of God, and that was sufficient for me. " Are you a maid," said he, "a widow, or a wife?" "I am a maid." "So much the better," said he, "for then I hope a good husband will persuade you to change your religion." I answered he would find himself much deceived in that point, because I would not for a million of worlds be other than I was.

D 2

34 Dismissal.

He said it was a pity I understood not theirs, and if I had lived among the better sort of them, I would soon find it to be the best. I answered : " Truly, sir, I have lived with divers of good sort, but could never see anything .in their lives or manners whereby I could think their religion any- thing, much less the best." "Well," said the Justice, "I see you are resolute, therefore as a friend, I wish you for your own good not to meddle with others, to keep to your- self what you know. I have been informed and much urged to proceed against you ; they say you live purposely with that gentlewoman to keep her a Papist, that in this short time you have been there you have persuaded many from the King his religion, and if you continue and proceed as you have begun, the minister fears he shall lose all his sheep." Then he asked whether I was a servant or com- panion to the gentlewoman. I answered : " I am not her servant but I do the part of a servant." " Indeed," said he, " to give you your due, I have heard a very good report of the charity you have used towards her, I like it well, and do hold works of charity necessary to salvation ; notwith- standing, doing so much as you do, others do wonder what should be your end ; therefore again as a friend I advise you not to impart to others what you know, and for the gentleman his sake, who spake in your behalf, I will do more than I can well justify," and so dismissed me. The gentlewoman and her family were wonderful glad of my return, and greatly confirmed in their faith to see kow God had preserved me. And I little respecting the Justice his command or request, went presently to a poor sick woman in the town and persuaded her to become a Catholic and save her soul. Finding her willing to hear, I obtained a chamber for her in the gentlewoman's house, to the end I might with better commodity prepare her soul for God.

The 1 6th of October I accompanied this gentlewoman to my lady's, from thence to go to London, in the company

Further conversions. 35

of many. Two days we staid at my lady's, at which time, with some difficulty, I got a priest to help my poor friends at my first place. Going to London in the company of my lady, and many others, as well priests as Catholics, I was in great fear to be discovered, for until now, not one had the least suspicion of me, and I had reason still to conceal myself, because so long as I remain unknown I have no enemies but heretics, whom I fear not at all ; but once I be known, my lady bids me look for as many enemies of priests and Catholics as now I have friends of them. Whilst I staid in London, I so strangely missed of many that would have known me, and others who formerly knew me very well now saw and conversed with me, yet knew me not, that my lady took particular notice thereof, and said it could not have been but by God His Providence. Returning to the country in my way to the gentlewoman's house, I visited my poor and finding they never had had any help for their souls but by me, I travelled eight miles to get a priest for them and for a gentlewoman who had not received any sacraments in six or eight years, by reason she had mamed an heretic, who used her very ill. This gentlewoman at my request had begged a piece of land of her husband for a friend of mine to build a house, which I intend for the comfort of the poor, to have a chapel and chamber for a priest.

The 24th of December I accompanied the gentle- woman to my lady's to keep Christmas, where in the beginning I had as many eyes over me as there were persons in the house, but by God His assistance I so sorted myself to every disposition that all seemed to like well of me. There was a Knight's daughter who was a stranger, she took affection to me. I brought her in a short time to be well affected to the Catholic religion, and two others in my lady's house I procured to be reconciled, and one of them none of the house could do any good with, until I took him in hand.

36 Other visitoi^s of the poor.

Of helping to the conversion of some and others boi'e the name.

Mr. Palmer, a Benedictine, liked so well my endeavours in converting of souls and instructing the ignorant, that he was desirous that Mrs. Arrendall {sic) and others should do the like. My lady and I considered what was best to be done ; we concluded it would be to God His honour that Mrs. Arrendall and others should try what they could do in this kind, and that I should offer them my service as I did. God sent two fair days whilst I staid at my lady's, so I accompanied Mrs. Arrendall and others to the houses of poor people : they would needs have me to speak to them, which I did, and God gave good success, for they resolved to become Catholics, and because I could not stay to see them reconciled I commended them for further instruction to Mrs. Arrendall. But when Mr. Palmer asked me what I had done, I answered that the people were desirous of sal- vation, but I attributed all to Mrs. Arrendall, saying they yet wanted instruction, but I doubted not but that Mrs. Arrendall would finish what she had so happily begun, <Scc. The next day I departed and spent about six weeks with my gentlewoman, where my employments were as before I men- tioned. Upon the 28th of February, returning to my lady's, Mrs. Arrendall told me that those poor people had never since my departure been with her, she feared much they re- mained not constant, entreated me to go to them, as I did, and found them as well disposed as I could wish, and desired much to be reconciled. They gave me good reasons for that they went not to Mrs. Arrendall, but my lady saith, God would it should be seen who He had used as His in- struments in this work. Two others likewise in my lady's house in this time were reconciled by my means ; one of them they say had been so obstinate that every one was in despair of him.

Mary Ward discussed.

The conceit and opinion had of our Company, and daily disputes against it, and my lady defending of it.

Mr. Palmer, the Benedictine, and others being much pleased to see my manner of living and the good success that God hath given unto my poor endeavours, fell many times into speech of our Mother and Company, and said they would see Mrs. Mary Ward send some of hers to live and labour in the manner I do, then they should like well of them, &c., but they live in great houses for their own ends only, and by their means to draw the Society thither ; others said it was unfit that religious women should live out of monasteries, 'retiredness and recollection were fittest for them, for that our Blessed Saviour com- mended St. Mary Magdalen, saying she had chosen the best part, which should not be taken from her. The lady first answered to Mr. Palmer, and said : You see, sir, wliat N. N. doth and you applaud her and her endeavours (as indeed they truly deserve), therefore if this be commendable, as you all say it is, in her, I wonder much you can so mislike Mrs. Ward and her Company; it seems to me (though a thing so far unfit one of your function, that I could think my cares are mistaken) that you condemn those whom you know not, for believe me I know Mrs. Ward and others of hers as you know her here present and could say as much of their progress in other places, as well in poor as rich families, as her you daily see before your eyes, and if I should tell you what I know concerning them, how many and great personages converted by them, other reformations and the like done by them, you would I doubt not approve in them the same, and far greater in quality and number than these you see and are so pleased with, therefore condemn not whom, I daresay, you know not. For besides what I know myself of them, I have heard divers learned, grave, and virtuous men, and such as had best reason to know them,

