MODERN PHILOLOGY
EDITED BY
PHILIP S. ALLEN, Managing Editor FBEDEBIC I. CARPENTER JEFFERSON B. FLETCHER
ADVISORY BOARD
JAMES W. BRIGHT FRANCIS B. GUMMERE
GEORGE HEMPL GEORGE L. KITTREDGE
JOHN E. MATZKE CALVIN THOMAS
FREDERICK M. WARREN
VOLUME FIVE 1907-1908
CHICAGO
THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO PRESS 1908
Y/ V
Published
July 1907, October 1907 January 1903, April 1908
Composed and Printed By
The University of Chicago Press
Chicago, Illinois, U. S. A.
CONTENTS
GEORGE C. TAYLOR. The Relation of the English Corpus Christi Play
to the Middle English Religious Lyric 1 *'
JOHN J. MEYER. Hindu Chips for Readers of Goethe 39
OTTO MANTHEY-ZORN. Friedrich Heinrich Jacobi's Home at Pempelfort 43
H. OSKAR SOMMER. Galahad and Perceval. Part I 55
W. OWEN SYPHERD. Old French Influence on Middle English Phrase- ology 85 ^
KARL PIETSCH. Notes on Spanish Folklore 97
HARLOW D. CURTIS. Source of the Petronel-Winifred Plot in East- ward Hoe , 105
EDWARD SAPIR. Herder's Ursprung der Sprache 109
PAUL SHOREY. A Few Parallels from the Classics 143
HENRY N. MACCRACKEN. The Source of Keats's Eve of St. Agnes ... 145
GEORGE F. REYNOLDS. Trees on the Stage of Shakespeare . . . . . 153
MAX BATT. The German Story in England about 1826 169
MILTON A. BUCHANAN. Some Italian Reminiscences in Cervantes . . 177
H. OSKAR SOMMER. Galahad and Perceval. Part II 181
JOHN M. MANLY. Familia Goliae 201 *
JOHN E. MATZKE. The Lay of Eliduc and the Legend of the Husband
with Two Wives 211
CHARLES G. OSGOOD( JR. Notes on Goldsmith 241
JEFFERSON B. FLETCHER. Did Astrophel Love Stella? 253
FRANCIS A. WOOD. Studies in Germanic Strong Verbs. Part II . . . 265 &
H. OSKAR SOMMER. Galahad and Perceval. Introduction, and Con- clusion of Text 291
EDWIN H. TUTTLE. Three Asturian Poems 343
STARR W. CUTTING. Concerning Schiller's Treatment of Fate and Dra- matic Guilt in His Braut von Messina 347
C. ALPHONSO SMITH. The Indicative in an Unreal Condition .... 361
GEORGE L. HAMILTON. Capados and the Date of Gawayne and the
Green Knight 365
SAMUEL KROESCH. The Formation of Compound Words in Gothic . . 377 >
iii
iv CONTENTS
A. E. H. SWAEN. What if a Day . . 383
WILLIAM W. LAWRENCE. The Banished Wife's Lament 387 v
W. A. R. KERB. The Pleiade and Platonism 407
PHILIP S. ALLEN. Mediaeval Latin Lyrics. Part I 423 \f
GEORGE T. NORTHUP. El Libro de los Gatos 477
WINIFRED SMITH. Italian and Elizabethan Comedy 555
CHARLES GOETTSCH. Ablaut-Relations in the Weak Verb in Gothic,
Old High German, and Middle High German 569
D. L. THOMAS. Authorship of Revenge for Honour 617
Modern Philology
VOL. V July,
No. i
THE RELATION OF THE ENGLISH CORPUS CHRISTI
PLAY TO THE MIDDLE ENGLISH
RELIGIOUS LYRIC
The historians of the English drama, in seeking to record its origin and development, have almost without exception failed to take notice of the Middle English religious lyric in its relation to the Corpus Christi plays. An occasional note, made at random from time to time, indicates, it is true, that certain writers have been aware that a relation of some sort exists between these two forms of Middle English literature. These notes, however, have for the most part concerned themselves with calling attention to very slight, though interesting, parallels. It is with such similar- ities, for example, that the observations of Wright,1 Hone,2 Courthope,3 E. Mall,4 and W. A. Craigie5 have had to do. David- son,6 moreover, and Chambers7 have taken notice in a very general fashion of the fact that the plays are very considerably indebted to the great body of devotional poetry of the day; while Cook8 has called attention to the frequent occurrence of the Testament of Christ in Middle English literature.
One specific type of the mediaeval religious lyric, the Planctus Mariae, has for many years attracted considerable attention among
1 The Chester Plays, Vol. II, p. 204 (Shakspere Society, Vol. I).
2 Ancient Mysteries Described, pp. 90 ff .
3 History of English Poetry, Vol. I, pp. 413 ff. * The Harrowing of Hell.
6 An English Miscellany, pp. 52 ff. 6 Studies in the English Mystery Plays, p. 170.
7 The Mediaeval Stage, Vol. II, pp. 145 ff. 8 The Christ of Cynewulf, pp. 207 ff.
1] 1 [MODERN PHILOLOGY, July, 1907
2 GEORGE C. TAYLOR
European scholars and its relation to the drama has been fairly clearly determined.1 The other numerous lyric types, most of which, like the planctus, seem to have had their origin in the Latin,2 and some of which, like the planctus, have spread through Europe, have been, so far as I can learn, almost entirely ignored. Taken collectively, these forms doubtless contributed far more extensively to the growth of the cyclic plays in Europe than did the planctus, and one of these types alone, The Testament of Christ or The Complaint of Christ to his People, probably had an effect, all but as important as that of the planctus itself, on the growth and expansion of the passion-play.
It was at the suggestion of Professor Manly that I began several years ago to investigate the relation of the general body of lyric poetry in Middle English to the Corpus Christi plays. The field proved fertile. Indeed, so numerous are the types of the lyric which have contributed to the formation of the Corpus Christi plays, and so numerous are the examples which go to make up certain of these types,3 that I found it necessary for the time being to limit the thoroughgoing investigation to one special type, the Planctus Mariae* From a general survey of the field, how- ever, I have been able to arrive at results certain and definite enough to warrant some sort of a statement, and this paper will have attained its object if it succeeds in putting forward some of the more important of the types of the Middle English religious lyric upon which the writers and compilers of the miracle-plays have drawn most freely and extensively.
It will be unnecessary to enter here into an elaborate discussion of the meaning of the term "lyric;" but inasmuch as many of the poems to which reference will be made are not lyrical in any ordi- nary modern sense, it may be well to say that I have classed as
iFor references, see "The English Planctus Marine,1'1 Modern Philology, Vol. IV, pp. 605 ff. A thesis by Thien, Uber die englischen Marienklagen, was published several months before my article on the Planctus appeared. My article, which had been in the hands of the editors of Modern Philology for almost two years, was being printed when I secured a copy of Thien's thesis.
2 Unfortunately, during the last few months, Analecta hymnica (Dreves) has been inaccessible to me. It doubtless contains many other Latin prototypes of the Middle Eng- lish lyrics than those which I cite in this paper.
3 The Testament of Christ and The Hail Mary.
* See "The English Planctus Mariae," Modern Philology, Vol. IV, pp. 605 ff.
2
THE MIDDLE ENGLISH RELIGIOUS LYRIC 3
lyric any verse which either in metrical form or in emotional motive seemed in any sense to belong to the lyric categories. I have listed many prayers which are very slightly lyrical, if lyrical at all in any sense, and very occasionally I have paused to com- ment incidentally upon didactic types such as the Ten Command- ments.
Perhaps the non-dramatic type most frequently incorporated into the plays is the general prayer addressed, as the occasion may serve, to God the Father, Christ the Son, and very frequently also to the Virgin Mary. There are thousands of these prayers to be found in the devotional poetry of the day, and hundreds in the plays.1 It is fairly certain that many of these were taken over as ready-made lyrics by the play-writers and adapted to dramatic purposes. Thus the celebrated mediaeval Latin hymn, Veni creator, spiritus? seems to have been taken over bodily by Chester in The Emission of the Holy Ghost* and probably has escaped notice up to the time, mainly because it is so abominably trans- lated.4 Of the prayers to Christ5 two types especially have exerted a very marked and definite influence upon the drama. Of both types there are scores in Middle English literature. The one is
1 Chester Plays (ed. Thomas Wright, Shaks. Soc., Vol. I), Vol. I, pp. 97, 162; Vol. II, pp. 159, 160, 179; York Mystery Plays (ed. Miss Lucy Toulmin Smith), pp. 3, 36, 61, 100, 108, 433; The Towneley Plays (ed. A. W. Pollard, EETS), pp. 3, 23, 40, 99, 195; Coventry Mysteries (ed. J. O. Halliwell, Shaks. Soc., Vol. II), pp. 40, 49, 57, 104, 380. For examples of prayers of a somewhat similar nature, see Minor Poems of the Vernon MS (EETS), Vol. I, pp. 26, 145, 149, 355; An Old English Miscellany (EETS), p. 100; Religious Pieces (EETS), p. 59; Eng. Stud., Vol. IX, p. 49; Anglia, Vol. I, p. 67; Specimens of Lyric Poetry (Percy Soc., Vol. IV), p. 49; Richard Rolle of Hampole (ed. Horstmann, "Yorkshire Writers"), Vol. I, pp. 363 ff. ; Banna- tyne MS (pr. for the Hunterian Club), Vol. I, pp. 84, 107.
2 See Das deutsche Kirchenlied (Wackernagel), Vol. I, p. 75. See further, Minor Poems of V. MS, Vol. I, p. 43; Hymni Latini (Mono), Vol. I, pp. 241 ff.
% Chester, Vol. II, pp. 127 ff. In the Hegge Mary's Betrothment (p. 93), the stage direc- tions order the singing of this hymn, but the existing text does not contain it. In the York Descent of the Holy Spirit (p. 469), we are told that the angels sang this hymn to Mary.
4 See for dramatic customs in connection with the hymn, Chambers, The Med. Stage, Vol. II, p. 66. See for parallels, Appendix of the present discussion, pp. 16 f .
5 Chester, Vol. II, pp. 99, 101 ff. ; York, pp. 177, 212, 368, 424 ff., 504 ; Town., pp. 325 ff ., 340 ff. ; Cov., pp. 223, 356, 403. For prayers to Christ of various kinds, see Minor Poems of the V. MS, Vol. I, pp. 37, 45, 48, 131 ff., 154, 332; Vol. II, 449, 451, 464 ff. ; Richard Rolle of Hampole ("York- shire Writers"), Vol. I, pp. 72 ff., 363 ff.; William of Shoreham (EETS), pp. 79 ff. ; Oude and Godlie Ballatis (Scot. T. Soc.), pp. 21, 24, 62, 64, 73 ff. ; The Poems of Dunbar, Vol. II (Scot. T. Soc.), p. 65 ; Political, Religious and Love Poems, re-ed., Furnivall (EETS), pp. 123 ff. ; Anglia, Vol. V, Anzeiger, p. 119; Vol. XII, p. 595; Eng. Stud., Vol. VIII, pp. 255 ff. ; Vol. X, pp. 232 ff.; Herrigs Archiv, Vol. XCVIII, p. 129.
3
4 GEOBGE C. TAYLOR
the prayer of a repentant sinner, lamenting his past offenses ;* the other consists of that class of prayers in which the sufferings and bodily wounds of Jesus are recounted in detail as cause for lamen- tation.2 No single motive in the devotional poetry of the day seems to have been turned to literary uses so frequently and no motive enables the writers of the time to rise to more fervid and more moving heights of lyric poetry. It would seem that this motive has been taken over from the Testament of Christ poems, which will be considered at some length below. An exceptionally con- ventional form of these lyrical prayers is characterized both in the plays and in the independent lyrics by the initial phrase "When I think."3 Another very conventional passage which occurs in these prayers to Jesus and has made its way from the lyric over to the drama is characterized by the constant repetition of the phrase "Mercy Jesus."*
Perhaps the most highly conventional of all the conventional forms of address to Christ is the Hail Jesus, a prayer in which oftentimes almost every line begins with this formula, followed by synonyms indicating in a fashion the different qualities and char- acteristics of the Savior. There are numerous examples of this
1 Chester, Vol. II, pp. 6, 180 ff., 192 ff.; York, pp. 30 ff., 39, 138, 174, 311; Town., pp. 343, 351 ff . ; Minor Poems of the V. MS., Vol I, pp. 48 ff. ; Vol. II, pp. 696, 785 ff . ; Rich. R. of Ham- pole, Vol. I, pp. 74 ff., 368 ff. ; Polit., Relig. and Love Poems, pp. 123 ff., Hymns to V. and C. (EETS), pp. 95 ff. ; Reliquiae Antiquae, Vol. I, pp. 261 ff. ; Vol. II, pp. 119 ff., 190 ff., 226 ; Anglia, Vol. XXVI, pp. 157, 160. The crios of lost souls who are being carried away to hell might very well bo coasidered in connection with the prayers of the repentant sinners, but more fittingly deserve consideration in connection with the many lyrical poems which have found their way into the judgment-plays, which I consider below.
2 In the plays these lyrics in the majority of cases are characterized by Borne one of the stanzas or lines beginning with the word "Alas ! " Sometimes also this is the case with the independent lyrics. See further, Chester, Vol. II, pp. 53, 95, 101 ; York, pp. 260, 341 ff., 406 ff., 410, 421 ff., 456, 480 ff.; Town., pp. 277, 316 ff., 325 ff., 358; Cov., pp. 316, 331, 355 ff., 360; Minor Poems of the V. MS., Vol. I, pp. 29, 37, 47, 302, 384, 404, 425 ff. ; Vol. II, pp. 452 ff., 471 ff. ; Legends of the Holy Rood (EETS), pp. 150, 194 ff ., 217 ff., 222 ; Rich. R. of Hampole, Vol. I, pp. 76 ff., 369 ff. ; William ofShoreham's Poems (EETS), pp. 79 ff. ; Spec. of Lyric Poetry (Percy Soc., Vol. IV), pp. 62 ff., 83, 86, 111 ff. ; Eng. Stud., Vol. VII, pp. 454, 468; Vol. IX, p. 45 ; Anglia, Vol. XII, pp. 595 ff. ; Vol. XXVI, pp. 263 ff. ; An Old Eng. Misc., pp. 38, 140, 197 ; The Bann. MS., Vol. I, pp. 77, 85, 90, 103, 106. Especially interesting is the passage of this kind to be found in The Lamentation of Mary Magdalene (ed. Bertha M. Skeat), as the same kind of passage is so frequently put into her mouth in the miracle-plays. See further Hymni Latini (Mone), Vol. 1, pp. 121 ff., 131 ff., 392 ff.
3 York, p. 452, 1. 116; Town., pp. 316, 327, 328; Spec, of Lyric Poetry (Percy Soc., Vol. IV), p. 83; Rich. R. of Hampole, Vol. I, p. 78 ; Hymni Latini (Mone), Vol. I, pp. 415 ff. For par- allels, see Appendix, pp. 17 f ,
* York, pp. 424, 489 ; Town., p. 351 ; Herrigs Archiv, Vol. CVI, pp. 60 f . For parallel pas- sages, see Appendix, pp. 29 f .
THE MIDDLE ENGLISH RELIGIOUS LYEIO 5
form in the drama; it appears most frequently in the Christmas plays and constitutes a very large portion of the body of the play in Chester, York, and Towneley.1 It may possibly not be amiss to consider as variations of the above lyrical form the Welcome and Farewell lyrics sometimes addressed to Jesus, sometimes to Mary, in which "Welcome" or "Farewell" are substituted for "Hail;" they seem to be modeled throughout upon the Hail poems.2 Very similar in form and general treatment to the Hail Jesus is the Hail Mary.3 Serving about the same purpose in the plays is the prayer which begins with "Come" instead of "Hail,"4 and which very probably belongs to the class of Latin lyrics represented by Veni praecelsa domina.5 The Hail lyrics and their variations may all have been the development of one line in the annunciation-lyrics, spoken by Gabriel, "Hail Mary."6
1 Chester, Vol. I, pp. 140 ff., 167 ff. ; York, pp. 114 ff., 135 ff., pp. 216 ff ., 444 ff. ; Town., pp. 114 ff., 139 ff., 157 ff. ; Cov., pp. 158 ff., 168 ff . See also Rich. R. of Hampole, Vol. I, pp. 78 ff. ; Minor Poems of the V. MS, Vol. I, 'pp. 24 ff.; Lydgate's Nightingale and Other Poems (ed. Glauning, EETS), pp. 26 ff. ; The Bann. MS, Vol. I, pp. 72 ff., 84 ff . See further, Hymni Latini (Mone), Vol. I, pp. 156 ff. See Appendix, p. 18.
2 The Welcome lyrics are to be found in Chester, Vol. I, pp. 194 ff. ; Vol. II, pp. 2 ff. ; York, pp. 443, 489 ; Cov., pp. 176, 347 ; The Pageant of the Shearmen and Taylors (Manly, Pre-S. Dr.), 11. 699 ff. See also for this form of address applied to persons other than Christ, The Digby Plays (ed. Furnivall, EETS), pp. 18, 128. They are to be found as independent lyrics in The Minor Poems of Lydgate (Percy Soc., Vol. II), p. 10; Christmas Carols (Percy Soc., Vol. IV), pp. 4, 53, 57; Songs and Carols (Percy Soc., Vol. XXIII), p. 43; The Bann. MS, Vol. I, p. 255. The specimen printed in Percy Soc., Vol. XXIII, p. 43, suggests that this class of lyrics may have had its origin in some of the pagan Germanic folk-customs.
The Farewell lyrics are to be found in Chester, Vol. I, p. 171; York, pp. 447, 487; Town., p. 203; Cou.,pp. 102, 143, 160, 347. See The Lamentation of Mary Magdalene, ed. Bertha M. Skeat. See also Songs and Carols (Percy Soc., Vol. XXIII), p. 57, and The Bann. MS, Vol. II, pp. 645 ff., where it is used as a form of address to others than Christ. See for parallel pas- sages, Appendix, pp. 19 ff.
3 York, pp. 473, 484 ff., 492; Cov., pp. 176, 387, 389, 391 ; Minor Poems of the V. MS, Vol. I, pp. 49 ff., 121 ff. ; Polit., Relig. and Love Poems (1st ed., EETS), pp. 81 ff., 145 ff., 174 ff. ; Wm. of Shoreham (EETS), pp. 127 ff.; Hymns to V. and C., pp. 4 ff.; Songs and Carols (Percy Soc., Vol. XXIII), p. 80 ; Chaucerian and Other Poems (ed. Skeat), p. 275 ; Rel. Ant., Vol. II, pp. 174; Anglia, Vol. XXVI, pp. 164 ff. ; Vol. XXVII, pp. 321 ff. ; Herrigs Archiv, Vol. LXXXIX, pp. 183 ff. For the use of this lyric as a form of address to characters other than Christ and Mary, see The Digby Plays, pp. 69, 103 ff., 126 ff. For French forms see GrOber, Grundriss der romanischen Philologie, Vol. II, Part I, pp. 974 ff. For Latin lyrics of this type see Das deutsche Kirchenlied (Wackernagel), Vol. I, pp. 125 ff., 169 ff., 172 ff., 190 ff. ; Hymni Latini (Mone), Vol. II, pp. 5 ff.