Defended by Lady Timperley.

say, that without question the Spirit of God is with them and hi' great measure, otherwise it were impossible for them to -nave in all kinds and places performed so much good to God His honour as they have done in every place where they have lived, and in such sort performed, as I have heard persons of good judgment avouch, hath been rare. That they are women of much prayer, great austerities, and exemplar lives are unknown only to such as knoweth them not. These things granted, as truth in time will bring to pass, I see not why such women may not as well to God's honour live in the world, to labour the conversion of souls as particular women {by you so much applauded) who, if they be particular and of themselves, cannot have so good means, at least for their own perfection as these others, who being of a community sent by obedience, after a long practice of mortification and solid virtues, well grounded in humility, and although it is true that our Blessed Saviour commended a contemplative life in St. Mary Magdalen, yet did He neither forbid nor dis- approve a mixed life, and I have heard divers of good judg- ment commend, if not prefer this, if (as in these gentle- women) contemplation be mixed with action.

Another time there came to my lady's a priest who was to enter the Society ; he spoke bitterly against our Mother and the Company, calling them notable Goshops {sic) &c. The lady told me she was not edified thereat, ar^d could not forbear to tell him her mind, and what she knew of them as before. She still defends our Mother and Com- pany ; for myself I need none, so long as I am not suspected to be one of you, I am well beloved, and all I do is exceedingly well liked of; my lady saith she seeth God exceedingly in our course, and tells me that we are very happy, and that without doubt our endea- vours are very pleasing to God, since He maketh even those who love us not to like and approve of us, them-

Advice to Sister Dorothea. 39

selves not knowing when they are it. Sometimes my lady is merry to see how fearful they are lest she should persuade me to be what already she knoweth I am. And to put me out of conceit of this course they tell me strange things of our Mother and the rest. They say she is gone to Rome to have it confirmed ; but it will never be, without enclosure, and if it be not confirmed, it is no religion. I say little to them, but seeth much. Upon April 2, 1622, Mr. Palmer again disputed against our Company, and in jesting manner asked me if I would be "a galloping nun " or " a preacher," &c. I answered I was content with my present state. " Indeed," he said, " so I might be, for I did more good than any of them had done, yet he should like me much better if I would make the vows of obedience and chastity to my ghostly Father."

CHAPTER III.

"Jerusalem" 1622.

The feeling of prejudice and opposition existing in the minds of many English Catholics towards Mary Ward and her Sisters, which Sister Dorothea's narra- tive reveals, is still more strongly exhibited in a document^ drawn up by the Archpriest Harrison and his assistants before the death of the former in May, 162 1, and subsequently signed by Colleton, locum tenens during the vacancy of that office, and by the rest. The paper was forwarded to Rome shortly after Mary Ward first reached the city. It was con- veyed there to the hands of the new Agent for the English Clergy, the Rev. John Bennett,'^ himself one of the assistants, who had been deputed to carry the news of the death of the Archpriest to the Pope, and to use every effort to bring to a successful issue the

^ In the Archives of the diocese of Westminster.

^ Brother of the Rev. Edward Bennett, one of the assistants who signs the memorial. The Archpriest Harrison describes him to Car- dinal Bellarmine as " one of my assistants, a grave, pious, learned, and prudent priest, who has caused great merit in this vineyard, in which he has laboured very greatly in gaining souls for twenty-five years con- tinuously, and has even suffered imprisonment for the faith."

State of English Catholics. 41

long-pending negotiations concerning the appoint- ment of a bishop.

This appointment was one of the vexed questions which had for long been the source of much divided feeling, and even rancorous animosity, to the English Catholics, party spirit running high among them on several subjects. This present generation, reinstated in the peaceful possession of so many privileges, are perhaps not fair judges of the distresses of their fore- fathers in these respects. It seems strange to many among us how it came to pass, that the sufferings resulting from the continual pressure of the severe persecuting laws, a pressure making itself felt at the fireside of every one amongst them, rich or poor, were not sufficient to unite and absorb all their energies in the noble struggle for the cause of God and His Church. Had such been the case, the worm of discord could not have crept in to harass and trouble them still further. But experience teaches us constantly that this is not usual. Times of great calamity and distress bring forth in a marvellous way the power of God over hearts and wills, working wonders through and over human weakness in all sorts of beautiful deeds of self-sacrifice and heroic courage. But they also afford a field in which that weakness has ample opportunity to display its miserable littlenesses and self-seeking. All united in one in the true faith, and ready to shed their blood for its least dogma or definition, the Catholics of England were not exempt from the ordinary failings of humanity, nor had they among them leaders to whom they could look for wisdom and prudence in dealing with the many difficult pro-

42 Divisions and Disputes.

blems which were continually arising. A thousand things had to be calmly considered, before it could be decided which was the most prudent course for the Church to take, under the circumstances of the time, circumstances altogether unprecedented and singular. The Catholics of that time were divided in judgment, and divisions of judgment naturally led to diversities of feeling and even to animosity and strife. But we must have little self- knowledge if we do not readily excuse mistakes and errors in judgment amidst the cruel and per- petual excitements of a time when the visits of pursuivants, the summons before the judge, the fears for those valued more than life itself, the hasty flight, or the loathsome prison, were the daily portion of most, either in expectation or reality.