* York, pp. 445, 484.
5 Das deutsche Kirch. (Wackernagel), Vol. I, p. 246; Hymni Latini (Mone), Vol. II, pp. 125 f. ; see also Hymni Latini, Vol. I, p. 247, and Piae Cantiones (Klemming), p. 176. See Appendix, p. 21.
6 See the Latin lyric, Das deutsche Kirch., Vol. I, p. 116; see English lyrics, An Old Eng. Misc., p. 100; Minor Poems of V. MS, Vol. I, p. 4; Eng. Stud., Vol. XIV, p. 401 ; Chester, Vol. I, p. 94; York, p. 98 ; Town., p. 88; Cov., p. 112.
5
6 GEORGE C. TAYLOR
Of the general prayers and hymns to Mary there are in the poetry of the day thousands,1 and in the drama some few.2 It is espe- cially interesting to find, however, that two of the most highly conventionalized of all the hymns to Mary have worked their way into the plays. The one is the lyric which plays fancifully with the individual letters of Mary's name ;3 the other is one of the most face- tious and popular of the religious lyrics current during the Mid- dle Ages, The Five Joys of Mary, sometimes also written in the form, The Seven, Nine, and Fifteen Joys of Mary. It is in the form of the Five Joys that it is found in the York Plays.* This form of the lyric, however, affected the drama most extensively when at Brussels it was given the dignity of a separate play.5
Of the many types of prayers and complaints in Middle Eng- lish none is characterized by a more peculiar and striking tone than that in which the prayer is made to suit the especial needs of an old man.6 In these lyrics the speaker sometimes laments the sins of his youth, complains of his decrepit condition, and describes in detail the physical decay which accompanies old age. Many of these are of the nature of dramatic monologues and
1 See Das deutsche Kirch., Vol. I, pp. 47, 82, 109 ff.; Rel. Ant., Vol. I, pp. 22, 89, 102, 169, 235, 274; Vol. II, pp. 120, 212, 228 ff. ; Anglia, Vol. XXVI, p. 190.
2 York, pp. 101, 476, 492, 494 ff . ; Cov., pp. 116, 128, 154. Professor Manly has suggested that many more were present at one time in the body of the plays, but that most of them were cut out at the time when Mary-worship fell into disfavor in England.
3 See Cov., p. 88; Herrigs Archiv, Vol. CIX, p. 64; Hymni Latini (Mone), Vol. II, pp. 94 f. See also the prayer to Jesus (Percy Soc., Vol. II, p. 278). See for parallel passages, Appendix, p. 29.
* Pp. 493 ff. See also for Latin forms, Das deutsche Kirch., Vol. I, pp. 150 ff.; Hymni Latini (Mone), Vol. II, pp. 161 ff. ; Rich. R. of Hamp., Vol. I, pp. 408 ff. ; and for English forms, Minor Poems of V. MS, Vol. I, pp. 25 ff., 31 ff., 133 ff. ; Wm. of Shoreham, pp. 117 ; An Old Eng. Misc., p. 87; Spec, of Lyric Poetry (Percy Soc., Vol. IV), pp. 54 ff.,94ff.; Christmas Carols (P. Soc., Vol. IV), pp. 7 f. ; Songs and Carols (P. Soc., Vol. XXIII), pp. 68 ff. ; BOddeker, Altenglitche Dichtung, p. 218; Anglia, Vol. XXVI, pp. 164, 226, 232, 242, 257; Rel. Ant., Vol. I, p. 48; Matzner's Altenglische Sprachproben, pp. 51; Herrigs Archiv, Vol. LXXXIX, pp. 275, 282; Vol. CIX, pp. 48, 49; Cursor Mundi (EETS), Parts V, VI, p. 1468. See further Grober, Grundriss der romanischen Philologie, p. 973. For parallel passages, see Appendix, p. 22.
*Creizenach, Vol. I, p. 340; Chambers, Vol. II, p. 87.
«Rel. Ant., Vol. I, pp. 119, 197; Vol. II, p. 210; Hymns to V. and C., pp. 36, 83; Anglia, Vol. Ill, p. 279 ; The Minor Poems of Lydgate (Percy Soc., Vol. II), pp. 240, 254; Spec, of Relig. Poetry (P. Soc., Vol. IV), p. 47; Bann. MS, Vol. II, pp. 457, 781; The Poetical Works of Skel- ton (ed. Dyce), Vol. I, pp. 2 ff. Sometimes the passage simply describes the condition of the body in old age, without taking the form of a complaint. See The Minor Poems, of Lydgate (Percy Soc., Vol. II), p. 30; The Pricke of Conscience (ed. R. Morris), p. 22 ; Hymns to V. and C., p. 79; Minor Poems of Vernon MS, Vol. II, pp. 446 ff. ; Twenty-six Polit. Poems (EETS), p. 138. The best known of these is perhaps " Maximon," Rel. Ant., Vol. I, pp. 119 ff . ; pr. also in Anglia, Vol. Ill, pp. 279 ff., and in Boddeker, Alteng. Dicht., pp._244 ff .
6
THE MIDDLE ENGLISH RELIGIOUS LYEIC 7
readily adapt themselves to dramatic treatment. It is difficult to read the speeches of characters in the plays, such as Noah, Joseph, and Simeon, without feeling that they were in a very definite sense influenced by these complaints.1 And the humorous treatment of Joseph in the Corpus Christi plays, especially in Chester and Coventry,2 may, in fact, be due to the eternal ridiculing of old men with young wives in the semi-religious lyrics.8
Middle English poetry contains an exceedingly rich body of Christmas songs.* One might expect to find that these had exerted a considerable influence upon the English Christmas plays. And there are, it is true, a few fragments of what may have once been Christmas lyrics.5 But if there were ever complete lyrics at the beginnings of the English shepherds plays, or at those points in the plays where the angels first address the shepherds — points at which we might expect to find them — they have been crowded out by material of another sort. In The Pageant of the Shear- men and Taylors, there are, of the three songs appended at the end, two, Nos. I and III, which bear unmistakable evidence of being Christmas lyrics.6 There is also another Christmas lyric which very evidently resembles those portions of the Christmas plays in which the shepherds make their offerings to Christ.7 In this case, however, it is the lyric which has been influenced by the miracle plays, rather than the reverse.
1 Chester, Vol. I, pp. 98, 139, 189; York, pp. 43, 102, 138, 436; Town., pp. 25, 161, 181 ff. ; Cov., pp. 96, 118; see also Nice Wanton, Manly's Pre-S. Dr., Vol. I, 11. 260 ff., for the same type of speech in the mouth of an old woman. For parallel passages, see Appendix, pp. 22 ff.
2 Chester, Vol. I, pp. 98, 138 ff. ; Cot;., pp. 117 ff., 131 ff., 145 ff.
3 Christmas Carols (Percy Soc., Vol. IV), p. 52 ; Hone's Ancient Mysteries, pp. 90 ff . See for the treatment of this theme in the fourth-century Greek homiletic writings, Cook, Jour- nal of Germanic Philology, Vol. IV, pp. 421 ff.
* See Christmas Carols (Percy Soc., Vol. IV) ; Songs and Carols (Percy Soc., Vol. XXIII) ; Anglia, Vol. XXVI, pp. 189, 196, 231, 235, 253, 260, 265, 268, 271, 274, 279. A complete list of them would make a small-sized book of bibliography in itself. See also, for numerous Latin songs of much the same sort, Das deutsche Kirchenlied, Vol. I, pp. 198 ff.
5 Town. Shepherd's Play, 1, 11. 295 ff. ; II, 11. 638 ff. ; The Adoration of the Shepherds, 11. 1-13. See also The Pageant of the Shearmen and Taylors (Manly, Pre-S. Z>.), 11. 435 ff.
•Manly, Pre-S. Drama, Vol. I, pp. 151 ff.; ed. also by Craig, Two Coventry Corpus Christi Plays (EETS), p. 32. Compare with No. I, Rel. Ant., Vol. II, p. 76; for the same carol see also Songs and Carols (Percy Soc., Vol. XXIII), p. 12, and Anglia, Vol. XXVI, pp. 250 ff. ; compare with No. Ill the lyric No. LXXIII of the Baliol MS, 354, Anglia, Vol. XXVI, pp. 237 ff. See Appendix, p. 23, for parallels.
7 Anglia Vol. XXVI, pp. 243 ff., Poem No. LXXXII, stanzas 7, 8, 9. See Appendix, pp. 23 ff ., for parallels.
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8 GEORGE C. TAYLOR
Almost as widespread as the Christmas Carol, and far more uniform in its type, is the Testament of Christ, termed variously the Lament of the Redeemer, Christ's Charter, and Christ's Complaint.1 Here again, as in the case of the Complaints of an Old Man, we have an instance of a lyrical form which is in itself essentially of the nature of a dramatic monologue ; and the treat- ment of this theme in the drama and in the independent poems differs scarcely at all, the independent poems sometimes, it is true, growing to far larger proportions than they ever do in the drama. It seems highly probable that in many cases the independent lyric has been inserted into the drama with little or no change. In Towneley2 this, it would seem, has certainly happened. Skelton' s lyric on the same theme,3 if Skelton's it may be called, is almost word for word and rhyme for rhyme similar to Towneley. It is difficult to say how much this form had to do with the growth and development of the passion-plays. Historians of the drama have had so much to say about the Planctus Mariae in its rela- tion to the passion-plays that they have failed to take special notice of this lyrical form, about as widespread and popular in the Middle Ages as the planctus, if not more so. The form, however, may have had more to do with the initial stages of development of the passion-play than it is given credit for. It is barely pos-
1 Cook, in The Christ of Cynewulf, pp. 208 ff., called attention to the frequent occurrence of this form in English and in other literatures, citing at the same time examples of its occurrence in the miracle-plays and inquiring into its origin. I add the following references : Chester, Vol. II, pp. 190 ff. ; York, pp. 363, 423, 450, 454 ; Town., pp. 265 ff ., 341 ; Cov., pp. 207, 325, 329, 346 ; Minor Poems of V. MS., Vol. I, pp. 259, 435 ; Vol. II, 462, 625, 659 ; Pricke of Conscience, pp. 141, 145; An Old Eng. Misc. (EETS), pp. 81, 231; Herrigs Archiv, Vol. CVI, pp. 53, 62 (similar to version by Skelton, pp. 141 ff.), 69 ff. ; Cursor Mundi, pp.1644 ff. ; Polit., Eelig. and Love Poems (re-ed. by Furnivall for EETS), pp. 141 ff., 182 ff., 190 ff., 254 ff., 262 ff., 276 ff. ; Hymns to V.and C. (EETS), pp. 124 ff. ; The Lamentation of Souls (ed. Lumby with Be Domes Daege) 11. 35 ff. (EETS) ; Twenty-six Polit. Poems (EETS), pp. 41 ff., 76 ff., 85 ff. ; The Minor Poems ofLydgate (Percy Soc., Vol. II), pp. 259 ff. ; Songs and Carols (P. Soc., Vol. XXIII), pp. 19 ff., 46 ; Wyt and Science and Early Poetical Miscellanies (Shaks. Soc., Vol. II), pp. 68 ff. ; Bann. MS., Vol. I, pp. 82 ff., 96, 103, 112ff. ; Lydgate's Two Nightingale Poems (EETS), pp. 21 ff. ; Poetical Works of Skelton, Vol. I, pp. 141, 144 ; The Assumption of our Lady (re-ed. by G. H. McKnight,EETS), pp. 123 ff. ; Eng. Stud., Vol. XXI, pp. 207 ff. ; Bel. Ant.,Vo\. II, pp. 119, 225; Anglia, Vol. Ill, pp. 550 ff. ; Vol. XXVI, pp. 246, 248 ff., 255; Alteng. Dicht. (Boddeker), pp. 271 ff. ; The New Nut Brown Maid ("Early Popular Poetry," ed. Hazlitt, Vol. Ill), pp. 2 ff. ; Rich. R. of Hampole, Vol. I, p. 88; Vol. II, pp. 16 ff., 457 ff. See also Thien, Uber die englischen Marienklagen (Kiel, 1906), p. 82. Compare Hymni Latini (Mone), Vol. I, pp. 396 1, and also Carmina Burana (Schmeller, 1904), p. 29.
2 The Resurrection of the Lord, 11. 262 ff.
3 The Poetical Works of Skelton (ed. Dyce), Vol. I, pp. 144 ff. See Appendix, pp. 26 ff., for parallel passages.
8
THE MIDDLE ENGLISH RELIGIOUS LYRIC 9
sible that it is to some form of this Lament that de Douhet refers when seeking to explain the origin of the passion-play.1 In the English passion-play there is no more evidence that the planctus was the germ or starting-point of the passion-plays than there is for the Christ's Testament.2 In the German Tyrol3 and Alsf el- der4 passion-plays this passage follows very closely the Latin hymn form, in which is found the First Lesson for the First Noc- turn for Good Friday.5 In both cases, moreover, the initial lines are in the original Latin, as if at one time the entire Latin hymn had had its place in the earliest passion-plays. So far as I have been able to discover, it seems by no means certain that the planctus was dramatized any earlier than the Testament of Christ.
Any investigation of the resurrection-lyrics, some of which are still retained in many of the miracle-plays6 which treat the events following the crucifixion, would naturally lead us back to the question of the liturgical origins of the Easter- play. With that question this paper is not directly concerned. There are, however, some few of these lyrics in the plays which may be the result of the playwrights having drawn upon the English independent resurrection-lyrics,7 rather than the result of the retention and gradual development of the original resurrection-hymns of the liturgical drama.
From the point of view of today those lyrics which deal with the general theme of the Life of Man* in a semi-secular, semi-
1 Dictionnaire des mysteres, pp. 633 ff .
2 See "The English Planctus Mariae," Modern Philology, Vol. IV, pp. 632 ff. 3 Wackernell, Altdeutsche Passionsspiele aus Tirol, pp. 127 ff. * Deutsche Nat.-Litteratur, "Das Drama des Mittelalters," Vol. Ill, pp. 764 ff. 5 For other places in which it is employed in the Sarum Use, see Cook, The Christ of Cynewulf, p. 208.
&York, p. 424; Town., pp. 324, 344 ff., 355 ff., 362 ; Coy., pp. 348, 356 ff., 362 ff., 367 ff., 371 ff., 375 ff.
^ The Gude and Godlie Ballatis, pp. 47 ; The Bann. MS, Vol. I, pp. 93, 95. For poems of the same kind with refrains as in Cow., pp. 375 ff., see The Bann. MS, pp. 92 ff. ; Polit., Relig. and Love Poems (GETS), pp. 210 ff . ; Chester, Vol. II, "Notes," pp. 204 ff. The last three examples are in reality Planctus Mariae influenced in form by the resurrection-lyric. For examples of Latin lyrics of a somewhat similar type, see Wackernagel, Das deutsche Kirchen- lied, Vol. I, pp. 175 ff., 218, 242 ff.
8 For lyrics of this general type, see Lydgate's Minor Poems (Percy Soc., Vol. II), pp. 74 ff., 198; Spec, of Lyric Poetry (P. Soc., Vol. IV), pp. 23, 47, 60, 101 ; Religious Songs (P. Soc., Vol. XI), pp. 64 ff. ; Songs and Carols (P. Soc., Vol. XXIII), pp. 4ff.; Rel. Ant., Vol. I, pp. 26, 138, 160, 234, 235, 261; The Minor Poems of Lydgate (P. Soc., Vol. II), pp. 20, 166, 177, 229; Early Pop. Poetry, Vol. Ill, p. 40 ; Bann. MS, Vol. I, pp. 37, 55, 127 ff ., 131, 137, 152 ff ., 155 ff., 201, 209 ff .,
9
10 GEORGE C. TAYLOR
religious tone are by far the most interesting of all the various classes with which we are concerned in this discussion. The writers of Middle English verse never tire of discoursing about the briefness, the changeableness of life, the transitoriness and worthlessness of all earthly things, often stopping to describe in detail the repulsiveness of the human body, and almost as often, using this text as a sermon, ending the poem by calling upon us to amend our lives and repent while there is yet time. The best- known and, in a literary way, the most effective form of this lyric is the Ubi Sunt, immortalized by Villon and Thomas de Hales, in which the writer inquires where the great and famous of the world are all gone. With this lyric we are not concerned here ; its influence on the Corpus Christi play is hardly to be detected, though it later makes its appearance in Skelton's Magnyfycence, later still at the end of The Disobedient Child, and finally in Shakespeare's Richard III.1 Other types of the Life of Man lyric have, however, exercised an influence upon these plays which, though slight, is marked and striking. In the Towneley Shepherd Plays2 appears the form which emphasizes the variableness of life in the conventional phrases, "Now in, now out;"3 in the Towneley Shepherd' *s Play, II,* the briefness of life is especially empha- sized.5 In the Towneley Judgment6 there is a suggestion of the Ubi Sunt which calls to mind rather the Anglo-Saxon7 form than
308, 321, 329; Vol. II, pp. 759 ff. ; Anglia, Vol. I, pp. 285, 291; Vol. II, p. 71 ; Vol. XXVI, pp. 141 ff., 158, 167, 185, 197 ff., 207 ; Minor Poems of V. MS (EETS), Vol. I, pp. 335, 343; Vol. II, pp. 512, 667, 672, 674 ff., 686, 692, 715, 726 ff., 730, 740 ff. ; Polit., Relig. and Love Poems (re-ed. EETS), pp. 255, 263 ; Twenty-six Polit. Poems (EETS), p. 113; Wm. of Shoreham (EETS), p. 1; Reli- gious Pieces (EETS), p. 79; Hymns to V. and C. (EETS), pp. 39, 58, 80, 83, 86; An Old Eng. Misc., pp. 65, 69, 93, 156, 161, 170; Chaucerian and Other Pieces (ed. Skeat), pp. 291 ff., 449; Herrigs Archiv, Vol. CIX, p. 46; Eng. Stud., Vol. XXI, p. 201 ; The Poetical Works of Skelton (ed. Dyce), Vol. I, p. 2; The Gude and Godlie Ballatis, p. 30; The Poems of Dunbar (Scot. T. S.), Vol. II, pp. 74 ff., 110, 226, 232, 244; Rich. Rolle of Hampole, Vol. I, pp. 73, 77, 367 ff.; The Pricke of Conscience (ed. Morris), pp. 39, 52.
i Act IV, sc. iv, 11. 91 ff. 2 1, 11. i ff., and II, 11. 60 ff.
3 The Sayings of St. Bernard (Minor Poems of Vernon MS, Vol. II), pp. 513, 692, and else- where in The Sayings of St. Bernard; Bftddeker, Alteng. Dicht., p. 195; Eng. Stud., Vol. IX, p. 441 ; Herrigs Archiv, Vol. CIX, p. 42 ; Pricke of Conscience, pp. 40 ff . ; The Poems of Dun- bar (STS), Vol. II. p. 244. See Appendix, p. 29, for parallel passages.
< LI. 120 ff. ; see also Chester, Vol. II, p. 165.
6 Minor Poems of V. MS, Vol. II, p. 692 ; Wyt and Science and Early Poetical Miscella- nies (Shaks. Soc., Vol. II), pp. 110 ff.; Anglia, Vol. XXVI. pp. 192 ff.; Rich. Rolle of Hampole, Vol. II, p. 457 ; Pricke of Cons., pp. 20 ff.
« LI. 550, 551.
7 The Wanderer (Bibl. der angelsdchs. Poesie, Wulcker, IT. 92 ff.) ; see also a somewhat similar form in Body and Soul poems.
10
THE MIDDLE ENGLISH RELIGIOUS LYBIC 11
the highly conventionalized and fixed form of Middle English. In the Towneley Lazarus l there is a lyrical passage which reminds one of the Ubi Sunt in theme, but differs from it very consider- ably in its type — a type which is about as common in Middle English as the better-known Ubi Sunt.2 There is, moreover, a longer lyric in the Lazarus which is marked by the refrain "Amend thee man whilst thou may."3 Poems of a very similar nature, most of them characterized by almost the same refrain, are abundant in the general body of lyric poetry of the day ;4 they too have their Latin prototype. Within this lyric another form makes its appearance — a form which the verse homilist is fond of using when preaching his sermons of the frightening sort. It reads here, "Thynk thou on the dredefull day," and, " Thy nke thou farys as dothe the wynde."0 Similar passages occur in many poems of the day.6 In the Lazarus also the poet follows the body of man after death and describes it in detail.7 The passage calls to mind scores of poems which treat the same theme, from some of which it very probably borrowed many a phrase and line. The most remarkable line which has worked its way into this passage is, "The Royfe of your hall,/ your naked nose shall touche," which is present in almost all of the Body and Soul poems, and some- times in the Long Life poems.8
i Ll. Ill ff.
ZBann. MS, Vol. I, p. 154; Spec, of L. P. (Percy Soc., Vol. IV), p. 87; Religious Songs (P. Soc., Vol. XI), p. 63; for Old French form see Satirical Songs and Poems on Costume (P. Soc., Vol. XXVII), p. 33; Eng. Stud., Vol. XIV, p. 186; Relig. Pieces (EETS), p. 81; An Old Eng. Misc. (EETS), pp. 91, 94, 157; Minor Poems of V. MS, Vol. II, pp. 676, 678. Com- pare Hymni Latini (Mone), Vol. I, p. 398. For parallels see Appendix, p. 30.
s Town., p. 392, 11. 174 ff.
*Polit., Relig. and Love Poems, pp. 215 ff. ; An Old Eng. Misc., pp. 62, 78; Minor Poems of V. MS, Vol. if, pp. 668, 672, 725 ff., 727 ff., 730 ff. ; Twenty-six Polit. and Other Poems, pp. 60 ff. ; Anqlia, Vol. I, p. 411 ; Vol. II, p. 71 ; Vol. XXVI, p. 233; Minor Poems of Lydgate (Percy Soc., Vol. II), pp. 228 ff. ; the poem is far too similar to other poems of this type to be called Lydgate's in any proper sense; Religious Songs (P. Soc., Vol. XI), pp. 63 ff.; Songs and Carols (P. Soc., Vol. XXIII), pp. 4, 29, 37, 45 ; Bann. MS, Vol. I, pp. 97, 103, 127, 129. 133, 138, 145, 201, 203; Rich. Rolle of Hampole, Vol. I, pp. 73, 76; Herrigs Archiv, Vol. CVI, pp. 275 ff. For Latin poems with somewhat similar refrain, see Hymni Latini (Mone), Vol. I, pp. 395 f. ; Cantiones (Klemming), pp. 16 ff. See Appendix, pp. 32 ft'., for parallel passages.
5L1. 176, 178.
e Spec, of Lyric Poetry (Percy Soc., Vol. IV) ; Religious Songs (P. Soc., Vol. XI), p. 71; printed also in An Old Eng. Misc., p. 170; Minor Poems of the V. MS, Vol. II, p. 477; Rich. Rolle of Hamp., Vol. I, p. 156 ; Pricke of Cons., p. 73 ; Rel. Ant., Vol. I, p. 139. For Latin form, see Latin Hymns (March), p. 121. See Appendix, pp. 33 ff., for parallel passages.
7 Town., pp. 391 ff.
8 Especially is it noticeable in the Anglo-Saxon specimen printed in Anglia, Vol. V., p. 289; Eng. Stud., Vol. XIV, p. 184, 11. 153 ff. For other passages very similar to the Lazarus
11
12 GEORGE C. TAYLOR
The judgment-plays, among the very latest developments of the English cyclic plays, afford on the whole the most interesting examples of the influence of the independent poems upon the up- building of the cyclic dramas. It is impossible perhaps to arrive at a just estimate of their origin and development, without enter- ing into a thoroughgoing investigation of the Doomsday litera- ture of the Middle Ages; and that, of course, lies beyond the limits of this study. It seems possible, however, to get a notion of some sort as to their development in English. The York judgment-play seems to represent the most primitive form of the four plays in English. Its structure is fairly simple : an opening speech by God recounting the wickedness of mankind, brief praise of God by the angels, the cries of the good and bad souls as they awake, Christ's descent to earth, and brief talk with his angels, brief speeches of the devils, Christ's Complaint or Testament, his division of the good and bad souls, their questions and replies to Christ, Christ's blessing of the good souls and damning of the bad — this is about the plot of the play. One set of incidents in this play we find in the judgment-plays of Chester, Towneley, and Coventry, with varying degrees of elaboration: the cries of the good and bad souls as they awake and arise from their graves, Christ's reproaches to the bad and blessing to the good, the dia- logue between Christ and the good and bad souls, the attempts of the bad souls to justify themselves, and the final blessing and damnation. And this set of incidents seems to constitute the gen- eral framework of the plays. Comparison of this portion of the plays with the treatment of the same theme in The Pricke of Conscience1 makes it seem that even this portion was already more or less prepared for by the dialogue treatment of the same theme
description of what we come to after death, see Bel. Ant., Vol. I, p. 139; The Poet. Works of Skelton (ed. Dyce), Vol. I, p. 19; Anglia, Vol. XXVII, p. 309; Rich. Rolle of Hamp., Vol. I, pp. 73, 367 ff., 372; Pricke of Con., pp. 13 ff. ; Wm. of Shoreham, p. 32; An Old Eng. Misc., pp. 78, 92, 172 ff., 178; Minor P. of V. MS, Vol. I, pp. 270, 335, 343; Vol. II, pp. 511 ff. Similar pas- sages may be found in almost any of the Body and Soul poems. See for parallel passages, Appendix, p. 33.
i LI. 6096 ff . ; see further Lamentacio Animarum, in the same volume as Be Domes Daege ; Minor Poems of V. MS, Vol. II, pp. 658 ff., 765 ff. ; An Old Eng. Misc.. pp. 72 ff . ; Anglia, Vol. Ill, p. 542. Compare the Christ of Cynewulf (ed. Cook), 11. 1470 ff . ; here the treatment of the theme is in monologue. Compare also the Latin dialogue treatment of the same in Hymni Latini (Mono), Vol. I, pp. 416 ff. See for parallel passages, Appendix, pp. 85 ff.
12
THE MIDDLE ENGLISH RELIGIOUS LYRIC 13
in verse. Chester has departed far from the simple scheme of York, the most noticeable difference being that the saved and the damned souls become particular persons representing various classes and kinds of people, each person having put into his mouth a repentant speech revealing the particular vices of his class of society. For this development the play is largely indebted to the various satires on the classes of the times, and perhaps to The Dance of Death literature.1 Coventry has departed from the simple York scheme mainly in the matter of the devils at the end of the play2 becoming the accusers of the bad souls, recounting their sins and tormenting them. This may be due to the influ- ence of the Towneley Judgment, in which this becomes the chief incident of the play, Tutivillus there becoming the dominant fig- ure and taking the center of the stage most of the time. An old fragment of a poem in Reliquiae Antiquae* shows that this con- ception of Tutivillus was current in the literature of the day.
It is in the Towneley Judgment, however, that we have the farthest departure from the simple structure of York,* and it is in this play that we have the best example of how the plays some- times drew largely on the other forms of literature of the day. Excepting 11. 434-531, which seem to be the germ-portion of the play,5 almost the entire play is made up of portions of verse gath- ered from various sources, echoing various independent forms and types, and withal blended together in a remarkably effective and dramatic fashion. The writer of this play and presumably of the Towneley Noah, Herod the Great, and the Shepherd's Play, I and II, was familiar with a very considerable portion of the great body of homiletic and satirical poetry of his times, and it is mainly due to his adaptation of it to his dramatic needs that the Corpus Christi play in England is brought to its highest literary development.
The opening lines of the play6 may be compared with passages in The Pricke of Conscience dealing with the same scene.7
1 See Chambers, The Med. Stage, Vol. II, p. 153 (notes) ; Creizenach, Vol. I, p. 461.
2 The play is incomplete at the end. 3 Vol. I, p. 257.
4 See the York Judgment Day text for parallel passages in York and Town.
5 See above, p. 12. 6 Town., pp. 367 ff. ; see also York, pp. 500 ff. ; Cou., p. 402. 7 Pp. 135 ff., 190 ff., 199 ; see also Rich. Rolle of Hamp., Vol. II, p. 446.
13
14 GEORGE C. TAYLOR
Lines 143-51, 179-87, 282-86, 296-304, 332-67, 576-88 are alliterative lists of sinners who are to be found in hell, which have been current in Middle English homiletic verse from the Moral Ode1 poems on. Lines 394 ff. are exceedingly similar to the lines in other poems which describe judgment day,2 probably a render- ing of the great "Dies irae," most familiar to us in modern times in Sir Walter Scott and Mozart. This passage is followed immedi- ately by Christ's Testament? Almost all of the remaining portions of the Towneley Judgment are adaptations of satires on various subjects, mainly on women.4 While taken collectively, the English judgment-plays seem to be the adaptation of the Doomsday dialogue between Christ and the good and bad souls to dramatic purposes, Towneley is very largely homiletic in its tone, and but for the previous development of the Middle Eng- lish sermons in prose and verse could never have taken on its present form.
This is scarcely the place to call attention to the relation of the drama to other forms of Middle English poetry whose char- acter is not in some sense lyrical. It is going somewhat out of the way to notice, for example, the similarity between the grotesque meal of the shepherds in the Towneley Shepherd's Play No. I* and the Grotesque Receipts? between the speech of Death in The Slaughter of the Innocents 7 and The Dance of Death of Lydgate,
1 Anglia, Vol. I, pp. 6 ff. (for other editions, see A Middle English Reader, ed. O. F. Emerson, p. 297). For other passages of the kind, see York, p. 340 ; Cov., p. 404 ; An Old Eng. Misc., pp. 64, 67, 76, 150 ff., 187, 212, 225; Minor Poems of V. MS (EETS), Vol. I, pp. 253 ff.; Allenglische Sprachproben, pp. 330 ff. ; The Poems of Dunbar (Scot. T. Soc.), pp. 79, 81, 221; The Poetical Works of SkeUon (Dyce), Vol. I, pp. 98, 149, 369; Religious Songs (Percy Soc., Vol. XI) pp. 80 ff.; Eng. Stud., Vol. I, p. 99; Pricke of Cons., pp. 92, 164 ff.; Rich. Rolle of Hamp., Vol. I, p. 153; Chaucerian and Other Poems (Skeat), p. 172; Herrigs Archiv, Vol. LXXXVI, pp. 387 ff. See also Piers Plowman (ed. Skeat) for many passages of the kind. See Appendix, p. 31, for parallel passages.
2 See The Pricke of Cons., pp. 71, 165 ; Rich. Rolle of Hamp., Vol. I, p. 129 ; Twenty-six Polit. and Other Poems, pp. 118, 142. For the Latin form see Hymni Latini (Mone), Vol. I, pp. 402, 415; see further Latin Hymns (March), pp. 154 ff., 292 f. See Appendix for parallels.
3 See above, p. 12.
* I hope to publish very shortly a paper on the subject of the influence of the satire of the day upon the Corpus Christi plays.
5 See also, Cheater, Vol. I, pp. 119 ff.
tAnglia. Vol. XVIII, p. 295; Vol. XXVI, p. 270; Rel. Ant., Vol. I, pp. 51, 56, 81, 239, 250, 325 ; Bann. MS, Vol. II, pp. 388, 402 ff. ; Songs and Carols (Percy Soc., Vol. XXIII), p. 5J3. See Appendix, p. 34, for parallel passages.
TThe Coventry Mysteries, pp. 84 ff.; cf. Chester, Vol. I, p. 186.
14
THE MIDDLE ENGLISH RELIGIOUS LYRIC 15
between the Geography in Verse1 and the Hegge play of The Temptation;2 between The Fifteen Signs of Judgment in the Chester play Ezechiel and the treatment of the same theme in non-dramatic verse;3 and, finally, between the various Creeds, Pater Hosiers, Ten Commandments* and other themes of a some- what similar nature, treated in the general poetry of the time and the drama as well.
Leaving out of consideration these last-mentioned forms, it is apparent even from the hasty consideration of the lyrical forms given above, and it will be still more apparent after the more careful consideration of that large body of non -dramatic and dramatic Planctus Mariae, and the still larger body of lyrical dialogue covering almost as completely as the lyrical plays them- selves the field of biblical narrative, to what extent the plays are indebted to the antecedent and contemporaneous religious lyric of Middle English. It is hardly going too far when we say that about one-fourth of the great body of material found in the York and Towneley cycles is, in the broad sense of the word, lyrical. Chester and Hegge, though not indebted to the lyric so largely as are York and Towneley, are, when we consider them in their entirety, very considerably indebted. Sometimes, as has been suggested, the dramatic lyric contains merely an echo of the lyric proper ; sometimes it follows it in thought and phrase more or less closely; sometimes it has been inserted bodily from without, re- taining the phrase and rhyme of the original ; and very occasion- ally the lyric may even have formed perhaps the starting-point of certain of the plays. Of course, it is open to anyone to believe that the original lyric portions of the liturgical drama came by a gradual process of development to their present form in the Corpus Christi plays. But it seems highly probable that in the great majority of cases, as the drama widened its scope, it drew again
^ Bel. Ant., Vol. I, p. 271; see also The Play of the Sacrament, 11. 15 ff. ; Manly, Pre- Shaks. Drama, Vol. I, p. 243.
2 Pp. 210 ff.
3 See Be Domes Daege and other Pieces (EETS), pp. 91 ff. ; Anglia, Vol. Ill, pp. 534 ff.; Vol. XI, pp. 369 ff. ; Matzner's Alteng. Sprachproben, pp. 121 ff. ; Jahrbuch fUr romanische und englische Philologie, Vol. V, pp. 194 ff . ; Paul and Braune, Vol. XI, pp. 413 ff . ; R. Peiper, "Zur Gesch. der mittellat. Dichtung," in Arch. f. Literaturgesch., Vol. IX, pp. 117 ff.
*See Appendix, p. 28, for parallel passages.
15
16 GEORGE C. TAYLOR
and again upon the vast field of the lyric, which was developing side by side with it, using the same themes as the drama, and treating these themes in a way not essentially different.
Whatever may be the specific relation of the particular lyrics to particular plays, it is fairly clear that we have here another example of the method of development of the drama as stated by Professor Manly in his explanation of the relation of the morali- ties to the Corpus Christi plays. "The moralities," he says, "are not to be regarded as growing out of the Corpus Christi plays, but are merely an instance of the theory that the dramatic instinct, once set going, tended to dramatize material already at hand in other provinces of literature."1 So it is in regard to the lyrics. The drama has done with them what it has been doing ever since it took its rise in the liturgy. It has simply extended its province in such fashion as to include other contemporaneous forms of literature already existing side by side with it.
APPENDIX
DRAMA LYRIC
Chester Plays, Vol. II, p. 127 Wackernagel, Das deutsche Kirchen-
lied, Vol. II, p. 75 Jacobus Major.
Come, Holye Ghoste, come creator, Veni, creator spiritus,
Viscitte our thoughtes in this stowre; mentes tuorum visita,
Thou arte mans conqueroure; Imple superna gratia,
And graunte us, Lorde, thy grace. quae tu creasti, pectora.
Johannes.
Thou that arte called counscelor, Qui paraclitus diceris
And sende from heaven as Savyour, donum del altissimi,
Well of life, leache of langor, Fons vivus, ignis, charitas
That prayen heare in this place. et spiritalis unctio.
Thomas.
Yea, that in seven monthes woulde Tu septifomis munere,
conseayle dextrae tu digitus,
Grace of thy ghoste aboute to deale, Tu rite promissum patris
As thou promised for mans heale, sermone ditans guttura. Appeare nowe, since I praye.
' For the larger application and fuller development of this theory see Manly, "Literary Forms and the New Theory of the Origin of Species," Modern Philology, Vol. IV, pp. 577 ff.
16
THE MIDDLE ENGLISH RELIGIOUS LYBIC
17
DRAMA
Jacobus Minor.
Lighte our wittes with thy wayle; Put life in our thoughtes lele; Lixom thy f rendes that bene frayle, With vertues lastinge (aye).
LYRIC
Accende lumen eensibus, insunde amorem cordibus, Infirma nostri corporis virtute firmans perpeti.
Phillipus.
Vanishe our enemyes farre awaie,
And graunte us peace, Lorde, to our
paie;
For while thou arte our leader aye, We maye ashewe anye.
Hostem repellas longius pacemque dones protinus, Ductore sic te praevio vitemus omne noxium.
Bartholomes.
Through thy mighte knowe we may,
The father of heaven full in good
faye,
And ye, his sonne, in south to saye, Thou arte in companye.
Da gaudiorum praemia, da gratiarum munera, Dissolve litis vincula, astringe pads foedera.
Mathieus.
Worshipped be thou ever and oo, The father and the sonne also; Let thy ghoste nowe from thee goe. And faith that we maie fynde.
Per te sciamus, da, patrem, noscamus atque tilium, Et utriusque spiritum credamus omni tempore.
Towneley Plays, pp. 316, 327, 328
Maria lacobi. Alas! how stand I on
my feete
when I thynk on his woundys wete! Ihesus, that was on luf so swete,
And neuer dyd yll. Is dede and grafen under the grete, withoutten skyll.
Horstmann's Richard Rolle of
Hampole, Vol. I, p. 78 Of Ihesu mast lyst me speke,
that al my bale may bete. Me thynk my hert may al to-breke,
when I thynk on that swete. In lufe lacyd he hase my thoght,
that I sal neuer forgete: Ful dere me thynk he hase me boght,
with blodi hende & fete.
Lucas. When I thynk on his passyon, And on his moder how she can swoyn, To dy nere am I bowne,
ffor sorow I sagh hir make; Vnder the crosse when she fell downe,
ffor hir son sake.
Specimens of Lyric Poetry (Percy
Society), Vol. IV, p. 83 When y thenke on Jesu blod,
that ran doun bi ys syde, From his herte doun to his fot, For ous he spradde his herte blod. his wondes were so wyde.