To enter upon the history of these disputes is quite foreign to the spirit of this work. They are only touched upon here as having been among the causes which swelled the number of Mary Ward's opponents in England, drawing out such strong ex- pressions as those contained in the memorial about to be considered. That memorial was drawn up at a time when the re-appointment of bishops was made a prominent question, with regard to the relations and interests of Catholics among themselves, which agitated the different parties into which they were already divided. Mary Ward was ever faithful to a strict devotion to the Holy See and its ordinances, and Paul V. had even gone so far as to desire that the question of new bishops for England should be dropped as a subject for petition. It was therefore

Injurious to the Institute. 43

a question of which the right solution was not clear, and which might be left to the wisdom of the Holy See. At the same time, it is well known that the Jesuit Fathers, and with them a large number of the laity, among whom were many of Mary Ward's friends, were, whether rightly or wrongly, opposed to the immediate re-introduction of the Episcopate. We have seen that Mary's work and interests in reality stood upon a footing of their own, and were not bound up with those of the Society of Jesus. But what is so evident to us now was by no means so clearly seen by her contemporaries. For, from the circumstances of the early part of her history, and from her continued connection and friendship with many of the Fathers, besides the knowledge that she had adopted the Rules of the Society for her Institute, she and her fellow-workers were at that time ordinarily looked upon as their disciples and followers in whatever opinions they upheld.

Thus the larger number of those, both clergy and laity, who were desirous to press at Rome for the direct appointment of a bishop, had an additional reason for opposing Mary Ward and her plans. Yet many of these, as there is good reason to believe, knew little with any kind of accuracy either of her opinions or practices. It was a time when the in- fluence of current reports, and even of strong charges, was almost inevitable and universal. In those days of slow communication between town and town, country and country, there was little time for sifting truth from falsehood, mere report from positive fact. In many instances, therefore, we may well believe

44 Memorial of English Clergy.

that false reports were circulated, and that truth often failed to show itself These facts must be kept in view in reading the sweeping charges laid against Mary Ward and her companions in the memorial of the clergy, for which, grave as their nature was, no circumstantial evidence was ever produced through all the searching examinations to which her work was subjected in later time, and which in all her own public documents she distinctly rebutted as untrue.

The authors of the memorial^ begin with setting forth the indisputable fact that " the Catholic faith has been propagated hitherto* in no other way than by apostolic men of approved virtue and constancy." They then immediately introduce the new Institute of women as "professing to be devoted to the con- version of England in no other way than as priests." Its rapid growth is spoken of in spite of the contempt entertained for such projects, especially by the wisest. The writer names the members as " Jesuitresses," but says "they have, in mockery of so incongruous an Institute, many ridiculous appellations." Mary Ward is next spoken of by name, but in few words, as remaining for a few months only as a probationer among the nuns of St. Clare, and then setting herself to found a new Order, taking the Jesuit Fathers as

' See the translation in Note i, Appendix to Book V.

* This affirmation was fully answered in defence of the Institute by several learned men, as will be seen below, who adduce the examples of women saints of the early and later Church, both before St. Mary Magdalene, chosen by our Lord Himself as the first witness to the Resurrection and the messenger to the Apostles, and since, as Phoebe mentioned by St. Paul, and many other such, in support of the way of life introduced by Mary Ward.

Charges against the Institute, 45

her pattern. Those who came to her she " instructed in Latin, trained them to hold exhortations publicly, engage in conversations with externs, manage families, &c., preparing the most approved for the English Mission," The members of her Institute "profess the offices of the Apostolic function, travel hither and thither, change their ground and habit, and, accom- modating themselves to the manners and condition of seculars," "do anything, in fact, under the pretext of exercising charity to neighbours," and yet wish to be looked upon as a religious Congregation,

The writer, "with his assistants and all English priests and Catholics generally, both at home and abroad, thinks " that the Institute was not known to Paul v., for, if known, it would not have been ap- proved, for the following reasons — (i) that it was never heard of in the Church that women should discharge the Apostolic office ; (2) the Institution is contrary to the decrees of the Council of Trent ; (3) the members arrogate to themselves the power to speak of spiritual things before grave men and priests, and to hold exhortations in assemblies of Catholics and usurp ecclesiastical offices ; (4) it is feared they will run into errors of various kinds ; (5) they go about cities and provinces, are in houses of rich Catholics, change their habit, travel indifferently either as ladies of consequence or as poor persons, sometimes in rich garments, sometimes in poor, are sometimes many together, sometimes alone, and are to be found among seculars of good or bad morals. Also they go to and fro to Belgium as suits them. The other items are much alike in import, being general charges and

46 Further Charges.

aspersions against the characters of the " Jesuitresses," as "a scandal and disgrace to both Catholics and heretics," idle, garrulous, and immodest, known by the former as " Galloping Girls " and " Apostolicae Viragines," and " a shame and scorn to pious people."

From all these considerations the writers wonder how it is that the Jesuit Fathers support this Institute, while all others protest and condemn it — a fact the more surprising, as it is contrary to their Constitutions to involve themselves in the government of women. Yet the Jesuitresses are accustomed to have recourse to' them on all occasions and for all their affairs. The memorial concludes with the old charge, already brought forward publicly and refuted, of their en- trapping those ladies who would otherwise have entered other orders of women, in order to attach them to their own.

There is no need to comment at length on the several charges here briefly epitomized. With regard to that of engaging in ecclesiastical functions, Mary Ward's words to Pope Gregory XV. may be recalled, in which she expressly excepts from the objects of the Institute "all such things as are only lawful for priests to exercise." For the rest, all that our readers already know of the lives of Mary and her associates will be a sufficient answer. But one very striking consideration forces itself upon the mind in examining the memorial before us in conjunction with the real employments of the members of the Institute as pourtrayed in Sister Dorothea's narrative. In reading such words as those of the charge, laid as though a crying scandal, against them, of " doing anything, in

Work of women allowed. 47

fact, under the pretext of exercising charity to neigh- bours, and yet wishing to be numbered amongst rehgious famiHes," we are at once struck by the fact, that in the Church of the present day, there are many recognized and highly useful congregations of women to which the words might apply. But, in considering these charges, so many of which will seem to us unfounded, while so many others have been overruled by the practice of the Church in the times \v\. which we live, we must again and again remember the difference between those times and our own, and also the very grave nature of the question which the Holy See had to settle in the case before us.