17
18
GrEORGE C. TAYLOR
DRAMA
Lucas, where so I fare he is my mynde, Bot when I thynk on hym so kynde, how sore gyltles that he was pyynde
Apon a tre,
Vnethes may I hold my mynde, So sore myslykys me.
LYRIC When y thenke on Jhesu ded,
min herte over-werpes, Mi soule is won so is the led
for my fole werkes. Ful wo is that ilke mon, That Jhesu ded ne thenkes on,
what he soffrede so sore! For my synnes y wil wete, Ant alle y wyle hem for-lete
nou ant evermore.
Towneley Plays, pp. 114 f .
primus pastor, hayll, kyng I the
call!/
hay 11, most of myght! hay 11, the worthyst of alll/hayll, duke !
hayll, knyght! Of greatt and small /thou art lorde by
right; hayll, perpetuall.'/hayll, faryst wyght!
here I offer! I pray the to take— If thou wold, for my sake, with this may thou lake, —
This lytyll spruse cofer.
Minor Poems of the Vernon MS,
Vol. I, p. 24 Heil kyng, heil kniht, heil mon of most miht, Prince in thi Trone, Heil Duyk, heil Emperour, Heil beo thou gouernour Of al this worldus wone.
Heil flesch, heil blod, heil mon of mylde mod, Heil beo thow kyng; Heil God ffeirest, Heil beo thou, bern beet, Thow madest alle thyng.
York Mystery Plays, p. 443.
Welcome ! oure wytt and our wys-
dome,
Welcome ! our joy all and somme, Welcome ! redemptour omnium tyll hus hartely.
Anna. Welcome ! blyssed Mary and
madyn ay, Welcome ! mooste meke in thyne
array,
Welcome! bright starne that shyneth bright as day, all for our blys.
Welcome ! the blyssed beam so bryght, Wolcum be ye, Stefne and Jon, Welcome ! the leym of all oure light, Wolcum, Innocentes everychon,
18
Christmas Carols, p. 4 (Percy Society,
Vol. IV).
Wolcum yol, thu mery man, in wor- chepe of this holy day.
Wolcum be thu, hevene kyng, Wolcum, born in on morwenyng, Wolcum, for horn we xal syng, wolcum, yol.
THE MIDDLE ENGLISH RELIGIOUS LYBIO
19
Welcome ! plight
to man and wyfe.
DRAMA
that all pleasour hais
Welcome! thowe blyssed babb so free, Welcome! oure welfayre wyelly, And welcome all our seall, suthly, to grete and small.
Babb, welcome to thy beydly boure, Babb, welcome no we for our soccoure, And babb, welcome with all honour here in this hall.
York Mystery Plays, p. 487
Thorn. Farewele, thou schynyng schappe
that schyniste so schire, Farewele, the belle of all bewtes to
bide here;
Farwele thou faire foode, Farewele the keye of counsaile, Farewele all this worldes wele, Farewele, our hap and oure hele, Farewele nowe, both gracious and
goode.
LYRIC
Wolcum, Thomas marter on, wolcom, yol.
Wolcum be ye, good newe yere, Wolcum, twelthe day bothe in fere, Wolcum, seyntes lef and dere, wolcum, yol.
Wolcum be ye, Candylmesse, Wolcum be ye, qwyn of blys, Wolcum bothe to more and lesse, wolcum, yol.
Wolcum be ye that am here, Wolcum, alle, and mak good chore, Wolcum, alle, another yere wolcum, yol.
The Bannatyne MS., p. 255 Welcum, illustrat layde and oure
quene ! Welcum, oure lyone with the floure
delyce ! Welcum, oure thriffill with the Lorane
grene ! Welcum, oure rubent rois vpon the
ryce ! Welcum, oure jem and joyfull gene-
tryce !
Welcum, oure beill of Albion to beir ! Welcum, oure pleaeand princes maist
of pryce ! God gif the grace agains this guid
new yeir.
Early English Ballads, " Songs and Carols," p. 57
Farwell, Crystmas fayer and fre; Farwell, newers day with the; Farwell the holy Epyphane; And to Mary now syng we,
Revertere, revertere, the quene of blysse and of beaute.
19
20
GEORGE C. TAYLOR
DRAMA
The Towneley Plays, p. 203 ffarwell ! the frelyst that euer was
fed! ffarwell ! floure more fresh than
floure de lyce ! ffarwell ! stersman to theym that ar
sted
In stormes, or in desese lyse ! Thi moder was madyn and wed; ffarwell ! pereles, most of pryce ! ffarwell! the luflyst that euer was
bred ! Thi moder is of hell emprise.
ffarwell ! blissid both bloode and
bone! ffarwell ! the semelyst that euer was
seyn !
To the, ihesu, I make my mone; ffarwell ! comly, of cors so cleyn ! ffarwel ! gracyouse gome ! where so
thou gone;
ff ul mekill grace is to the geyn ; Thou leyne vs lyffyng on thi lone, Thou may vs mende more then we
weyn.
York Mystery Plays, p. 484 f.
Thorn.
To bide with thy barne in blisse to
be bidand ! Hayle! jentilest of Jesse in Jewes
generacion, Haile ! welthe of this worlde all
welthis is weldand, Haile ! hendest enhaunsed to high
habitacion. Haile ! derworth and dere is the diewe
dominacion. Haile! floure fresshe florisshed, thi
frewte is full felesome. Haile ! sete of oure saveour and sege
of saluacion, Haile! happy to helde to, thi helpe
is full helesome.
LYRIC
The Bannatyne MS., Vol. II, p. 645 Pair weill, my hairt, fair weill bayth
friend and fo, Pair weill, the weill of sweitast medi-
cyne, Fair weill, my lufe, bayth lyfe and
deth also; Pair weill, blythnes, fairweill, sweit
lemmane myne, Fair weill, the flour of colour gud
and fyne, That fadis nocht for weddir wen nor
weit, No moir than in the somer sessone
sweit.
Anglia, Vol. XXVI, p. 166
Hayle be thou godly graunter of
grace,
Hayle blessyd stere on the see, hayle be thow, cumforte in euery
case,
Hayle be thow, cheffe of chastyte, Hayle well, hayle wytt of all mercye, Hayle be thou highest in hevyns
blome,
Hayle, Jentyll lady, I pray the ffunde preces ad filium ! Hayle be thou, virgyn of virgyns, hayle blessed lady & hayle swete
may,
Hayle be thou moder of dere Ihesus, Hayle cheff of chastite, so well thow
may,
THE MIDDLE ENGLISH RELIGIOUS LYBIO
21
DRAMA
Haile ! pereles in plesaunce, Haile ! precious and pure, Haile ! salue that is sure, Haile ! Jettir of langure Haile ! bote of oure bale in esaunce.
York Mystery Plays, p. 445
Come myghtyest by see and by
sandes, Come myrth by strete and by
strandes on moolde.
Come halse me, the babb that is best
born, Come halse me, the myrth of our
morne,
Come halse me, for elles I ame lorne for olde,
York Mystery Plays, p. 484
x Aug. Come chosen childe ! xi Aug. Come Marie milde ! xii Aug. Come floure vnfiled ! viii Ang. Come vppe to the kyng to be crouned.
LYRIC hayle blessid lady to thy son thow
say,
that we may cum to his kyngdome, for me and all crystyn thow pray, obey- pro salute fidelium ! Explicit.
Wackernagel, Das deutche Kirchen-
lied,p. 246 ff. Veni, praecelfa domina, Maria, tu nos visita, Aegras mentes illumina per sacrae numina.
Veni, falvatrix faeculi, sordes auser piaculi, In visitando populum poenae tollas periculum.
Veni, regina gentium, dele flammas reatuum, Rege quodcunque devium, da vitam innocentium.
Veni ut aegros visites, Maria, vires robores Virtute sacri impetus, ne fluctuetur animus.
Veni stella, lux marium, insunde pacis radium, Exultet cor in gaudium lohannis ante dominum,
Veni, virga regalium, reduc fluctus errantium Ad unitatem fidei, in qua flavantur caelici.
Veni, deposce spiritus sancti dona propensius, Ut dirigamur rectius in huius vitae actibus.
Veni, laudemus filium, laudemus sanctum spiritum, Laudemus patrem unicum, qui nobis dat auxiljum. 21
22
GEOBGE C. TAYLOB
DRAMA
York Mystery Plays, pp. 494 ff .
* Aug. Nowe maiden meke and
modir myne,
Itt was full mekill myrthe to the, That I schulde ligge in wombe of
thine, Thurgh gretyng of an aungell free.
tt Aug. The eecounde joie modir
was syne, With-outen payne whan thou bare
me.
iii Angelus. The thirde aftir my
bittir peyne, Fro dede on lyve thou sawe me be.
iv Aug. The fourthe was when I
stied vppe right, To heuene vnto my fadir dere, My modir, when thou saugh that
sight, To the it was a solas seere.
v Aug. This is the fif te, thou worthy
wight,
Of the jois this has no pere, Nowe schall thou belde in blisse so
bright, For euer and ay, I highte the here.
Towneley Plays, pp. 182 ff . ff or I am old symeon : So old on lyfe know I none, That is mayde on flesh and bone, In all medyll-erd. No wonder if I go on held : The feuyrs, the flyx, make me vnweld; Myn armes, my lymmee, are stark for
eld, And all gray is my berd.
LYRIC
Anglia, Vol. XXVI, p. 242 ff. Mary for the loue of the, blyth & glad may we be, & I shall syng as ye may se : sua quinque gaudia.
The fyrst Joy was sent to the, Whan gabryell gretyd the, & sayd: hayle mary in chastite efficiaris gravida !
The second Joy was full god, Whan cryst toke both flesshe & blod, withowte syn talkyng of mode enixa es puerpera.
The iijde Joy was of gret myght, Whan Jhesu was on the rode dyght, Dede & buryed in all menys syght, surrexit die tercia.
The iiijth Joy was withowt(e n) a y Whan Jhesu to hell toke the way, & with hym com gret a ray, ad cell palacia.
The Vth Joy was on holy thursday. vnto hevyn he toke the way, god & man, & so he ys for ay. aseendit super sidera.
Reliquiae Antiquae, Vol. II, p. 211 Al thus eld me for-dede, Thus he toggith ute mi ted,
and drawith ham on re we; y ne mai no more of love done, Mi pilkoc pisseth on mi schone,
uch schenlon me bischrewe. Mine hed is hore and al for-fare, I-hewid as a grei mare,
mi bodi wexit lewe. When I bihold on mi schennen,
THE MIDDLE ENGLISH RELIGIOUS LYRIC
23
DRAMA
Myn ees are woren both marke and
blynd;
Myn and is short, I want wynd; Thus has age dystroed my kynd, And reft myghtis all; Bot shortly mon I weynd away; what tyme ne when, I can not say, ffor it is gone full many a day Syn dede began to call.
Ther is no wark that I may wyrk,
Bot oneths crall I to the kyrk;
Be I com home I am so irk
That farther may I noght;
Bot settys me downe, and grankys,
and gronys,
And lygys and restys my wery bonys, And all nyght after grankys and
goonys, On slepe tyll I be broght.
Manly, Specimens of Pre-Shake-
sperean Drama, Vol. I, p. 152 Doune from heaven, from heaven so
hie, Of angeles ther came a great com
panie, With mirthe and joy and great
solemnitye,
The(y) sange terly terlow, So mereli the sheppards ther pipes
can blow.
Chester Plays, pp. 140 f . Heale, kinge! borne in a maydens
bower, Proffittes did tell Thou shouldest be
our succore, Thus clarkes doth saye.
LYRIC
Min dimmith al for-dwynnen, mi frendis waxith fewe.
Now I pirtle, I poste, I poute,
I snurpe, I snobbe, I sneipe on snoute,
throj kund I comble and kelde; I lench, I len, on lyme I lasse, I poke, I pomple, I palle, I passe,
as gallith gome I geld;
I rivele, I roxle, I rake, I rouwe, 1 clyng, I cluche, I croke, I couwe,
thus he wol me aweld. I grunt, I grone, I grenne, I gruche, I nase, I neppe, I nifle, I nuche,
and al this wilneth eld.
I stunt, I stomere, I stomble as
sledde, I blind, I bleri, I bert in bedde,
such sond is me sent; I spitte, I spatle in spech, I sporne, I werne, I lutle, ther-for I murne,
thus is mi wel i-went.
Anglia, Vol. XXVI, pp. 237 ff.
Tyrly tirlow, tirly tirlow
so merily the shepardes be gan to
blow!
A bowt the felde they pypyd ryght, So meryly the shepardes be gan to
blow, A down from hevyn yat ys so hygh:
terly terlow!
Angellys ther cam A cumpany, with mery songes And melody, The shepardes Anon that gan A spye terly terlow!
Anglia, Vol. XXVI, pp. 243 ff. Can I not syng but Hoy ! Whan the loly shepard made so mych
loy !
(1) The shepard vpon a hill he satt, he had on hym his tabard & his hat,
24
GEORGE C. TAYLOR
Loe, I bringe thee a bell: I praie thee save me from hell, So that I maye with thee dwell, And serve thee for aye.
Secundus Pastor Heale the, emperower of hell, And of heaven allsoe ! 1 The feynde shall thee fell, That ever hath bene false. Heale the, maker of the starre, That stode us beforne; Heale the, blessed full barne, Loe, sonne, I bringe thee a flaggette, Theirby heinges a sponne, To eate thy pottage with all at nonne, As I myselfe full ofte tymes have
done, With harte I praie thee to take.
Tercius Pastor
Heale, prince without anye peare, That mankinde shall releeve! Heale thee, froo unto Luciffier, The which begyled Eve! Heale the, granter of happe, For in yeairth nowe thou dwelleste. Loe, sonne, I bringe thee a cape, For I have nothinge elles: This gueifte, sonne, I bringe thee is
but small, And though I come the hyndmoste of
all, When thou shall them to thy blesse
call, Good Lorde, yet thinke on me.
Trowle. My dere, with dutye unto thee I me
dresse, My state and felloshippe that I doe
not lose,
For to save me from all yle sicknes, I offer unto thee a payer of my wifes
oulde hose, For other dremes, my sonne,
i Read alse.
LYRIC
hys tarbox, hys pype, and hys flag at, hys name was called loly, loly Wat ! for he was a gud herdes boy, vt hoy ! for in hys pype he made so mych joy, Can I not sing but hoy I
(2) The shepard upon a hill was layd, Hys doge to hys gyrdyll was tayd, He had not slept but a lytill brayd but gloria in excelcis was a hym sayd
vt hoy !
for in his pipe he made so mych joy ! Can I not syng <&c.
(3) The shepard on A hill He stode Rownd a bowt hym his shepe they
yode,
he put hys hond vnder hys hode, he saw a star as rede as blod.
Vt hoy ! for in hys pipe he made so myche joy,
Can I not syng &c.
(4) Now farwell mall & also will, for my love go ye all styll, vnto I cum a gayn you till, Andeuermore(W)ill ryngwell thy bell,
vt hoy!
for in his pipe he mad so mych Joy! Can I not sing &c.
(5) Now must I go yer cryst was borne farewell I cum a gayn to morn Dog kepe well my shep fro ye corn! & warn well warroke when I blow my
horn!
Vt hoy!
for in his pipe he mad so mych joy! Can I not syng <&c.
(6) Whan wat to bedlem cum was, he swet, he had gone faster than a
pace,
He fownd Ihesu in a sympyll place, be twen An ox & an asse,
vt hoy! for in his pipe he mad so mych joy!
Can I not syng but hoy &c.
(7) The shepard sayd A non ryght: I will go se yon farly syght, Wher as ye Angell syngith on hight,
THE MIDDLE ENGLISH RELIGIOUS LYRIC
25
DRAMA
Have I non for to geve, That is worth anye thinge at all, But my good harte, while I live, And my prayers tell death doe me call.
The Firste Boye. Nowe, Lorde, for to geve thee have I
nothinge, Nether goulde, silver, bruche, ner
ringe,
Nor no riche robes mete for a kinge, That I have heare in store: But that yt lackes a stoppell, Take thee heare my wellfayer bottill, for it will houlde a good pottill, In faith, I can geve thee no more.
The Secounde Boye. Lorde, thou arte of this virgine borne, In full poore araye sittinge on her
arme,
For to offer to thee I have no skorne, Allthough thou be but a childe; For Jewell have I non to geve thee, For to mantayne thy royall dignitie But my hude, then take it thee, As thou arte god and man.
The Thirde Boye. O, noble childe of thee! Alas! what have I for thee, Save onlye my pipe 9 Elles trewlye nothinge, Were I in the rockes or in, I coulde make this pippe, That all this woode shoulde ringe, And quiver, as yt were.
The Fourth Boye. Nowe, childe, although thou be comon
from God,
And be God thy self e in thy manhoode, Thou wylte for sweete meate loke, Yet I knowe that in thy childehoode To pull downe aples, peares, and
plumes,
LYRIC & the star yet shynyth so bryght!
vt hoy! for in his pipe he made so mych loy,
Can I not syng but Hoy !
(8) Ihesu I offer to the here my pype, My (skyrte), my tarbox & my (scrype), Home to my felowes now will I skype, & also loke unto my shepe!
vt hoy!
ffor in his pipe he made so mych loy, can I not syng but Hoy !
(9) Now farewell, myne owne heroes
man wat!
ye for god, lady even so I hat! Lull well Ihesu in thy lape, & farewell loseph wyth thy rownd cape!
vt hoy!
for in hys pype he mad so myche loy, can I not syng &c.
(10) Now may I well both hope & syng, ffor I hauebene a1 crystes beryng, home to my felowes now wyll I flyng, Cryst of hevyn to his blis vs bryng!
vt hoy,
for in his pipe he mad so myche joy, can I not syng <&c.
25
26
GEOBGE C. TAYLOB
DRAMA
Guide Joseph shall not nede to hurte
his thombes, Because thou hast not pleintie of
crombes, / geve thee heare my nutthocke.
Primus Pastor.
Nowe, fare well, mother and maye, For of synne naughte thou wotteste,1 Thou haste brought fourth this daie Codes sonne of mighteste moste. Wherefore men shall saye, Blessed in everye coste and place Be thou memoriall for me and for us
all.
And that we maie from syne fall, And stande ever in thy grace, Our Lorde God be with thee.
LYRIC
Towneley XXVI, The Resurrection of
the Lord, 11. 314 f . Behald my shankes and my knees, Myn armes and my thees; Behold we well, looke what thou sees,
Bot sorow and pyne; Thus was I spylt, for thi gylt,
And not for myne.
And yit more vnderstand thou shall; In stede of drynk thay gaf me gall, Asell thay menged it withall,
The lues fell;
The payn I haue, tholyd I to saue Mans saull from hell.
Behold my body how lues it dang with knottys of whyppys and scorges
strang; As etremes of well the bloode out
sprang
On euery syde; knottes where thay hyt, well may
thou wytt, Maide woundys wyde.
i Bead wast.
The Poetical Works of Skelton
(Dyce), pp. 144 f.
Beholde my shankes, behold my knees, Beholde my hed, armes, and thees, Beholde of me nothyng thou sees
But sorowe and pyne; Thus was I spylt, Man, for thy gylte,
And not for myne.
Behold my body, how Jewes it donge With knots of whipcord and scourges
strong; As stremes of a well the blode out
sprong
On euery syde; The knottes were knyt, Ryght well made with wyt, They made woundes wyde.
Man, thou shalt now vnderstand, Of my head, both fote and hand, Are four c. and fyue thousand
woundes and sixty; Fifty and vii Were tolde full euen
Vpon my body.
:26
THE MIDDLE ENGLISH RELIGIOUS LYBIC
27
DRAMA
And therfor thou shall vnderstand In body, heed, feete, and hand, ffour hundreth woundys and fyue thowsand
here may thou se; And therto neyn were delt full euen
ffor luf of the.
Behold on me noght els is lefte, And or that thou were fro me refte, All thise paynes wold I thole efte
And for the dy; here may thou se that I luf the,
Man, faythfully.
Sen I for luf, man, boght the dere, As thou thi self the sothe sees here, I pray the hartely, with good chore,
luf me agane; That it lyked me that I for the
tholyd all this payn.
If thou thy lyfe in syn haue led, Mercy to ask be not adred; The leste drope I for the bled Myght clens the soyn, All the syn the warld with in If thou had done.
I was well wrother with ludas
ffor that he wold not ask me no grace,
Then I was for his trespas
That he me sold; I was redy to shew mercy,
Aske none he wold, lo how I hold myn armes on brede, The to saue ay redy mayde; That I great luf ay to the had,
well may thou knaw! Som luf agane I wold full fayn
Thou wold me shaw.
Bot luf noght els aske I of the, And that thou fownde fast syn to fle; pyne the to lyf in chary te
Both nyght and day; Then in my blys that neuer shall mys Thou shall dwell ay.
LYRIC
Syth I for loue bought the" so dere, As thou may se thy self here, I pray the* with a ryght good chere
Loue me agayne, That it lykes me To suffre for the"
Now all this payne.
Man, vnderstand now thou shall. In sted of drynke they gaue me gall, And eysell mengled therwithall,
The Jewes fell; These paynes on me I suffred for the"
To bryng the* fro hell.
Now for thy lyfe thou hast mysled, Mercy to aske be thou not adred; The lest drop of blode that I for the*
bled
Myght dense the* soone Of all the syn The worlde within, If thou haddest doone.
I was more wrother with Judas, For he wold no mercy aske, Than I was for his trespas
Whan he me solde; I was euer redy To graunt hym mercy,
But he none wolde.
Lo, how I hold my armes abrode,
The* to receyue redy isprode!
For the great loue that I to the* had
Well may thou knowe, Some loue agayne I wolde full fayne
Thou woldest to me she we.
For loue I ask nothyng of the* But stand fast in faythe, and
thou fle, And payne to lyue in honeste
Both nyght and day; And thou shalt have blys That neuer shall mys
Withouten nay.
syn
27
•28
GEORGE C. TAYLOB
DRAMA
Towneley, XVIII, 11. 143 ff. The
Play of the Doctors "The thyrd bydys,1' where so ye go, That ye shal balow the holy day; ffrom bodely wark ye take youre rest; you re household, looke the same
thay do,
Both wyf e, chyld, seruande, and beest. The fourt is then in weyll and wo "Thi fader, thi moder, thou shall
honowre,
Not only with thi reuerence, Bot in tharenede thou thaymsocoure, And kepe ay good obedyence."
The fyf t bydys the " no man slo, ne harme hym neuer in word ne dede,
Ne suffre hym not to be in wo If thou may help hym in his nede."
The sext bydys the *' thi wyfe to take,
Bot none othere lawfully; lust of lechery thou fle and fast for- sake,
And drede ay god where so thou be."
The seuen bydys the "be no thefe
feyr,
Ne nothyng wyn with trechery; Oker, ne symony, thou com not nere, Bot consoyence clere ay kepe truly."
The aghtbyddys the "be true in dede, And fals wytnes looke thou none bere;
looke thou not ly for freynd ne syb, lest to thi saull that it do dere."
The neyn byddys the " not desyre
Thi neghburs wyfe ne his women, Bot as holy kyrk wold it were, Right so thi purpose sett it in."
The ten byddys the " for nothyng Thi neghburs goodys yerne wrong- wysly;
his house, his rent, ne his hafyng, And crysten fayth trow stedfastly."
LYRIC Reliquiae Antiquae, Vol. I, p. 49
Tertium Mandatum Thy haliday kepe wele alsso, Fra bodely werk thow take thy rest; And all thy howshald the same sail do, Bothe wyf and childe, servant and beste.
Quartum Mandatum Thy fadir and modir thow shalt hon- our,
Noght onely with reverence, Bot in thaire nede thou thaym socour, And keep ay gode obedience.
Quintum Mandatum Of mankynde thou shalt none sle, Ne harm with worde, wyll, nor dede;
Ne suffir non lorn ne lost to be If thow wele may than help at nede.
Sextum Mandatum Thy wyf thou may in tyme wele take, Bot non other womman lawfulle; Lechory and synful lust thou fle and
forsake, And drede ay God where so thou be.
Septimum Mandatum Be thou no thef, nor theves fere, Ne nothing wyn with trechery; Okur ne symony cum thow not nere, Bot conciens clere kepe ay trewely.
Octavum Mandatum Thow shalt in worde be trewe alsso; And fals wytnes thou shalt none bere; Loke thow not lye for f rende nor foo, Lest thow thy saull full grately dere.
Nonum Mandatum Thy neghbur wyf thou not desire, Nor othir wymmen with syn covet, Bot as haly kirk wald it were, Right so thy purpos loke thou set.
Decimum Mandatum Hows, ne land, ne othir thyng, Thow shalt not covet wrangfully; Bot kepe ay wele Goddes biddying, And cristen fayth trow stedfastly.
THE MIDDLE ENGLISH RELIGIOUS LYRIC
29
DRAMA
Towneley Plays, p. 100, 11. 4-13 Now in hart, now in hey 11 /now in
weytt, now in blast, Now in care, Now in comforth agane, Now is fayre, now is rane, Now in hart full fane, And after full sare. Thus this Warld, as I say/farys on
ylk syde, ffor after oure play /com sorows
vnryde; ffor he that most may /When he
syttys in pryde,
When it comys on assay /is kesten downe wyde.
Coventry Mysteries, p. 88 Angelus :
In your name Maria ffyve letterys
we han, — M. Mayde most mercyfulle and mek-
est in mende; A. Averte of the anguysche that Adam
began ; R. Regina of regyon reyneng with-
owtyn ende; I. Innocent be influens of Jesses
kende; A. Advocat most autentyk your aute-
cer Anna, Hefne and helle here kneys down
bende,
Whan this holy name of Jow is seyd, MARIA.
Towneley Plays, p. 351, 11. 316-19,
328-31 Thomas : Mercy, ihesu, rew on me /my hande
is blody of thi blode! Mercy, ihesu, for I se/thi myght that
I not vnderstode ! Mercy, ihesu, I pray the /that for all
synfull died on roode ! Mercy, ihesu, of mercy f re /for thi goodnes that is so goode !
LYRIC
Herrigs Archiv, Vol. CIX, p. 42 That now is wet and now is dreye. for sothe serteyn as I zu say.
now is joye and now is blys. now is balle and butternesse, now it is and now it nys: thus pasyt this word a way.
Now I hope and now I synge, now I dance and now I sprynge, now I weyle and now I wrynge: now is wel and now is way.
Now I hoppe and now I daunce, now I prike and now I praunce, this day heyl, te morwe per chaunce we mown be ded and ley in clay.
Herrig, Vol. OIX, p. 64
M and A and R and I ! syngyn I wyl a newe song.
It were fowre letterys of purposy: M and A and R and I tho wern letteris of mary of horn al our joye sprong.
God that sit aboue the sky with M and A and R and I, saue now al this cumpany and sende vs joye and blysse a in mong !
Herrig, Vol. CVI, p. 60
Jhesu mercy how may this be That god hymselfe for sole man-
kynd
wolde take on hym humanitie my witt nor reson may hi£ well fynd Jhesu mercy; abed: how may this be
29
30
GEORGE C. TAYLOB
DRAMA
Mercy, ihesu, lorde swete/for thi
fyfe woundys so sare, Thou suffred thrugh handys and
feete/
thi semely side a spere it share; Mercy, ihesu, lord, yit/for thi
moder that the bare ! Mercy, for the teres thou grett /
when thou rasid lazare!
Manly, Specimens, p. 151
Song I
As I out rode this enderes night, Of thre ioli sheppardes I saw a sight, And all a-bowte there fold a star
shone bright; They sange terli terlow; So mereli the sheppards ther pipes can blow.
Song II
Lully, lulla, thou littell tine child, By by, lully, lullay, thow littell tyne
child, By by, lully, lullay !
Towneley Plays, p. 368, 11. 33-40 Brymly before vs be thai broght,
oure dedys that shall dam vs bidene; That eyre has harde, or harte thoght,
that mowthe has spokyn, or ee sene, That foote has gone or hande wroght,
in any tyme that we may mene; ffull dere this day now bees it boght.
alas! vnborne then had I bene!
Towneley Plays, p. 390 Ther is none so styf on stede, Ne none so prowde in prese, Ne none so dughty in his dede, Ne none so dere on deese, No kyng, no knyght, no Wight in wede, ffrom dede haue maide hym seese, Ne flesh he was wonte to fede, It shall be Wormes mese.
LYRIC
Jhesu mercy how may this be. Crist that was of Infynyt myght Egall to the fathir In deite Immortal Inpassible the
wordlis lyght
and wolde so take mortalite Jhesu mercy ut supra
Reliquiae Antiquae, Vol. II, p. 76
This endurs nyght I see a syght, A sterre schone bryght as day, And everymeng a meden song was By, by, lulley I
This lovely lady sete and song,
and tyll hur chyld con say, " My son, my lord, my fadur deyr,
why lyns thou thus in hey? My none swete byrd, what art thu kyd
and knowus thi lord of ey? Never the lesse I will not sesse
to syng, By by, lulley ! "
Minor Poems, Ver. MS, p. 785, 11. 8-18 To ofte ich habbe, yn myne lyue, Ysenghed wit my wittes fyue, Wit eren yhered, wit eyen syght, Wit senfold speche dey & nyght, Wit cleppinges, wit kessenge also, Wit hondes yhandled, wit fet ygwo, Wit herte senfolliche ythoght; Wit al my body euele ywroght; And of al my (grete) folye, Mercy, lord, mercy, ich crye!
English Miscellany, p. 94 Nis non so riche, ne non so freo.
that he ne schal heonne. sone away. Ne may hit neuer his waraunt beo.
gold, ne seoluer. vouh. ne gray. Ne beo he no the swift, ne may he fleo
ne weren his lif enne day. Thus in thes world as thu mayht seo.
al so the schadewe that glyt away.
30
THE MIDDLE ENGLISH RELIGIOUS LYRIC
31
DRAMA
Towneley Plays, p. 371, 11. 143-47; p. 373, 11. 183-87; p. 376, 11. 296-304; p. 378, 11. 350-367 Of Wraggers and wrears / a bag full
of brefes, Of carpars and cryars/of mychers
and thefes, Of lurdans and lyars/that no man
lefys Of flytars, of flyars / and renderars
of reffys;
Thise rolles Ar of bakbytars. And fals quest-dytars, I had no help of writars bot thise two dalles.
yit of thise kyrkchaterars / here are
a menee, Of barganars and okerars/ and lufars
of symonee, Of runkers and rowners / god castya
thaym out, trulee, ffrom hid temple all sich naysdoers/
I each thaym then to me
ffull soyn;
ffor writen I wote it is In the gospell, withoutten mys, Et earn fecistis
Speluncam latronum.
LYRIC
Religious Songs (Percy Society, Vol. XI), p. 81.
Alle bac-biteres
wendet to helle, Robberes and reveres,
and the mon-quelle; Lechurs and horlinges
thider sculen wende, And ther heo sculen wunien
evere buten ende. Alle theos false chepmen,
the feond heorn wule habbe, Bachares and brueres,
for alle men heo gabbe; Loghe heo holdet hore galun,
mid berme heo hine fulleth, And ever of the purse
that selver heo tulleth, Bothe heo maketh feble
heore bred and heore ale; Habben heo that selver,
ne tellet heo never tale.
And ye lanettys of the stewys/and
lychoures on lofte, youre baill now brewys/avowtrees
full ofte, youre gam now grewys/I shall you
set softe, youre sorow enewes / com to my crof te
All ye;
All harlottys and horres, And bawdys that procures, To bryng thaym to lures, Welcom to my see !
31
32
GEORGE C. TAYLOR
DRAMA LYRIC
ye lurdans and lyars / mychers n ad
thefes, fflytars and flyars / that all men repre-
fes, Spolars, extorcyonars / Welcom, my
lefes ! tfals lurars and usurars/to symony
that clevys, To tell;
hasardars and dysars, ffals dedys forgars, Slanderars, bakbytars, All vnto hell.
Towneley Plays, p. 373, 11. 206-9; Reliquiae Antiquae, Vol, I, p. 257
p. 374, 11. 211-21 Tutivillus :
Whi spir ye not, sir/ no questyons ? I am oone of youre ordir / and oone
of youre sons;
I etande at my tristur / when othere men ehones.
I was youre chefe tollare, And sithen courte rollar, Now am I master lollar,
And of sich men I mell me.
I haue broght to youre hande/of
saules, dar I say, Mo than ten thowsand / in an howre
of a day; som at ayll-howse I f ande / and som
of f erray, eom cursid, som bande / som yei, som
nay; so many
Thus broght I on blure, thus did I my cure.
Towneley Plays, pp. 390 ff .
Ilkon in sich aray/With dede thai
shall be dight, And closid colde in clay / Wheder he
be kyng or knyght; ffor all his garmentes gay / that
eemely were in sight,'
TUTIVILLUS
Tutivillus, the devyl of hell, He wryteth har names, sothe to tel,
admissa extrahantes. Beit wer be at tome for ay, Than her to serve the devil to pay,
sic vana famulantes. Thos women that sitteth the church
about, Thai beth al of the develis rowte,
divina inpotentes. But thai be stil, he wil ham quell, With kene strokes draw hem to hell
ad patientiam flentes. For his love that you der bogth, Hold you stil, and f angel nogth,
sordem aperte deprecantes. The blis of heven than may ye wyn, God bryng us al to his in,
Amen semper dicentes.
Herrigs Archiv, Vol. CIX, p. 45, xii; p. 46, xvi; and p. 44, vii, 11. 1-14
XII
Synf ul man for godis sake I rede that thu amendes make!
thow thu be kyng of tour and town, thow thu be kyng and were coroun,
32
THE MIDDLE ENGLISH KELIGIOUS LTBIC
33
DRAMA
his flesh shall frete away / With many
a wofull wight. Then wofully sich wightys Shall gnawe thise gay knyghtys, Thare lunges and thare lightys,
Thare harte shall frete in sender; Thise masters most of myghtys
Thus shall thai be broght vnder.
Vnder the erthe ye shall / thus care- fully then cowche;
The royf e of you re hall / youre nakyd nose shall towche;
Nawther great ne small / To you will knele ne crowche;
A shete shall be youre pall/eich todys shall be youre nowche;
Todys shall you dere,
ffeyndys will you fere,
youre flesh that fare was here Thus rufully shall rote ;
In stede of fare colore sich bandy s shall bynde youre throte.
Amende the, man, Whils thou may,
let neuer no myrthe fordo thi
mynde; Thyrike thou on the dredefull day
When god shall deme all man-
kynde. Thynke thou farys as dothe the
wynde ; This warlde is wast & and will away;
Man, haue this in thi mynde, And amende the Whils that thou
may.
Amende the, man, whils thou art here,
Agane thou go an othere gate; When thou art dede and laide on
bere, Wyt thou well thou bees to late;
ffor if all the goode that euer thou gate
LYRIC
I sette ryzt not be thi renown, but if thu wylt amendys make.
that hast her is other menys and so it xal ben quan thu art hens, thi sowle xal a beye thi synnys, but if thu wit a mendes make.
man bewar, the weye is sleder; thu xal slyde, thu wost not qweder; body and sowle xul go to geder, but if thu wit a mendes make.
man ber not thi hed to heye In pumpe and pride and velonye; In helle thu xalt ben hangyd hye, but if thu wilt amendes make.
XVI
I drukke I dare so wil I may quan I thynke on my endys day.
I am a chyld and born ful bare and bar out this word xal fare, zyt am I but wermys ware thow I clothis go neuer so gay.
Thow I be of meche prys,
fayr of face and holdyn wys,
my fleysch xul fadyn as flour de lys
quan I am ded and leyd in clay.
quan I am ded and leyd in ston,
I xal rotyn fleych and bon,
fro myn f ryndys I xal gon,
cryst help myn sowle quan I ne may !
Quan I xal al my frendes for sake, cryst schyld me fro the fendes blake ! to Jesu cryst my sowle I be take, to be our helpe on domys day !
VII
Gay, gay, gay, gay, Think on drydful domis day !
GrEOBGE C. TAYLOR
Were delt for the after thi day,
In heuen it wolde not mende thi
state, fforthi amende the Whils thou may.
If thou be right ryall in rente, As is the stede standyng in stall, In thi harte knowe and thynke
That thai ar goddys goodys all. he myght haue maide the poo re and
small
As he that beggys fro day to day; Wit thou well accountys gif thou
shall, Therfore amende the whils thou may.
LYRIC
Euery day thu myzt lere to help thi self qwil thu art here, quan thu art ded and leyd on bere, cryst help thi sowle for thu ne may !
Think man on thy wyttes fyue, do sum good qwyl thu art on lyve, go to cherche and do the schryve and bryng thi sowle in good aray !
Thynk man on thi synnys seuene, think how merie it is in heuene, prey to god with mylde stefne he be thin helpe on domys day !
Towneley Plays, p. 107, 11. 213-39.
primus pastor.
Set mustard afore, oure mete now begyns;
here a f oote of a cowe / well sawsed,
I wene, The pestell of a sowe / that powderd
has bene, Two blodyngis, I trow /A leueryng
betwene; Do gladly, syrs now /my breder be-
dene,
With more. Both befe and moton Of an ewe that was roton, Good mete for a gloton; Ete of this store.
ijus pastor.
I haue here in my mayll/sothen
and rost, Euen of an ox tayll/ that wold not be
lost;
ha, ha, goderhayll ! I let for no cost; A good py or we fay 11 /this is good
for the frost
In a mornyng; And two swyne gronys, All a hare bot the lonys,
Rel. Antiquae, Vol. I, p. 325
BURLESQUE RECEIPT
Take nine pound of thunder, six legs
of a swan, The wool of a frog, The juice of a log, Well parboil'd together in the skin of
a hog, With the egg of a moon-calf, if get it
you can.