It is true, that, in the days in which we live, there is no longer any question whether ladies can be employed, not certainly in the functions of the apostolical ministry as such, to which few of the Roman authorities could have imagined Mary and her friends to have aspired, but in the work for souls which has so many various forms and departments, and which needs the labours of all the children of the Church, in whatever way they can help her cause. That question is no longer doubtful, if it ever was doubtful. It has been settled long ago, and there are at present scores of communities in the Church whose principle of life and action is almost exactly that which the English Virgins were endeavouring to introduce. The Church in these latter days has gone the full length of allowing these congregations of women. She has allowed to them, in many cases, no small measure of independence of the ordinaries, and almost complete self-government, even to the

48 Mary Ward's petitions.

extent, in some cases, of a General Superior, whose office lasts for life, a point which was so much opposed in the Institute of the Society of Jesus itself. This is perfectly true, and Mary Ward and her com- panions deserve the full glory of having seen, in their own time, the usefulness, even, in a certain measure, the necessity of such permissions on the part of the Holy See. So far the course of events and the lapse of time have answered sufficiently the charges made by these English ecclesiastics on the question of principle involved in the petitions and aims of Mary Ward. But this must not carry us on further than is just. After the question of principle must come the question of prudence, and of the practicability of the working the new Institute, under the very different circumstances of those days, and with the certainty that it would be violently opposed in the very land for which it was especially designed. Moreover, this new Institute claimed to be independent of ordinary episcopal authority, the place of which could not possibly be taken, as is the case of other orders of women, by the priests of the Religious Order, the Constitutions of which it was desired to adopt, and the aims of which it was intended to imitate as far as the difference of sex made it possible. What the Holy See was asked by Mary Ward to do was to found a new Society of Jesus for women, with a woman for the General Superior, and this in a land in a state of severe persecution, and where the Catholics themselves were all but hopelessly divided. There were difficulties here by the side of which the foolish insinuations against the prudence, and even

Charges never examined. 49

the character, of the English Virgins niust have seemed insignificant indeed.

It must, however, in all historical fairness be re- membered that, although the Pontiff or the Cardinals may almost certainly have seen in the demands by Mary Ward and her company abundant reasons for the refusal to sanction the Institute, especially as she would accept of no modification of its characteristic features, it must still have been of very serious detri- ment to these English Ladies that charges of the kind now mentioned were made against them. The Holy See did not need these charges, as we may well sup- pose, to induce it to act as it did, and yet they may have done most serious and lasting injury. The reason for this remark will become evident as the story of Mary Ward draws on. Without blaming any one, we may yet say that hers has been a sin- gularly unfortunate lot, if it was an unfortunate lot to have had the most damaging charges made against her and to have had no opportunity of refuting them. These charges were not made in such a way as to admit of judicial examination, and the whole of . the history, as we know it now, shows that they were unfounded or, at least, grossly exaggerated. " It is not the custom of the Romans," says Festus in the Acts^ " to condemn any man, before that he who is accused have his accusers present, and have liberty to make his answer to clear himself of the things laid to his charge." ^ But, in the case of Mary Ward, it unfortunately appears to have happened that many charges

' Acts XXV. 16. E 2

50 Another report.

against her, which she was not then called on to answer, as there were reasons enough against her plans without them, remained stored up in docu- ments at Rome, to be used long after the immediate occasion was past, and when their accuracy was not tested by full examination. It could not but seem safe to assume that charges made in such docu- ments as that from which we have been quoting were not unfounded, and yet this is the very last thing that Mary and her friends would have admitted, nor has any evidence ever been forthcoming to prove their truth. This must be said once for all, and it is neces- sary for the right and just estimation of the case of Mary Ward, as it was judged not only in her life- time, but long after her death.

But the list, already numerous of those inimical to Mary Ward and her work at this period, has still further to be increased. Another report of the Insti- tute was made in common with that of all the reli- gious communities for Englishwomen in Belgium, by order of the Papal Nuncio at Brussels, in the autumn of the year 1622, by Dr. Kellison, President of Douay College,^ and was doubtless forwarded to Rome. Though more moderate in wording than the memo- rial, the spirit in which it is written differs from that exhibited in the accounts given of the other commu- nities of religious, and is also betrayed by many inaccuracies. In describing the origin of the Insti- tute, the document states that Father Roger Lee, " a great adept at drawing everything to the Society

® The MS. is in the Archives of the diocese of Westminster, vol. xvi. p. 645.

Dr. Kellison. 51

under pretence of piety, dealt in such a manner with a certain virgin of singular talent and eloquence (who was afterwards named General of that Congregation, and now works at Rome for it), that he allowed her who was ready for profession in the Gravelines Convent to make a new Institute in imitation of the Society." The work of the members in England and elsewhere is described in a truer and more charitable spirit. Besides engaging in the education of girls, they are stated as " obtaining access to noble women, in order to instruct them and even their husbands in Christian doctrine, teaching them how to make acts of contrition, meditation, and other spiritual exer- cises." If the aspersions against their way of life and morals, so unsparingly directed against them in the document from England, are not altogether omitted, they are at least less violent and offensive in expres- sion. The writer also makes the same charge which we have seen fettering Mary Ward's hands, by alarm- ing the fears of parents as to the instability of the state of life which their daughters sought to embrace, and adds the unproved assertion that when their dowries were exhausted these ladies were returned to their relatives. No instance of such a fact having occurred is on record.

Dr. Kellison also writes further on the position taken by the Jesuit Fathers towards Mary Ward and the Institute. It has already been fully recognized that, whatever difficulties fell upon the latter by their supposed subjection and conformity in opinions and practices of the Society of Jesus, the support and countenance given to them were confined to a portion

52 Friends and opponents.

of that body, though amongst these were numbered some of the most distinguished of their members, eminent for holiness and learning. Sister Dorothea's history has given further evidence on this point. The report mentions this apparent division, but adds that latterly the Institute had been " publicly deserted by all " the Fathers, a result which must now have been patent to all observers, and which came itself, as it is natural to suppose, from the orders of the General which have been named in a preceding chapter. Still, says Dr. Kellison, some among them blamed, and some praised the Institute. He proceeds to attribute Mary Ward's journey to Rome to this general defec- tion. This indeed may have been in some measure true, as it has been shown that the increasing difficulties surrounding her work hastened her steps thither.