The love of false harlots, The faith of false varlets, With the truth of decoys, that walk
in their scarlets, And the feathers of a lobster well
fry'd in a pan; Nine drops of rain, Brought hither from Spain, With the blast of a bellows quite over
the main; With eight quarts of brimston, brew'd
in a beer can; Six pottles of lard, Squeezed from a rock hard, With nine turkey eggs, each as long
as a yard; With a pudding of hail stones well
bak'd in a pan : These med'cines are good, And approved have stood,
THE MIDDLE ENGLISH RELIGIOUS LTBIO
35
DRAMA
we myster no sponys
here at cure mangyng.
iijus pastor.
here is to recorde / the leg of a goys, with chekyns endorde / pork, partryk
to roys; A tart for a lorde / how thynk ye this
doys? A calf lyuer skorde / with veryose;
F., XL VIII, 11. 229-380 Deus.
like a creature, takes entent, What bodworde I to you bringe, This wofull worlde away is wente, And I am come as crouned kynge. Mi fadir of heuene, he has me sente, Todeme youre dedis and make ending, Comen is the day ofjugement, O sorowe may ilke a synfull synge. The day is comen of kaydyfnes, All tham to care that are vnclene, The day of bale and bittirnes, Full longe abedyn has it bene, The day of drede to more and lesse, Of care, of trymbelyng and of tene. That ilke a wight that weried is May say, alias! this daye is sene!
Mi blissid childre on my right hande, Youre dome this day ye thar not drede, For all youre comforte is command, Youre liffe in likyng schall ye lede. Commes to the kyngdome ay lastand, That you is dight for youre goode
dede, Full blithe may ye be where ye
stande, For mekill in heuene schall be youre
mode.
When I was hungery ye me fedde, To slake my thirste youre harte was
free,
Whanne I was clothles ye me cledde, Ye wolde no sorowe vppon me see.
LYRIC
Well tempered together with a pottle
of blood, Squeezed from a grasshopper and the
nail of a swan.
Pr. of O., 11. 6096-6213. And delyverd be until the devels
powere.
Ful wa sal synful men be that day, And til helle pyne be put for ay, And tharfor men may calle that day, The grete day of delyveraunce, The day of wreke and of vengeaunce, The day ofwrethe and of wrechednes, The day of bale and of bitternes, The day ofpleynyng and accusyng, The day of answer and of strait rek-
kenyng,
The day of iugements and luwys, The day of angre and of angwys, The day of drede and of tremblyng, The day of gretyng and goulyng, The day of crying and of dulef ul dyn, The day of sorow that never sal blyn, The day of flaying and of afray, The day of merry ng and of myrknes, That day that es last and that mast es, The dai when Crist sal make ende of
alle; Thus may nan discryve that day and
calle. Our loverd that alle thyng can se and
witt
At the dredeful day of dome sal sitt, Als kyng and right wyse domesman, In dome to dome alle the werld than, Opon the setil of his mageste*. That day sal alle men byfor hym be, Bathe gude and Hie, mare and les; Than sal noght be done but right-
wysnes.
35
36
GEORGE C. TAYLOB
DRAMA
In harde presse whan I was stedde,
Of my paynes ye hadde pitee,
Full eeke whan I was brought in
bedde
Kyndely ye come to coumforte me. Whanne I was wikke and werieste Ye herbered me full hartefully, Full gladde thanne were ye of youre
And pleyned my pouerte piteuously. Be-lyue ye brought me of the beste» And made my bedde full esyly; Therfore in heuene schall be youre
reste, In joie and blisse to be me by.
i. an. bona.
Whanne hadde we, lorde, that all has
wroght,
Meete and drinke the with to feede? Sen we in erthe hadde neuere noght But thurgh the grace of thy godhede.
ii. an bona.
Whanne waste that we the clothes
brought,
Or visite the in any nede? Or in thi sikenes we the sought, Lorde, when did we the this dede?
Deus.
Mi blissid childir, I schall you saye, What tyme this dede was to me done, When any that nede hadde, nyght or
day,
Askid you helpe and hadde it sone. Youre fre hartis saide them neuere
nay,
Erely ne late, mydday ne none, But als of te sithis as thei wolde praye, Thame thurte but bide, and haue
ther bone.
Ye cursid caytiffis of Kaymes kynne, That neuere me comforte in my care, I and ye for euer will twynne, In dole to dwelle for euermare; Youre bittir bales shall neuer blynne,
LYRIC
He sal deme al men of ilka degre\ Til ioy or payne that demed sal be, And rightwyse domes-man and suthe-
fast
And gyf a fynal dome at the last. Bot how he sal deme I sal shewe, Als telles the godspelle of Mathewe; Hys angels than, af tir his wille, Sal first departe the gude f ra the ille , Als the hird the shepe dus fra the
gayte,
That falles to be putt til pastur strayt. By the shepe understand we may The gude men that sal be saved that
day.
By the gayte understand we may The ille men, that than dampned sal
be. The gude sal be sette on his right
hand, And the ille on his lefte syde sal
stand;
Than sal our loverd say thus that tyde Til tham that standes on his right
syde:
Venite, benedicti patris met, possidete paratum nobis regnum a constitucione mundi. He sal say than, " commes now til me, My fadir blissed childer fre, And weldes the kyngdom that til
yhow es dight Fra first that the werld was ordaynd
right."
For I hungerd and yhe me fedde, I thrested and at drynk yhe me bedde; Of herber grete nede I had, Yhe herberd me with hert glad, Naked I was, als yhe myght se, Yhe gaf me clathes and clad me; Seke I was and in f ul wayke state, Yhe wisit me, bathe arly and late; In prisoun when I was halden stille, Til me yhe come with ful gude wille. Than sal the rightwys men that day, Til our loverd answer thus and say;
36
THE MIDDLE ENGLISH RELIGIOUS LYBIO
37
DRAMA
That ye shall haue when ye come
thare.
Thus haue ye serued for youre synne, For derffe dedis ye haue done are. Whanne I had mistir of mete and
drynke, Caytiffis, ye cacched me from youre
gate, Whanne ye were sette as sirs on
benke,
I stode ther-oute, werie and wette, Was none of yowe wolde on me thynke Pyte to haue of my poure state; Ther-fore till hell I schall ye synke, Weele are ye worthy to go that gate. Whanne I was seke and soriest, Ye visitte me noght, for I was poure, In prisoune f aste whan I was feste, Was none of you loked howe I fore. Whenne I wiste neuere where for to
reste, With dyntes ye draffe me fro your
dore, Butte euer to pride thanne were ye
preste,
Mi flessh, my bloode of te ye for-swore. Clothles whanne I was of te, and colde, At nede of you yede I full naked, House ne herborow, helpe ne holde, Hadde I none of you, thof I quaked. Mi mischeffe sawe ye many-folde, Was none of you my sorowe slaked, Butt euere for-soke me, yonge and
aide, Therfore schall ye nowe be for-saked.
i. aia. mala.
Whan had thou, lorde that all thyng
has,
Hungir or thirste? sen thou god is, Whan was thou in prisonne was, Whan was thou naked or herberles?
ii. aia. mala.
Whan was it we sawe the seke, alias ! Whan kid we the this vnkyndinesse, Werie or wette to late the passe, When did we the this wikkidnesse?
LYRIC
' Loverd when saw we the hungry, And to gyf the mete war we redy; And when myght we the thresty se, And gaf the drynk with hert fre; When saw we the nede of herberhave, And to herber the vouched save; When saw we the naked and we the
cled, And when saw we the seke and in
prison sted,
And visited the with gude wille, And comforted the, als was skille?' Our loverd sal than tham answer thus, And say, als the godspelle shewesus: 'Suthly I say yhou, swa yhe wroght, That ilka tyme when yhe did oght Until ane of the lest that yhe myght
se
Of my brother, yhe did til me.' Than sal our loverd til alle thas say, That than on his lefte syde sal stand
that day, And spek til tham with an austerne
chere,
Thir wordes that er hydus to here: Discedite a me maledicti, in ignem eternum, qui preparatus est diabolo
et angelis eius. " yhe weryed wyghtes wende fra my
sight,
Until the endeles fire that es dight Til the devel and til his aungels." And than sal he say thus, als the
buke tola,
'I hungred and had defaute of mete, and yhe wald noght gyfe me at ete; I thrested, and of drynk had nede, And yhe wald na drynk me bede; I wanted herber, that I oft soght, And alle that time yhe herberd me
noght;
Naked with-outen clathes I was, And with-outen clathes yhe let me
pas;
Seke I was, and bedred lay, And yhe visite me nouther nyght ne
day;
37
38
GEOBGE C. TAYLOR
DRAMA
Deus.
Caistiffis, als ofte als it be-tidde That nedf ull aught askid in my name Ye herde them noght, youre eris ye
hidde, Youre helpe to thame was noght at
hame.
To me was that unkyndines kyd, — There-fore bere this bittir blame, To leste or moste whan ye it did, To me ye did the selue and the same. Mi chosen childir, comes vnto me, With me to wonne nowe schall ye
wende,
There joie and blisse schall euer be, Your liffe in lyking schall ye lende, Ye cursed kaitiffis, fro me ye flee, In helle to dwelle with-outen ende, Ther ye schall neuere butt eorowe see And sittc be Satanas the fende.
UNIVERSITY OP COLORADO
LYRIC
In prison I was, als wele wyst yhe And yhe wald na tyme com til me.' Than sal thai answere, als men sal
here, Til our loverd, and say on this man-
ere: "Loverd when saw we the haf hunger
or thrist
Or of any herber haf grete brist; Or naked, or seke, or in prison be, And we na thyng did ne mynystred
to the?'
Than sal our loverd answer ogayne And say til tham thir wordes cer-
tayne:
' Suthly I say yhou, als f alles tharto, Alle tyme that yhe wald noght do Til ane of lest that myne er kydde, Als lang til me yhe noght didde.'
GEOBGE C. TAYLOB
HINDU CHIPS FOE READERS OF GOETHE
In Hammer-PurgstalPs Geschichte der schdnen Redekiinste Persiens (Wien, 1818), p. 108, the following legend is translated from Nizami's Machsenol-esrar, i. e., Magazin der Geheimnisse:
Herr Jesus, der die Welt durchwandert, Ging einst an einem Markt vorbei. Ein todter Hund lag auf dem Wege, Geschleppet vor des Hauses Thor. Es stand ein Haufe um das Aas, RaubvOgeln gleich, die Aeser fressen. Der eine sprach: Es wird das Hirn Von dem Gestank ganz ausgeloscht. Der andre sprach: Was braucht es viel, Der Graber Auswurf bringt nur Ungliick. So sang ein Jeder seine Weise, Des todten Hundes Leib zu schmShen. Als nun an Jesus kam die ReuV, Sprach ohne Schmfthn er guten Sinns, Er sprach aus gtitiger Natur: Die Zahne sind wie Perlen weiss. Dies Wort macht den Umstehenden Verbrannten Muscheln ahnlich, heiss.
As is well known, these verses, with a slight change (in line 6) , are found in Goethe's Westostlicher Divan: Noten und Abhand- lungen — A llgemeines .
Thus this legend has become common property, and other Ger- man writers have retold it.
The same tale occurs in the oldest collection of Jaina stories, in the Ava$yaka-Erzahlungen (ed. Leumann), Heft I, pp. 84-37. Leumann gives a number of different versions, some older, some younger. The legend is told of Vasudeva, Vinhu, Hari, Kanha, Kesava, i. e., Vishnu or Krishna, of whom the Jainas have a num- ber of tales.
One day Sakka, the king of the gods, in heaven in the midst of the gods, praised the virtues of Vasudeva, saying: "Ah, the excellence of superior men like Hari, who only see the godd side in men and things, 39] 1 [MooEBN PHILOLOGY, July, 1907
2 JOHN J. MEYER
even if there are a hundred thousand faults I " One of the gods there, not believing this, went to Vasudeva's city. Vasudeva had set out on a pil- grimage to worship the Jina. The god assumed the form of a dead dog, black, of hideous aspect, smelling very badly, and thus lay near the road on which Vasudeva was to return. When Kanha together with his reti- nue came back, all the people of his train covered their faces with their garments, went out of their way, and hurried on. But Vasudeva walked ahead on the path just as before. When he came up to the carcass, he neither averted nor covered his face, but looked at the teeth of the animal and said: "The teeth of this dead dog are like a row of pearls."
I give this scrap without attempting to discuss the question which of the two stories is derived or borrowed. It is well known that many legends about Jesus occur in Persian literature. As regards Krishna, it seems clear that some of the many myths of this god were influenced by Christianity. Especially Albrecht Weber has tried to establish such a dependence. The sources of Nizami, the Muhammedan legends of Jesus, the relation between Christ and Krishna — all of these things have to be carefully investigated before the priority either of the Hindu or of the Per- sian version of our legend can be established, provided, of course, that no Indian form which clearly goes back to a time before Christ can be produced.
The reader will have noticed the resemblance of this story to Goethe's Prolog im Himmel and to the beginning of the Book of Job, which furnished the German poet with the model. But in this case I do not believe in a nexus causalis at all. The idea (conversation in heaven — disbelief — trial of the great or good) is natural enough, so that it can have sprung up independently in different lands and times. Compare Indische Studien, XV, pp. 410-17. Some of the parallels, however, given there by Weber, are no real parallels. I subjoin another Jaina story, in a work of later date and published in Jacobi's Ausgewdhlte Erzahlungen in Mdharashtri, pp. 26, 27 :
And one day the Indra of Sohamma, seated on his throne in the assembly hall of Sohamma, was seeing the play Soydmini. At this junc- ture a god from the Isana heaven whose name was Samgama, came to the Indra of Sohamma. And by the brightness of his body the splendor of all the gods present in the assembly hall vanished; as the stars at the rising of the sun, so the immortals became lusterless. When he had gone,
40
HINDU CHIPS FOR READERS OF GOETHE 3
the astonished immortals questioned the Indra of Sohamma as follows: " Why, O Lord, has this god Samgama a splendor surpassing that of twelve sunrises?" Indra said: "In a former life he performed the pen- ance called ayambilabaddamana." Then the gods again questioned Indra as follows: "Is there also another who is endowed with such splendor and beauty?" Indra said: "In Hatthinaura, in the Kuru race, there is a universal sovereign, Sanamkumara by name, whose splendor and beauty surpass even that of the gods." Thereupon the gods Vijaya and Vejay- anta, not believing this, went in the form of Brahmans. Thereupon admitted by the doorkeeper they entered into the presence of the king. And they saw the king occupied in annointing himself with perfume and oil. They were astonished to see a perfection of beauty and other excel- lences even greater than the splendor of beauty described by Indra. And they were asked by the king: "Why have you come here?" They said: "Your beauty is being praised in the Jthree worlds; from curiosity to see it (we come)." And again the king, proud of his extreme beauty, addressed them: "Hear, hear, O Brahmans! how could you have seen my beauty! Wait a little while till I enter the hall of audience." "Yes," said the Brahmans and went out. But the universal sovereign quickly bathed, and having put on ornaments, finery, and an elegant dress, he sat down on the throne. The Brahmans were called. When they saw his body they were sad. And they said: "Alas, that the beauty, grace, and youth- ful bloom of men should be seen one moment and then vanish ! " Hearing this the universal monarch said: "Hear! why do you, utterly plunged in sorrow, find fault with my body?" They said: "Great king, the beauty, youthful bloom, and splendor of the gods remain from the first moment till only six months of their life are left; then they diminish. Those of men, on the other hand, increase till the middle of life has come; thereupon they wane. But a miracle is seen in regard to the brilliancy of your beauty and youthful bloom, for even now it has vanished in a moment like the friendship of a villain." The king said: "How do you know?" They told him the matter, beginning with the praises of Indra. And astonished he looked at his two arms, bedecked with armlets, and saw that they were dim; and he noticed that his breast also, adorned with the pearl necklace, was wan. And he reflected: "Alas for the instability of the samsara ! Alas for the vanity of the body! Even in such a short time beauty, youthful bloom, and splendor have disappeared. Therefore attachment to existence is not meet."
The king goes on descanting further on the vanity and inanity of life, bids farewell to kingship and realm, and becomes a wan- dering ascetic.
JOHN J. MEYER
UNIVERSITY OP CHICAGO
41
FRIEDRICH HEINRICH JACOBI'S HOME AT PEMPELFORT
Jacobi's home at Pempelfort can best be compared with Gleim' s "Tempel der Freundschaft" at Halberstadt. Jacob! had a similar longing to gather about him all masters of literature and philoso- phy. He did not, like Gleim, however, as a protector of younger talents, earn for himself the title of "Father of Literature," nor did he try to inspire all his proteges in a certain unhealthy direc- tion, like Gleim, who forever harped upon his Anacreon and tried to influence his followers toward falsely sentimental and absurd lyrics. While aiding his friends as much as he could, Jacobi mainly sought inspiration for himself from his associations. In a letter to Marianne (I, 328; July, 1770) he characterizes his choice of friends thus: "Who then has not what I need, nor needs what I have, is and remains a stranger to me. Surreptitious, feigned, theatrical friendship — I know nothing more despicable."
His letters show that he always knew how to profit from each new acquaintance, and that he was anxious to teach and help wherever he could. His friends were a necessary factor in his life. Though he showed himself capable of earnest research, yet to be at all productive, direct incitation from one interested in his work was absolutely necessary. His first work was not commenced until Goethe had repeatedly urged him to produce some original writing, and all his other essays are written directly to friends, mostly as personal letters.
Jacobi's relation as a philosopher to his contemporaries has been repeatedly outlined by such men as Dykes, Zirngiebl, Schaumberg, and others. I therefore wish to give a general picture of his home at Pempelfort, to show how he gathered about him the best talents of his day, and perhaps to find some reason for his popularity.
Friedrich H. Jacobi was the son of a well-to-do merchant of Dtisseldorf. He therefore received a careful training, but one so colored with religious and fantastic elements that at fifteen he was
43] 1 [MODERN PHILOLOGY, July, 1907
2 OTTO MANTHEY-ZOBN
a devout Pietist, a lonely dreamer. His father was rather pleased with his saintly ways, but when he wished him to be of some assistance at the sugar plant, he found him utterly worthless. Friedrich was therefore sent to Geneva, to enjoy a more thorough education and to lose his dreamy ways in the society of stronger men. There the mathematician and philosopher LeSage espe- cially helped to give his mind a more practical turn, and when Jacobi returned to Dtisseldorf in 1762, he was not only more refined, more practical, and improved in health, but he had learned to do independent thinking and research, which enabled him to defend his peculiar philosophy even against such men as Kant, Hegel, and Schelling.
With good success he took hold of his father's business, and soon after married Betty von Clermont, the daughter of a wealthy merchant of Aachen. He was now in position to realize his favorite ambition and gather friends at his home who could help him forget the tedious hours of factory life.
Through his persistent efforts he soon became acquainted with many men who played important parts in the development of the literature of the times. Seldom did a stranger who had come to visit the art galleries or the newly established academy at Dussel- dorf leave the town without having called at Pempelfort, where a cordial reception promised a pleasant and profitable entertainment. Sometimes the house was literally overcrowded with visitors, but seldom did Jacobi complain of it as in a letter to Wieland of May 29, 1774:
Since yesterday my house must lodge ten guests; every corner is taken. But this would mean little; gladly would I surrender more, if I but could remain master of my own skin. But that, too, must go; and since it must be so, I will give it cheerfully, so that I may feel as though I take a pleasure in so doing.
His circle of acquaintances made his business obligations weigh more and more heavily upon him, so that when his friend, the Count of Groltstein, governor of the Rhine Province and West- phalia, offered him a position as Hofkammerrat, "secretary of the chamber," with a special supervision over the tax system, he gladly accepted, since at this time he was successfully occupying
44
JACOBI'S HOME AT PEMPELFOBT 3
himself with the study of various branches of political economy, and the new position gave him more leisure to devote to his friends.
The first of his great contemporaries to enter Jacobi's circle was Wieland. Jacobi had first made the acquaintance of Wieland through his older brother, Johann Georg, whom Wieland had greatly assisted in the development of his lyrics; but they became intimate only after the personal meeting at the home of their mutual friend, Sophia von Laroche, in Ehrenbreitstein. The letter in which Jacobi describes this meeting is filled with that excess of sentimentality which still was prevalent in the literature of the age. There are the usual flood of tears, the extravagance of emotion and embrace, and the solemn vows always to remain the best of friends. During the next few years it seemed as though these vows were really sincere. Wieland spent consider- able time at Pempelfort laying great plans for co-operating with Jacobi in new literary enterprises. Jacobi, on the other hand, was devoting himself more and more to his popular philosophy, and from Wieland's Agathon had reason to believe that he had found a friend who could be of some assistance to him in this direction. The first and only important result of their plans was the begin- ning of the Deutsche Merkur, of which Jacobi seems to have been the original promoter, though his enthusiasm was of but short duration. Two years after the first number had appeared (1774) we find that the friends had already practically separated. Jacobi had not found in Wieland the popular philosopher he had looked for, and therefore his interest soon died away. It seems as though he used every small dissension to widen the breach which had been brought about by a criticism published by Wieland in the Merkur, in which he spoke favorably of a novel by Fr. Nicolai in which Johann Georg Jacobi was mercilessly derided. This founding of the Merkur, however, is of sufficient importance to make the friendship of Jacobi and Wieland a memorable one. In this peri- odical appeared Jacobi's first philosophical work, Allwills Brief - Sammlung, and by bringing together as contributors many of the best-known and most popular men of the period it greatly helped to increase Jacobi's popularity.
45
4 OTTO MANTHEY-ZORN
Among the guests at Pempelfort as early as 1773 we find Diderot, who had just completed his encyclopaedia. Jacobi praises his fiery spirit and his bold and quick wit, but believes that it is not a predominating sense for beauty and truth which stamps him as a genius, if he in truth be a genius at all.
Soon afterward, Goethe, who had just attracted the attention of the whole literary world through his Ooetz von Berlichingen^ became intimately attached to Jacobi. This was the friendship of which Jacobi was proudest, which benefited him most, and which, with few insignificant interruptions, lasted till the end of his life. The relations of Goethe with Jacobi have, however, been so thoroughly exhausted by the biographers of Goethe and in writings on Jacobi that I shall pass them by with this mere men- tion. The fact, however, that Goethe allied himself so closely with Jacobi and for a long time sent him his manuscripts for the first criticism, mostly following his advice very closely, proves sufficiently that Jacobi was a man of no ordinary ability and judg- ment. Goethe also derived much benefit from Jacobi, especially in the earlier days of their friendship. By Jacobi he was first introduced more thoroughly into the philosophy of Spinoza. Jacobi, on the other hand, owed practically his whole literary career to Goethe. Goethe induced him to undertake to write his first philosophic treatise, and during the rest of his life furnished that incentive without which Jacobi would probably have remained forever silent.
At this point it may be of interest to quote a passage from Johann Georg Jacobi' s diary (as yet little known), describing his first meeting with Goethe:
H. Goethe hat mich in Offentlichen Blattern empfindlich beleidigt, aber auch hat er das Trauerspiel Goetz von Berlichingen geschrieben. Wir gaben uns die Hand. Ich sah einen der ausserordentlichsten Man- ner, voll hohen Genies, gltihender Einbildungs-Kraf t, tiefer Empfindung, rascher Laune, dessen starker, dann und wann riesenmassiger Geist einen ganz eigenen Gang nimmt. Seine Tafel-Reden hatt' ich aufzuzeichnen gewlinscht.
Soon after, Klopstock also appears among Jacobi's friends. At first Jacobi seems to have been very enthusiastic over him, so that
JACOBI'S HOME AT PEMPELPOBT 5
Wieland grew jealous and wrote: "Goethe and Klopstock have taken possession of your soul, and next to these there is no place for Wieland." Klopstock, however, never visited Pempelfort, and in literary fields Jacobi, who was especially interested in the most modern movements, met rarely with Klopstock.
Another of his great contemporaries whom Jacobi tried in vain to entice to Pempelfort was Lessing. Lessing had first come into touch with the Pempelfort circle through Johann Georg Jacobi, who often passed through Wolfenbftttel, where Lessing resided at the time. In an attempt to bring about a more intimate friend- ship, Jacobi sent Lessing a copy of Woldemar, his latest work. This Lessing criticized very favorably, and in return sent Jacobi a copy of Nathan der Weise. In 1780 Jacobi spent some time with Lessing in Wolfenbuttel, discussing with him his favorite topic, the philosophy of Spinoza. He found Lessing discontented and in poor health and urged him to come to Pempelfort, offering to put a whole suite of rooms at his disposal. Lessing, however, did not accept, and, as he died soon after, Jacobi had no opportu- nity to renew his invitation. In his letters to Mendelssohn and in his treatise, "Was Lessing a Follower of Spinoza?" Jacobi gives a detailed account of their first meeting at Wolfenbuttel.
With others Jacobi was more fortunate. In the next few years we find enrolled among his guests such names as Amalia von Gal- litzin, Hemsterhuys, Lavater, Dohm, Forster, Hamann, Count Stolberg and his brother, Countess Julia Reventlow, Gleim, and others — representatives of the most varied literary movements.
As the last stragglers of passing Anacreonticism, Johann Georg Jacobi and Gleim imagined the large and beautiful garden at Pempelfort turned into an Elysium, and in the little muddy Dussel brook they saw the nymphs and muses necessary to inspire them to their sentimental rimes. Johann Georg even succeeded in making a boat-ride on this streamlet the occasion for one of the best of his little ditties:
Bei der stillen Mondes-Helle Treiben wir mit frohem Sinn Auf dem Bachlein, ohne Welle, Hin und her und her und hin. 47
6 OTTO MANTHEY-ZOBN
Schifflein! gehst und kehrest wieder Ohne Segel, ohne Mast; Bachlein! tragst uns auf und nieder, Spielend mit der kleinen Last.
Nichts zu fiirchten, nichts zu meiden 1st, so weit das Auge sieht. Fltistert leis ! ihr jungen Weiden 1 Madchen! singt ein Abendlied!
Denn zu Ruhm und eitlen Schatzen Lockt uns nicht das feme Meer; Suchen friedliches Ergotzen, Schwimmen unbekannt umher.
Madchen ! gebt des Herzens Freuden, Wenn ihr sicher leben wollt, Gebt sie, massig und bescheiden, Nicht um Ehre, nicht um Gold.
Treues Lieben und Gefallen Sei mit reiner Lust gepaart, Und, wie dieses Schiffleins Wallen, Ruhig einst die letzte Fahrt !
The Mddchen who were at Pempelfort from time to time, and to whom Jacobi directed his flatteries, were among the foremost blue-stockings of the day.
In March, 1781, Princess Amalia of Gallitzin, the former Countess of Schmettow, came to Pempelfort with Hemsterhuys — Diotema with her Diocles, as Jacobi called them. This peculiar woman had withdrawn wholly from court circles, while her hus- band served as Russian ambassador at The Hague, and built a country home, which she called "Niet t' Huys" ("not at home" ), there to devote herself wholly to her literary hobbies, surrounded by a circle of literary men. Jacobi visited her at this place ; she returned the visit ; and remained at Pempelfort for a week, during which time she modeled a bust of Jacobi, while Hemsterhuys drew a pen-sketch of him, which are still considered by many the best likenesses we have of Jacobi.
Sophia von Laroche was a frequent guest at Pempelfort. Her moralistic novels, that made her at the time the most popular blue- stocking, very likely suggested to Jacobi the form for his Alwill
48
JACOBI'S HOME AT PEMPELFOBT 7
and Woldemar. She was also for some time the go-between for Jacob! and Goethe, and helped much in bringing about their friend- ship. Countess Julia Reventlow also joined the circle. The women, however, who helped most to make Jacobi's home attractive were those of his own household. Foremost among these was Jacobi's wife, Betty, whom Goethe describes as a "splendid woman from the Netherlands, without a touch of sentimentality, of correct judg- ment, pleasant in conversation, without an expression of sensu- ality, and whose sturdy nature reminds one of Rubens' women."
Betty and Jacobi's sister, Charlotte, were by Goethe considered especially adapted to adjust the difference which then existed between the North and the South German poets, the former of whom still showed a predominance of sentimentality and sensi- bility, while the latter were characterized by coarseness and a sharp and at times insulting wit. And nowhere could Goethe study these characteristics to better advantage than at Pempel- fort, where he found men from both classes assembled.
That Betty was the center of interest almost as much as Jacobi himself can best be seen from the general sorrow which her early death caused among all who had been her guests. Jacobi himself was almost despondent. To his brother-in-law, Johann Arnold von Clermont, he writes:
Our saint, my friend, has departed. I pray to her, and she helps me. Her spirit has not left me, and it demands that I console you. Betty lives! — She lives, and I have now what I demanded from heaven, a sign of immortality and God; and she, whose whole being was sacrifice, this saint has died, to give me this sign, to bear me this witness, that I might remain with her forever!
To Johanna Fahlmer, an aunt of Jacobi and a mutual friend of Goethe and himself, at this time married to Georg Schlosser, he writes :
I saw the countenance of an angel, and am certain that she knew in the last moment that her way led toward heaven and that she could bring bliss upon mankind.
Finally, to his new friend Hamann he says:
I had lived with her for twenty years, from my twenty-first year on, and have never seen anyone whom I could compare with her in purity, grandeur of heart, love, or truthfulness.
49
8 OTTO MANTHEY-ZOBN
Of the letters written to Jacobi, that of Herder is perhaps worthy of mention. He writes:
I am silent to your pain and feel wholly your wound, because, even if not from a personal meeting, yet from descriptions I know your departed friend as though she stood before me. But compose yourself; be a man, a philosopher, a Christian. The last will console you most. We go about here in disguise, and first after uncovering do we become what we should and shall be.
After Betty's death a marked change took place in Jacobi. What tip to this time he had gathered through actual experience, through the meeting with his friends, or from books, he now used as a weapon against what seemed to him the ever more predomi- nant realistic tendencies. Of this enemy he became a zealous opponent, with Herder and Hamann as his trusted associates. In endless work he tried to kill the slowly passing time. In 1785 he began the discussion with Mendelssohn as to whether Lessing was a follower of Spinoza. He also left Pempelfort oftener, and devoted much of his time to the study of Kant. He corresponded extensively with Lavater, with whom he became very intimate, and also with Georg Forster, who at that time resided in Gottingen because the Crimean War had kept him from undertaking his trip around the world, on an appointment which he had received from Katherine of Russia.
Soon, however, Jacobi received as his guest at Pempelfort Hamann, whom he esteemed highly as his most faithful co-worker. On August 12, 1787, Hamann first appeared at Pempelfort to exchange ideas with his friend and in the hope of obtaining some rest for his overstrung nerves. Hamann had been used to the simplest of lives, devoid of all comforts, and could hardly feel at home in the comfortable and over-hospitable abode of Jacobi. For almost six weeks he remained at Pempelfort, during which time numerous visitors arrived to be introduced to the strange guest. When finally it became colder and Jacobi' s sister offered to provide him with warmer clothing, he secretly disappeared. Not until five weeks after did he write to Jacobi to excuse his flight :
Have you not noticed, dear Jonathan, that the two Amazons have conspired, in spite of my old age, to rob me of all my philosophy, and of all your favorite prejudice for it upon which our friendship rests. I have
50
JAOOBI'S HOME AT PEMPELFOBT 9
been received into your house as an angel from heaven. Should I then attribute this exertion and extravagance of piety only to my need, or not more to your prejudice for friendship? True thankfulness is invincible and satisfies neither through bows nor through words. It turns its back on the object of its admiration, and does not wish to be seen.
But Jacobi had profited much from Hamann's visit, and his corre- spondence with his new friend was the greatest help to him in his work. To Lavater he describes this visit:
I cannot express to you how this association with Hamann has made me believe most improbable things. A true Ilav is this man, in harmony and disharmony, in light and darkness, in spiritualism and materialism.
As often as Jacobi remained at Pern pelf ort for any length of time he was immediately overrun with guests. During only two months of 1789 his letters tell of visits from Herr von Clermont, Princess Gallitzin, Minister von Ftirstenberg, Hemsterhuys, Buchholz with his entire family, Baron von Gleichen, Prince Gal- litzin, Count Windisch-Gratz, and above all Wilhelm von Hum- boldt. Humboldt stayed at Pempelfort several days, and on his departure Jacobi gave him a letter of introduction to Lavater, saying: "His speculative mind, his extraordinary intellect, will delight you. I think him a man of the highest intelligence."
This gathering of illustrious friends makes Jacobi's garden a most interesting spot for the student of the eighteenth century. The greater part of the garden is still preserved and is now owned by the Malkasten Verein. Of Jacobi's house only a part is stand- ing, but the garden is preserved almost as he himself planned it in 1790. In the farthest corner to the right is an old tree in which many of the guests cut their names, and among these that of Goethe can still be clearly recognized.
The popularity of Gleim is attributed mainly to the fact that he was a man of abundant resources, which he used to act the part of a Maecenas, and that his friends never turned to him in vain for help in any of their enterprises. As reasons for Jacobi's popularity, on the other hand, usually are mentioned his magnifi- cent character, his intense interest in every branch of literature, and the broad and clear view in his criticisms. His friendship with Goethe, and even more his lucid criticism of Kant, prove
51
10 OTTO MANTHEY-ZOBN
sufficiently that he had all these qualities in no slight degree. Yet his wealth and his excessive generosity must also have been a great drawing-card for many of the men who gathered at Pem- pelfort. This is perhaps but little believed. Some of his biogra- phers even say that he spent most of his money in keeping his garden and house comfortable for his guests, and that he had little left wherewith to play the Maecenas. We know, however, that he supplied abundant money to keep the Merkur well under way, and also that he sent Heinse to Italy for three years to finish his Ardinghello. Besides, there was a marked falling-off in Jacobi's popularity after he was forced to give up Pempelfort in 1795 and became a man of only moderate means.
A manuscript which I succeeded in acquiring about two years ago helps to throw light on the reason for his popularity. It is a simple ledger of Jacobi's accounts during a few of his last years at Pempelfort. It shows that he was spending sums far beyond his income, to allow his friends to enjoy every possible luxury, and that besides he was loaning money freely to his friends, and in his accounts noted these items as loans which he never expected would be paid back to him. His common expenses alone, not including these so-called loans, for not fully four years show a diminution in capital of 12,000 reichsthalers, which would amount to about $36,000, assuming that money had at that time at least three times the purchasing value of today. Some idea of the sort of reception he offered his guests can best be gotten from his wine account which for the single year of 1790 amounted to 625 thalers, which, again considering the purchasing value of money in those days and the fact that Jacobi lived on the Rhine, would be equiva- lent to at least $2,000. His book account for the four years 1788-91 was 2,805 thalers, much of which must also be considered as a simple patronage of his friends.
The most interesting item, however, is the list of direct loans for the year 1791 which he never expected would be paid back. One Leuchsenring, very likely a young literary aspirant, heads the list with a loan of 4,246 thalers; Professor Werthes, 978; Laroche, 546.40; Forster, 240; Mahler Mtiller, 166. The loans of that year alone amounted to 6,177 thalers.
52
JACOBI'S HOME AT PEMPELFORT 11
Surely Gleim, with his moderate salary, could not afford to act the Maecenas to any such extent. But Jacobi made no show of his generosity, for in his letters we find hardly a trace of that which the ledger discloses. Even when, on account of this liberal aid to his friends, his property was reduced to a dangerously small capital, he did not turn to them for help, but succeeded through his own efforts in obtaining the presidency of the Acad- emy of Sciences in Munich, which again made it possible for him to lead the life he had accustomed himself to. But his home at Pempelfort he was obliged to let pass into the hands of strangers.
OTTO MANTHEY-ZOBN
AMHERST COLLEGE
53
GALAHAD AND PERCEVAL
FROM THE "TRISTAN" MS ADD. 5474, FF. 142c-164*> BRITISH MUSEUM*
(SiR THOMAS MALORY'S Le Morte Darthur, Books XI and XII)
e sire tristran l qui en la ioieuse garde demouroit toutes uois auoec la roine yseut estoit auques apareillies entour la pasque2 auoit grant uolente quil sen alast el roiaume de loenois seiourner tout eel este. & la roine si estoit bien acordee. mais puis que tristran entendi que li rois enuoioit ses lettres a tous ceus qui de li tenoient terre & leur mandoit 5 quil tenroit sa court a kamaalot la plus riche que il onques tenist. quant tristran ot ces noueles il dit quil ne se mouuera huimais du roiaume de logres deuant quil aura ueue ceste court. & pour ce remest il adont & dist quil ira sans faille il nel laira en nule maniere quil ne soit de cest acort. car il pense bien quil i ara haute cheualerie & grant afaire i porra ueoir 10 por ce dist tristan quil demoura el roiaume de logres por ueoir ceste feste que li rois doit tenir. il demande a ma dame yseut sele uenra a ceste court por ceste grande feste a ueoir ou toutes les dames de ualour & toutes les damoiseles du roiaume de logres verront. sire fait ele vostre grace iou nirai mie mais vous i porrois bien aler sil vous plaist por ce 15 que vous estes compains de la taule reonde. dame fait il comment uous laisseroie iou si loing de moi. vous reuenrois tost se dieu plaist fait ele. dame fait il que uous diroie iou plus, or sachies bien puis que vous ni uoles uenir iou nirai pas sire fait ele si ferois se dieu plaist. & vous dirai por coi iou uoeil que uous iaillies. or sachies que tant que vous serrois 20 hors de chaiens iou naurai cose qui me plaise car iou ne porroie viure sans vous puis que iou sui hors de cornuaille. & toutes uois me plaist il que uous a ceste fois i aillois a kamaalot. & si uous dirai pour coi ie uoeil que vous i aillois.
Jou ai tant oi de ceste court parler as uns & as autres que iou sai 25 uraiement quil ne puet estre que ceste court ne soit sans faille la plus rice & la plus haute qui onques fust ueue el roiaume de logres par mil roi crestien. bien sai que tuit li cheualier du roiaume de logres iuerront quil nen demourra ia vn seul que venir i puise en nule guise. & quant il seront tuit a ceste feste & vos amis qui estes li plus preus de tous & tous so li mieudres cheualiers del monde ne series done auoec eus que diroient il.