With so formidable an array of opponents before us, which the preceding chapters have revealed, we begin to feel as if the hands of all men were against Mary Ward and her work. We have, however, again to call to mind that the opposition raised against her centred in England, and arose, for the greater part, from the unhappy circumstances in which that country was plunged. To those unhappy circumstances must be mainly attributed the sufferings of the struggle, involving nothing less than the life of her Institute, in which she was engaged, and the untoward results of that struggle. At this period her foreign friends doubtless greatly exceeded both in number and eminence of worldly position those among her own nation. But she was far from being unsupported in England as her enemies gave out. Her English

Father And7^ew White. 53

friends indeed were less open-mouthed on the subject of her merits, than those against her were on that of her faults. The former aided and worked for her more silently but effectually, and there is every reason to believe that during these years the number of the members of the Institute occupied in pious labours in England was considerable. A valuable testimony to the solidity and efficacy of those labours for the permanent good of the Church is to be found in a document by Father Andrew White/ written in the year 162 1, i.e. the year Mary Ward took her journey to Rome.

The opinion of this holy and learned religious,^

^ In the Nymphenburg Archives, a copy in English, apparently in the hand of Father Andrew \Yhite himself. The old spelling has been changed in the text.

* Father Andrew White was born in 1579. He entered the Society of Jesus at Louvain in 1607, having been previously imprisoned in England during the first year of his priesthood in 1606, and sentenced to perpetual banishment. He was engaged subsequently on the English Mission for different periods, and was conspicuous for his learning and sanctity of life, both when thus employed and in the various offices he held in his own Order abroad. While in England in 1633, he was selected with two other Fathers to attend the Catholic planters sent out by Lord Baltimore to the new territory of Maryland just granted to that nobleman by Charles I. Here he lived a life of toil and privation among the Indians for ten years. God bestowed upon him many marvellous graces while evangelizing the natives and making many conversions among the Protestant part of the new population, as well as taking charge of the Catholic settlers. But the bitter spirit of perse- cution had crossed even to the New World, and in 1644 a party of soldiers from the Puritan colony of Virginia attacking Maryland, Father White was made prisoner, and sent off in chains to England with two of his companions. Arraigned for high treason, expecting no less than a sentence of death, he continued to practise amidst the hard- ships of a cruel prison the austerities which were his ordinary custom. Fasting twice a week on bread and water, the gaoler remarked to him

54 Charitable gift.

justly styled "the Apostle of Maryland," and gifted by God in many remarkable ways, is worthy of great consideration. Its date shows it to have been written by him in the interval between his labours in the houses of his Society in Spain and Belgium, where he filled various arduous posts, and the date of his voyage to America, where he accompanied the first settlers in 1633. This interval was passed by Father White as a missioner in England, and he then became further acquainted with the merits and virtues of the members of the Institute of English Virgins, which must first have been brought before him at Liege when Professor of Divinity in that city. In this document Father White mentions that a sum of money has been promised by two gentlemen,

— towards the setting up of some pious work, which, coram D)io, I shall think most glorious to Almighty God, most necessary for the Holy Church's universal good, help of our countr}', and perpetual honour and benefit of their families. And having now duely and exactly weighed in the sight of God our Creator and Lord what this work ought to be ; do find and clearly see that none may be compared in these conditions with the holy Institute which out of His infinite goodness and tender mercy the Holy

with astonishment : " If you treat your old body so badly, you will not be strong enough to be taken to be hanged at Tyburn," " It is this very fasting," replied the Father, " which gives me strength enough to bear all for the sake of Christ. " Condemned once again to perpetual banishment, Father \Yhite sought earnestly from his Superiors to return to Mar}land, but from his advancing years this was not granted. He went back, however, to England, where his life was prolonged to labour for yet twelve years, the latter part of which was spent in the south-western districts. Father Andrew White died a holy death in 1656.

Description of Institute. 55

Ghost hath inspired to His devout servant and spouse, the illustrious virgin and most Reverend Mother Mary Warde, chief Superior of the sacred beginning Society of Jesus for Women, and like a flower of sweetest odour and sovereign virtue hath placed in the paradise of His Church to parallel that matchless simple {sic) of the Fathers of the Society of Jesus, as well in fragrant sanctity of self-perfection, as help of neighbours, conversion of souls, education of children in schools, correctories {sic), sodalities, and such like : teaching chiefly Christian doctrine, modesty, and piety, with all other ornaments belonging to women, of needle [work], music, and higher learning, moral and divine, according to the capacity of that sex : which as at first it mainly helped forward the inflow of heresy and corrupted, by the same corrupteth their children in their infancy and so infecteth the seed- hopes of a future world : so being voysed {sic) [voiced] to perfection and sanctity in some and reinforced to glorious great intents of working the greatest glory they can to God : do not content themselves to live in monasteries for them- selves alone : and assist only with penances and prayers the forces of God in field under the colours of the holy Cross, but according to their measure of grace and devout value of their estate like St. Sabba his virgin, leave their rest and retreat as our Blessed Saviour did His Father's bosom to squench {sic) the fire of sin and heresy, and by Divinest endeavours to reduce souls to God, for Whom they were created, and therefore have learned divines and guides of souls much praised this Institute. The highest Bishop by the Cardinals of Congregation of the Council of Trent com- mended the same, and God Himself by miraculous passages of love unto it made it illustrious to the world, through infinite crosses, contradictions, pressures, prisons and perse- cutions, working still by strong, sweet, and prudent patience, heroical acts in the service of God, strange conversions, mutations of manners, change of life, increase of sanctity,

56 Gift for the Institute.

hopes of infinite spiritual fruit in the Holy Church, to the comfort and admiration of all that know them, and glory of Christ Jesus, Whose arms, name, and livery they desire to wear, to Whom be praise and renown and wisdom and thanksgiving, honour, power, and strength for ever. Amen.

Therefore by these to the greater glory of God our Creator and Lord, I name and design the abovesaid holy Institute of the Society of Jesus, beginning under and by the Divine motion and light of the Holy Ghost working in the heart of the most reverend and illustrious Mother Mary Warde, chief Superior thereof: that the above-named sum be given to the said most Reverend Mother or her assigns or successors for the better advancing of her desires therein : and these I declare with as free a heart as I desire God should bestow His glory on mine own soul. And for that the honour of such an alms may never die amongst the said sacred Mothers of this holy Society of Jesus, and the families of these worthy gentlemen may always reap the deserved fruits of glory for time to come ; this designation made conditions that the main sum be put forth to rent charges, with clauses of mutual redemption, emolument, benefit, or some use justly devised, and the principal be conserved entire ever to help one or more houses of this holy Institute, or other public affairs thereof according to the will, dispose, or direction of the same most Reverend Mother Chief {sic) that now is, or for the time shall be.

But in case, which God forbid, this holy work should not go forward, and holy Church should for the present not deserve for my sins and those of many more so helpful an ornament as this, for hereof, as yet, howbeit there be in some a Divine faith upon particular light and revelation of God, and in others a supernatural assurance out of the principles of more than human prudence, yet notwith- standing, seeing there is no Catholic faith thereof proposed by the authority of the Church ; it is altogether necessary,

Conditions. 5 7

according to the intention of the gentlemen above-named, who intend hereby a permanent service to God and His holy Church, that in such a case, the sum be disposed of by them, and designed by me now for then : and by these presents is disposed of and designed, as followeth : First, that although this Institute should happen never to be approved for a religion by the See Apostolic, but these happy souls should yet maintain a figure and form of com- munity and live together as collegiate virgins as now- they do with desire of religion in this Institute, notwithstanding, shall this principal and fruit thereof ever be theirs. Secondly, if they should (which never will happen) ever break up alto- gether form of community, and live each from other so that one may say, the work is utterly dissolved but the members thereof deceased, or the Institute itself altered especially in the point of independence of any man but His Holiness, from that which the said most Reverend Mother Chief Superior that now is shall set down, then do the gentlemen above-named dispose of now for then : and I design this principal and fruits thereof to be given to the Fathers of the Society of Jesus, of that province in which Shepton Mallet of Somersetshire shall be : with this proviso, that, in case they by any mean understanding of this clause do not in express hope to succeed, anything directly or in- directly to hurt this work, or concur to the ruin or hindrance of this holy Society beginning, for then they deserve to be deprived thereof, and the last that liveth of this sacred body shall dispose of the principal and fruits in some pious per- manent work, which shall make most for the greatest glory of God and good of souls. In witness whereof I firm this with mine own hand and name, this fourth of February anno dni 162 1, stilo prisco, London.

Andrew White,

P. of the Society of Jesu.

^

5 8 ' 'Jerusalem. "

It was said of Mary Ward during her lifetime that " it was more advantageous to be her enemy than her friend." In closing this chapter it seems not out of place to speak of this eminent grace which is exemplified with great beauty in various ways in her personal history. In gathering together material in order to give a correct account of her difficulties and trials, it is most striking to find that among her numerous writings and those of her companions but three names are mentioned of those who did her wrong, and this without a comment. From the date at which we now have arrived, onwards, the opposition she encountered became more extended, more violent, and more bitter. But Mary and her companions at her instigation, never swerved from that charity which is ever "kind, patient, not provoked to anger, thinketh no eval, beareth all things, believeth all things, hopeth all things, endureth all things." The evil deed is sometimes recorded in simple words as necessary to the history, but the evil-doer is invariably concealed. Even in the confidential intercourse which existed between her and her associates there was no change in this respect. They had a. general nomenclature, very characteristic of Mary herself, with whom it originated, by which the authors of their sufferings were distinguished. This noni de guerre was " Jeru- salem." Our readers will easily trace its signification. Who can doubt that these "good friends," as they also named them, will be found to have aided them no little to obtain a high place in the Jerusalem above .''

CHAPTER IV.

The Institute on Trial. 1622, 1623.

To return to the English Ladies in Rome. After Pope Gregory's gracious reception of Mary, their affairs had been at once laid before the Congregation of Bishops and Regulars, and in the brief which he sent to the Congregation, the Pontiff expressed, in the strongest manner, his desire to show favour towards them and their Institute. His answers to the Emperor and the King of Spain as well as to the Infanta, evinced the same spirit. Already several Congrega- tions had been held, when a change became visible in the opinions of some of the Cardinals who were assist- ing. Doubtless Mary Ward was acquainted with the reasons from the knowledge she obtained of what was passing in various directions. The influence was work- ing which was to have such fata! effects in the course of time. Between the date of Mary's audience with the Pope and the middle of the summer, the memorial from England must have been presented to Gregory. The absence among the signatures of the Assistants of that of the Rev. John Bennett, though himself one of their number, and opposed, as we shall hereafter see to Mary Ward and the Institute, leads to the belief

6o John Bennett's letters.

that the memorial was signed and forwarded to him after he was at Rome. Clearly Gregory could not have seen it until the Congregations of the Cardinals on the subject of the Confirmation were already being held.

Bennett's views concerning the Institute are plainly visible in his correspondence. In February, 1622, he writes to Dr. Bishop, shortly afterwards made Bishop of Chalcedon :

The Jesuitrices here follow their suit underhand. The Jesuits disclaim openly, but I know they assist underhand what they can; but they will never in this Court get allow- ance, but with clausure, as I am made assured. The matter is a ridiculous folly to all the grave that I hear speak of it in this Court.

Again a month later he writes :

The Jesuitrices have exhibited ridiculous petitions, which have scandalised this Court. They would take a fourth vow to be sent amongst the Turks and infidels to gain souls. Briefly, clausure they must embrace, and some Order already approved, else dissolve. But of clausure they will not hear, and in other Orders there is not the perfection they aim at : and this they have not been ashamed to answer to these great prelates, who think of them accordingly. Infirinavit Dejis consilimn Achitophel. I marvel what madmen advised them hither with these fooleries.

And again :

They are a folly to this town, and I assure you have much impeached the opinion which was held of the modesty and shamefacedness of our countrywomen. Finally, with- out clausure they must dissolve, which is fit were known

All or nothing. 6i

with you, that they delude no more young women to the hazard of their ruin. Here are carried about many odd histories of them.

These remarks show very well the impression pro- duced, on minds not favourable to her plans, of the resolute and uncompromising line taken by Mary Ward. She would have all or nothing. It is quite clear that, at Rome at least, there was no lack of a disposition to meet her half-way. As a matter of fact, even at the present day, it would not be easy to find a recognized congregation of religious women carrying out, in all details, the plan which she desired to have approved in the seventeenth century. In- closure is not, indeed, of strict and universal obli- gation in the Congregations which have taken up work similar to hers, but even in these inclosure is practically observed. Mary and her companions were strict enough in the rules against admitting externs into their houses, but they wished, on account of the circumstances of England, to be allowed themselves to go out as freely as the Filles de la Charite among ourselves. She put forward in her memorial, as we have seen in a former chapter, a resolution to adhere to the Constitutions of St. Ignatius which might be taken by an unfriendly person as the ground of the remark just quoted in Bennett's letter, that in other orders there is not the perfection they aim at. Thus, to him, the "counsel of Achitophel was brought to weakness." The English Virgins might be winning golden opinions as to their personal virtue, but the line which they took before the Congregation was not guided by a policy likely to conciliate opposition.

62 Memorial before the Pope.

They acted as if the fact that the Constitutions of the Society of Jesus had been approved for that Order, made their own proposed adoption of the same Constitutions a measure which they had a right to expect to be granted, unless some overwhelming reason could be shown to the contrary. But at Rome their plan was naturally viewed as one for which the Holy See must require overwhelming reasons in order to grant it.

After two or three audiences with the Pope, and assisting at the deliberations of the Cardinals of the Inquisition, John Bennett, at length, in June of the year we are considering, obtained from the latter a decree declaring it advisable that a bishop should be appointed for the Church in England. About this time, or at one of his other interviews with the Holy Father, in order to secure the advantage which his exertions had gained, the memorial concerning Mary Ward and the Institute was probably brought forward. It was a stroke aimed at those who were opposing the introduction of Episcopal Rule, in part perhaps to show some of the results which ensued from its absence, and it told with good effect. Mary must have been expecting the blow, which had not yet fallen, when, foreseeing what would happen, she followed up the discussions of the Fourth Congrega- tion of Regulars respecting her business, by a petition in the name of herself and her companions, presented in the Fifth Assembly. At the earlier meetings it would seem that both the Cardinals and the Pope had appeared favourable to the adoption of Mary's plans in full. The change which had been working

Petition to the Cardinals. 63

becomes, however, visible from the contents of this petition, the subject of inclosure having been intro- duced at the session just ended. The petition will also show Mary's consequent course of action. It is as follows •}

Most Illustrious and Reverend Lord, — The English Ladies having been notified that in the last Congregation this, among other means, was discussed, namely, that, their Institute preserved, they should be confirmed under the name of Oblates, with the form of inclosure like that of the Torre di Specchio, in order to avoid an entire inclosure ; which being very far from that manner of living which they have until now practised, and which was chosen by them, therefore more time is necessary, well to consider and recommend the matter to God before they can determine and give a decision as to the above. And because these Ladies think that they shall not leave Rome so soon, in order that the decision may be made beforehand upon what they ask, therefore they humbly entreat your Lordship to grant that, in the interval while they remain here in Rome, they may, at their own expense, do the same things which they have done in other places where they have been, in order that your Lordship may better see and understand their habits and manner of living. And for so great a favour these Ladies will ever pray, etc.

If this petition is compared with the accounts Mary herself gives of the whole business on two different occasions, it will be seen that she must have had information that not only a delay, but an entire

^ Nymphenbiirg Archives. In Italian, addressed outside, "Al molto Illmo. eh Rmo. Signe. il Monsigr. Campegio, Secretario. della Congregatione de' Vescovi et Regolare." Docketed in another ancient hand, "dated, July i, 1622, 5 Congregation, writt out."

64 Account of proceedings.

refusal from the Pope was imminent. The first of these accounts was in a memorial- sent to Cardinal Bprghese three years subsequently ; the other was addressed to Pope Urban VI 1 1, at a still later period, and will be quoted in its place. To Cardinal Borghese, in 1625, Mary, in conjunction with her com- panions, writes that

Pope Gregory XV., of happy memory, received them at first graciously and laid their business before the Congrega- tion of Regulars, returning very excellent letters to the Princes [whose recommendations they had brought to Rome], expressing all that favour which they had claimed towards the Institute and its members. But the enemy of all good instigated some ecclesiastics and religious (through jealousy alone of the resemblance of their Institute to that of the Society of Jesus) to deprive them of their good fame, by most false reports, saying and affirming that the said Ladies preach in pulpits or places of assembly, and that they dispute publicly de rebus divi?iis, with other similar most false and extravagant things, far removed from their habits or thoughts. Nevertheless these reports were but too much believed, and some of the Illustrious Lord Cardinals of the said Congregation of Regulars have shown them- selves to be of these opinions even until now, and those falsehoods were the cause that His Holiness Gregory XV. then made difficulties as to confirming their Institute. See- ing wliich the said Ladies petitioned that leave should be granted them to live here in Rome in a collegiate manner, or as for many years they had lived elsewhere (in order that experience might prove their habits not to be such as they were said to be by their adversaries), which was found good and conceded by His Holiness and the said Congregation

- Nymphenburg Archives.

Petition granted, 65

of Regulars. They have therefore put this into execution and resided here in Rome until the present time, which is nearly the space of three years.

Nothing could be better, under the circumstances, than the proposal now made, that the Institute should be fairly tried. Mary's wisdom is manifest in asking at this juncture to be permitted to practise their way of life in Rome before the eyes of the Pope and Car- dinals, and thus to live down the accusations which had been brought forward, and win their approval. She was clear-sighted enough to be aware that a refusal from the Holy See on the question of the principles involved in the proposed Institute, supported by such reasons as those urged in the memorial, would be all but ruin and was to be hindered at whatever cost. But it was a venturesome undertaking when we re- member that such a way of life was quite new to the Church at large. Such an attempt would scarcely have been risked by any but one so brave as she was. It shows at the same time the confidence she had in the solid virtues and discretion of those with her, and yet more, her confidence in God that He would carry them safely through such an ordeal. Her proposition was made opportunely, and granted. We shall see that Mary herself personally had much to do with its acceptance. Had it been delayed, however, this petition would probably have been refused by Gregory equally with that for con- firmation. It was natural that the opposition to her plans should have increased during the sittings of the Congregation. Many had listened and given credence to the reports which were but too soon

F

66 Undertaking difficult.

freely circulated, and were actively engaging them- selves against her proposals. In turning for in- formation to the manuscript,^ already largely quoted, we find the writer's lips indeed sealed as to more than a general allusion to individuals. Still she :says :

It would too far pass the limits of this pretended relation to particularize all her oppositions and opposers, some regardlessly public and in their own colours openly employed their whole power, others pretending friendship had the larger field and more favourable occasion to play their game and gain the effect of their designs ; but God Almighty gave His servant charity enough generously to pardon the one and the other, and skill, prudence, and courage so to carry the business, as notwithstanding all the efforts of her adversaries, she obtained to do in Rome as in other places, that was, both in their own personal practice, as con- cerns our manner of living, and for what regards our neigh- bour and assistance to others, in instructing the youth of our sex in virtue and piety, and showing them moreover, gratis, how to labour in works and other things fitting for young girls.

It is clear also, that the permission now given would not have been accorded, if the highest Roman authorities had attached implicit credence to the .injurious reports about the English Ladies, The Institute had now a good opportunity of being tried and seen at work. But this would not have ibeen granted, if its members had already been ♦deemed unworthy of confidence or consideration, at least by those highest in authority. Mary liad probably never anticipated making any settle- * Winefrid Wigmore's biography.

Barbara Ward's illness. 67

ment in Rome when she undertook the journey- thither, but the Providence of God had so brought it about, and she set herself to the task in good earnest. Her five travelling companions were by no means sufficient to develope a work, which not only by its efficiency and practical usefulness, but by exhibiting at the same time all the beautiful order and regularity of a grave community life, might find favour in the opinion, as well of the Pope and the Sacred College, as of all Rome itself For no less was requisite, Mary judging rightly that the eyes of the whole city would be upon them. Reinforcements to their strength as to numbers were plainly necessary. Besides, of the five travellers, Barbara Ward, the sympathising and loving sister who had hitherto shared so largely in all Mary's toils and anxieties, was soon to be taken from her, and was at this time not only unfit for active work of any kind, but in fact dying by slow degrees.

We have seen that in June, 1622, in the midst of the negotiations with the Congregation of Cardinals, the whole of the household had been visited with an epidemic. This complaint, which was supposed to be a kind of small-pox, from which the rest were soon free, laid a withering hand on Barbara's health. She caught cold and the disease was turned inwards. When somewhat recovered from the first attack, the good nuns of the Torre de' Specchi offered their aid, and she spent a few weeks with them in the hopes that their care and nursing would entirely restore her, while she at the same time had an opportunity of being instructed in the Italian language. But she

68 Reinforcements from Liege.

returned no better, and as the hot weather advanced she failed gradually. By the alms of kind friends, her companions were enabled, though with great difficulty to themselves, to take Barbara out of the intense heat of a Roman summer, thirty miles into the country. But she did not rally, and came back only to be con- fined to her bed, and needing for her alleviation all the attention which the devotion and love of her Sisters in religion lavished upon her.

Meanwhile Mary had quickly determined upon adding to the community at Rome from among those she had left behind at Liege and elsewhere. Besides the novices at the Novitiate House there were then many of the older members from St. Omer who had been transferred to Liege, leaving not more than fourteen or sixteen at the original mother-house. Of Mary's correspondence with Barbara Babthorpe on the subject of a further transplantation to Rome, only a fragment of a letter remains, which also is apparently not the first. It seems rather to be an addition to others already sent, and contains her final decisions as to some of those summoned and those who were to remain behind. Her reasons for sending for Barbara herself, for which she almost apologises, are not apparent. It was scarcely alone to convoy the rest of the party, for Barbara was then filling the responsible post of Provincial of the Houses of the Institute in Belgium and Germany. Mary perhaps wished, on this very account, both to take council with Barbara, of whose judgment she had so high an opinion, and to give her further directions for her guidance. The attitude of the Holy See towards the Institute was in

Style of Mary's letters. 69

some degree less favourable than that of which they had been assured by Paul V., and it may have appeared to Mary needful that Barbara should be more fully acquainted with what was going on than could be prudently communicated by letter. She certainly did not remain as a permanent inmate at Rome, as we find her again at Liege the following year.

The characteristics of Mary's ordinary correspond- ence with her companions are very observable in the fragment of the letter to Barbara on this occasion — her cheerfulness, and the total absence of anything like a complaint or a murmur concerning either a cir- cumstance or a person, however vexatious or contrary, the care to avoid what in the least might approach to a sad or discouraging view of things, or in any way depress her correspondent, even entering readily into some little joke which had been retailed to her, may be noted. Her style, too, with its simplicity and natural homely wording, and the absence of anything like affectation or exaggeration, affords a happy contrast to the laboured, flowery compositions so generally in vogue in her own day, even in familiar intercourse such as these letters bring before us. In the first part of her letter, which has been carefully cut away, Mary seems to have been writing of the Sister who was to be the Superioress in Rome. She proceeds :

This 29th of 8bre, 1622.

Two companions to help her in businesses and a Sister

to cooke to her and