* [As the Introduction to this text presupposes the existence of an article by Dr. Sommer, " The Queste of the Holy Grail," which will appear in a forthcoming number of Romania, it has been deemed better to let the introduction follow, rather than precede, the text. — EDS.]
1 Rarely written in extenso in this MS and then always " Tristran."
2 ? omitted here, " & " or u si."
55] 1 [MocEEN PHILOLOGY, July, 1907
2 H. OSKAR SOMMER
il vous tenroient a maluais & diroient [col. d] tout plainement que uous series recreus de bien faire por lamor yseut la roine de cornuaille il diroient que uous aries abaisse toute droiture & pour moi vous en series a hontes. & ie deshonoree de lautre part, il diroient tuit mal de moi & de 5 vous honte. or gardes sil est boin que nous eschieuon cest blasme. ma dame fait tristran. gre & graces uous en rent de ce que vous me faites connoistre lounor de moi mies que iou ne le connissoie. or connois iou certainement que vous mames & baes a lounor de moi por ceste parole que uous maues orendroit dite irai iou sans faille a la cort car bien sai
10 se iou nestoie celui iour a la cort le roi artu quant tuit li autre i seront assamble quil diroient de moi uilounie & de uous le diroient il ausi & pour abaissier cest blasme irai iou iusques la & reuenrai tost a vous sil vous plaist & adieu ausi. iou uoeil bien que vous sachies que puis que iou me serai partis de vous iou ne porrai bien auoir ne ioie por nule
15 auenture del monde deuant que ie soie a uous reuenus.
Sire fait ele iou quit bien que vous poes desoremais bien mouuoir sil vous plaist. car vous saues bien quil en est tans. & il dist quil mouera uenredi ou samedi. ne mencaut mais que iou soie a kamaalot le iour de la feste. sire fait ele il mest auis que se vous tant atendes que
20 vous ni porrois atans uenir iusques la a .iiii. boines iournees ce dient cil de cest pais. dame dist or ne uous esmaies que iou demourai iusques atant que iou vous di & si verrai mout bien atans a celui ior car iou nirai mie armes fors despee & de glaue seulement ne ne menrai nul escuier auoec moi. iou uoeil uenir entreus si soudainement quil en soient tuit meru-
25 eilliet & esbahi. iou uoeil venir a cele feste com cheualiers auentureus. sire fait ele or oi iou merueilles ia saues uous certainement quil a el roiame de logres maint cheualier qui vous sont mortel anemi que sil auenoit par auenture quil uous trouuaissent desarme il vous feroient tost anui sil pooient.
so T^Vame fait il ce ne puet estre que iou soie de tous ames. car maint -*-^ cheualier ai outre darmes puis que iou vine el roiaume de logres qui encore me portent haine ne ne sui mie li plus boins cheualiers del monde ne li plus ames. mais bien sachies dame que iou uoeil aler en tel guise com ie vous di & bien sachies que ie [fol. 143, col. d] nen porterai
35 nule arme fors que mespee seulement ne naies doute que de ceste uoie ne me puet uenir se bien non ne li cuers nel me dit pas. sire fait ele diex le uoeille
A tant finent leur parlement. tristran demeure tant com li plot auoec •*•*- sa dame. & quant il uoit quil ni puet plus demourer & que ceuau-
40 chier lesteut hastieuement sil uieut uenir a la feste. il prent de sa dame congiet & monte & sen part de la ioieuse garde & commenche aceuauchier tous seul sans nule compaignie. & il estoit si bien montes qua celi tans ne peust on mie trouer .i. meillour cheual en tout le monde & la ou il
56
GALAHAD AND PEKCEVAL 3
ceuauchoit ensi sans compaignie li auint adonc vne auenture mout merueilleuse quil encontra en mi vne lande palamedes tout apareillie de ses armes. quant palamedes uoit tristran lomme el monde quil het plus morteument il li uait maintenant a lencontre au ferir des esperons il li est auis qua cestui point puet il tristran occirre sil le vieult faire. car 5 tristan est tous desarmes fors descu & de glaiue & despee. tant seule- ment. il naura ia encontre lui duree sil se vieut abandoner a lui metre a mort quant tristran uoit palamedes qui ensi li vient a lencontre si abandoneement tout maintenant li ciet au cuer que cou est palamedes sans faille & palamedes li crie auques de loing. certes tristran vous estes 10 mors quant vous de mes mains escaperes iamais ne ferrois coup de lance, or vous ai iou troue apoint
uant tristran ot ceste nouele il sareste tout maintenant & set bien que cou est palamedes li plus fors cheualiers del monde & li plus grans anemis quil ait. diex fait il que ferai iou en contre lui que iou nai armea. 15 se iou me desfent ma desfense ne uaura riens. ce sai iou bien car trop est preus palamedes. palamedes auant quil uenist a tristran auoit abatu .i. cheualier & naure trop durement. encore gisoit illeuc li cheualiers. tristran ce dist palamedes tuies hounis tes daarrains iors est venus. palamedes ce dist tristran. bien saches que de ce nai iou nule paour. iou 20 nai garde de toi. si mait diex por ce que tu i es armes me quides tu espoenter si de legier. iou sui tristran qui hui cest iour uous honirai & plus vilaine- ment que cheualiers ne fu onques honis. car tout soies tu armes & iou desarmes si ne porras tu durer encontre moi. iou te conquerrai a honor de moi & tu morras a honte. huimais te gardes bien de moi que tu [fol. 143, 25 col. 6] wideras les arcons se iou onques puis. quant il a dite ceste parole il ni fist autre demourance ains laisse courre a palamedes si tost comme il puet du cheual traire si le fiert si durement quil fait son glaiue uoler enpieches. mais de la sele nel remue mie. car de grant force estoit Palamedes & trop ceuauchoit bien. il ne se remuet enuers tristran. ne ne 30 fait onques nul samblant quil se uoeille remuer. quant tristran uoit palamedes & il uoit le samblant quil uait faisant & uoit quil ne se remue il quide quil fust tous esbahis. por ce li dist adont palamedes. comment teva ies tu mors. tes ore si faillis li cuers que uers moi ne toses des- fendre. 35
"palamedes respont adont ensouriant tristran or uoi iou bien que tu -^- afoletis tous les iours. plus ies faus que tu ne fus awan & plus le seras. palamedes ce dist tristran se iou sui fols iou puis dire de toi que tu ies plus maluais asses & plus couars & plus fols que tu ne soloies estre tu ne toses de moi desfendre ce uoi iou bien apertement. tristran ce dist 40 palamedes quides tu se diex te saut que iou te lais a asaillir pour paour que iou aie de toi bien saces tu deuoir que non fais. bien ses tu de quel renomee iou ai este iusques chi & de ceus qui me counoissent ai iou renon
57
4 H. OSKAR SOMMEB
& se iou por poi de cose perdoie ce que iou ai conqueste maluaisement feroie adonc le mien afaire. or me di se diex te saut verite de ce que ie te demanderai. volentiers certes ce dist tristran. se ce est chose que iou doiue dire, se tu ce dist palamedes fuisses armes ausi com iou sui & tu 5 trouaisses .i. tien anemi desarme & desgarni se diex te doinst boine auenture lasaudroies tu ou tu len lairoies aler.or me di que tu endeueroies faire si tu baoies a honor.
T>alamedes ce dist tristran or uoi iou bien a coi tu bees & quant tu me -*- demandes que iou feroie en tel auenture dun mien anemi iou le te
10 dirai maintenant. saches tu que iou len lairoie aler que ia autre fait nen feroie. car iou verroie bien apertement que iou ne porroie plus grant couardise faire ne plus grant maluaistie que dassaillir men anemi mortel a i eel point que iou f uisse armes & il desarmes & sil tasaloit fait pala- medes quen feroies tu. ie men partiroie de lui fait tristran se iou pooie que
15 alui ne meteroie iou plus main se ce nestoit seulement [col. c\ pour mon cors desfendre. tristran ce dist palamedes iou tai fait iugier por moi tu meesmes gardes monor tu as parle a cestui point comme loiaus cheualiers & sages & enseignies. mais ce doi iou faire de toi qui es mon anemi & saches que tout ensi le ferai iou ne autrement ne le pensoie iou afaire.
20 tout leusses tu autrement dit tristran or saces tu bien que iou ne uoeil mie perdre lonor que iou ai conquise por toi honir de ta mort ne me verroit mie si grant preu 1 quil peust abatre la honte que iou conquesteroie a cestui point. & por ce di iou que iou men uoeil a tant soufrir de uengier moi de la haine que iou ai a toi. vue autre foiz par auenture te trouuerai
25 en meilleur point, que cesti nest, se ta as ta lance brisie sour moi iou men souferrai a ceste fois. cariou uengerai bien cesti courous. or ten pues aler quitement mais se auenture taporte vne autre fois entre mes mains & tu soies armes saches a done seroit cou fait que moi ou toi morions
Quant tristran entent la frankise que palamedes li fait il le tient a trop grant merueille. il ne peust mie deuant croire quil le feist ensi. car ce sauoit il bien por uoir que palamedes le haoit morteument. & quant il le trouua a cest point si durement a mesure. il le tient a trop grant merueille. tristran ce dist palamedes or saches que iou nel f ais mie por toi ne por grant bien que iou te uoeille. ains le fais por monor garder que ie
35 ne me vauroie mie honir por toi ne por autrui que iou peusse. mais or me die se diex te saut ou uas tu ore en cest point si seus sans compaignie & desarmes. certes ce dist tristran iou menuois a kamaalot. car si comme iou croi isont assanle tout li meillor cheualier del monde qui crestien sont or mi conuient estre demain pour cou que tuit li cheualier de la table
40 reonde isont. & pour cou que iou auoie trop avenir. ne uenir ni peusse pas apoint puis que iou alaisse armes. por ce iuois iou ensi desarmes comme tu uois pour estre acele haute feste.
IMS "peu."
58
GrALAHAD AND PERCEVAL 5
/^ertes ce diet palamedes chil ceuaus sour cui tu sies me samble trop V^ traueillies ce mest auis. mais iou te di que tu feras. chis ceuax sour cui iou sui est par le mien ensiant tous li mieudres & li plus fors qui soit el roiaume de logres & li rois artus lauoit mbut chier & lamoit sor tous autres cheuaus. car iou le conquis cest an [col. d] a son cors 5 meesmes. & sachies que iou me combati alui plus pour le couuoitise du cheual auoir que pour autre cose que te diroie iou tant ai cest ceual esprouue & counois son grant pooir que iou sal uraiement se nus te doit porter a kamaalot uistement cist ti portera sans doute. de che me croi por ce uoeil iou que nous descendons andui & sil te plaist tu prenderas mon 10 ceual & iou le tien. tu feras miex del mien que del tien. quant tristran ot ceste parole & il uoit la cortoisie que palamedes li fait, il endeuient tous esbahis il regarde palamedes & son ceual & puis le suen & tant quil vise bien ason avis que palamedes li dist uoir. palamedes ce dist tristran tu me fais tout merueillier des paroles que tu me dis. il mest auis que iou ne 15 peusse estre si courtois uers toi que tu ies uers moi. tristran ce dist pala- medes. se tu ne pues estre courtois damages est & hontes a toi car il nest nus horn el monde estrais de si haut lignage pour coi dedens soi fust herbergie si haute cheualerie comme il a dedens toi que toute franchise & toute courtoisie ne deust estre en lui & quant tu ies teus cheualiers 20 comme iou sai & tu nies plus courtois que autres ta prouece est poure & nue & eslongie de tous biens ne ne porroies bien desirier. certes se toute courtoisie fust ore morte & perdue le deusses tu faire reuenir par la haute cheualerie qui est en toi. or ten va atant & te souuiegne des ore mais des paroles que iou tai dites. 25
Quant il sont andui descendu tristran qui tous est esbahis de cou quil uoit & ot qoe palamedes remue son harnois de sour son cheual. & le met sour celui de palamedes. & quant il est apareillies de monter. il dist a palamedes. palamedes se diex me saut or saches bien que iou te uoloie grant mal na pas encore granment de tans, mais tant ai ueu a cestui point so de tes oeures & de ton fait que tu me fais tout le mautalent oublier que iou aiuoie a toi. ensi comme iou porroie mon ami merciier dune bonte te merchi iou. & me part a tant de toi a court uois a ceste grande feste que li rois artus doit tenir. tuit li cheualier du monde iuerront che ma on conte por ce uois iou la por regarder & pour ueoir Ies merueilles qui la 35 seront. car iou croi bien que sans merueilles ne sera mie ceste court, tristran ce dist palamedes. quant nos soumes au departir itant fai por ma proiere quant le [fol. 144, col. a] roi artu uerras salue le trop de ma part & bien li di que se iou ne f uisse trop a besoignies de grant afaire iou ne laissaisse en nule maniere que iou a ceste feste ne uenisse. mais iou sui 40 tant en besoingnies de grant afaire que iou ne puis aler iusques la. & de sour tous Ies cheualiers qui la vienent me salue mon seignour lancelot du lac le meilleur cheualier & le plus courtois & le plus sage & le plus
59
6 H. OSKAK SOMMER
debonaire & le miex parlant que iou sache orendroit en trestout le monde. & li di que palamedes est tons siens en toutes iceles manieres quil sauroit commander & mon seignor Gaheriet le neueu au roi artu & frere mon seignour Gauaines noublies mie que uous ne me salues trop. cil est
5 si preudom comme tu ses poi en a de meillours el monde. onques en cheualier errant ne trouuai meillour conpaignon. que iou ai troue ades en lui. preudom est cortois & sages destrange maniere & hardis bien le sachies & pour cou le me saluerois uous & li dirois que ou que palamedes soit il est tos siens bien le sache.
10 /^Vuant il ot ensi parle il se departent atant palamedes sen uait dautre ^fc part & tristran sen uait le grant chemin ausi con se foudres le cacast. onques celui iour ne cesse de poindre ne desperouner. que uous diroie iou tant ceuauce en tel maniere au plus hastieuement quil puet quil onques ne reposa de iour ne de nuit & ceuauche tant de iournee en
is iournee quil vint mout pres de la cite de kamaalot. mais atant laisse ore li contes a parler de mon signour tristran & retourne sour vne autre matiere. l
En ceste partie dist li contes que il auint que tous li mieudres cheua- liers li plus sages [fol. 144, col. 6] & li plus courtois de tous autres
20 cheualiers cest mesire lancelot du lac vint par auenture sour le pont de corbenic il le passa maintenant & quant il vint en la maistre rue si com- menchierent li vn & li autre a crier a lancelot. sire cheualiers la chartre uous atent & il dist basset que sil entre en la chartre ce nest mie la pre- miere fois. lors ceuauche toutesuois tant quil est uenus a la maistre tour
25 si la prise mont lancelot. car cest la plus biele de son grant quil onques mais ueist. & il escoute & ot crier vne damoisele asses pres de lui il point cele part & uoit que cest la damoisele que me sire Gauaine uaut ieter hors de la cuue. mais il ne pot. & cele damoisele commencha a crier, ha~ diex qui me getera de chi. quant ele uoit lancelot. si li dist ha~ sire
so cheualiers ietes moi de ceste cuue ou il a euwe qui toute mart. & lance- lot uint a la cuue & prent la damoisele par les mains & len trait fors. quant ele se vit deliure si li chiet as pies & li baise le iambe & li dist. sire beneoite soit leure que uous fustes nes vous maues ietee de la plus grant dolour, ou nule feme fust onques mais.
35 ^T^out maintenant commencha la sale a enplir de dames & de cheualiers. -•- si sasamblent tout cil du castiel pour ueoir la merueille. il uestent la damoisele & le metent en vne cambre & puis le mainent en vne capiele pour rendre graces a nostre seignour ihesu crist. puis mainent lancelot en vu chimentiere qui deiouste la capiele estoit & li moustrent vne tombe
40 mont biele & mout rice & auoit sus lettres escrites qui disoient. ia ceste tombe ne sera leuee deuant chou que li lyupars dont li grans lyons isust i metra la main, mais chil la leuera legierement & sera engenrres li
i Miniature no. 13. " Ensi comme lancelot trait vne damoisele hors dune cuue. "
60
GALAHAD AND PERCEVAL 7
grans lions en la biele fille au roi de la terre foraine. quant lancelot a les lettres leues il nentent mie bien que eles voelent dire & cil qui entour lui sont li dient bien. sire nous quidons bien que che soies uous dont ces lettres p&rolent car nous sauons bien par la damoisele que uous aues de- liuree que uous estes li mieudres cheualier del monde & seignor fait 5 lancelot que uoles uous que iou face iou sui tous pres que iou face uos uolentes. nous uolons font il que uous leues ceste tombe & uses quil (y a dessoubs) & il met la main al plus gros chief & la lieue mout legiere- ment
T ors vit laiens le plus hideus serpent & le plus felon le plus cruel 10 •" dont il eust onques oil [col. c] parler. & quant il uoit lancelot. il li iete fu & flambe si ardant quil li brulle tout son hauberch & ses armes si se lance hors de la fosse & commence a ieter fu & flambe parmi le chi- mentiere si durement que li arbrissiel qui el chimentiere estoient com- mencierent a ardoir pour lardour del fu. & chil qui laiens estoient is monterent as fenestres de la tor pour ueoir comment il en sera, lors ietent a lancelot son escu & son glaiue & il le prent & lors met son escu deuant son uis. & se met maintenant deuant le serpent comme cil qui ne doute auenture qui li puist auenir.
T i serpens li commence aieter fu enuenime qui li art son escu par 20 -"•^ defers. & lancelot le fiert si de son glaiue parmi le cors quil li enbat parmi le cors & fier & fust & cil commenche abatre la terre de ses eles comme chil qui naures estoit amort. & lancelot met main a lespee & li done itel coup que il en fait la teste uoler. lors virrent chil auant qui ia estoient arme pour lui aidier. & quant il uoient quil est ochis cascuns 25 encommenche afaire mout grant ioie & en commencent tout maintenant les clokes a souner. lors commencent auenir cheualier & dames & damoi- seles tant que cou nest se merueille non. il li dient tout maintenant que bien soit il uenus si len mainent el maistre palais si le desarment. atant uirrent issir dune chambre .i. cheualier & od lui grant compaignie de 30 cheualiers & cestoit .i. des plus loiaus homes que lancelot eust mais ueu puis que il parti de camaalot & moult bien sambloit gentiex horn. & quant cil qui laiens estoient le uoient si se drecent encontre lui. & dient ueeschi le roi. lors se dreca lancelot encontre lui si li dist tout maintenant que bien soit il uenus. & cil li rent son salu & li iete les bras au col si li 35 dist sire mout uous desirroie aueoir. or vous auons tant desire dieu merchi que nous vous auons. & nous en auons moult grant mestier. car longement a este nostre pais gastes & desiers & ont li preudome perdus lor gaaignages si iert bien drois des ore mais que lor pertes lor soient restorees & lor bien dont il ont este grant pieche2 soufraiteus 40
1 The bottom of fol. 144 recto, col. b, being almost effaced by time and wear, the portion set in italics is mostly guesswork. 2MSupiecha."
61
8 H. OSKAB SOMMEB
T" ors sasient li .i. de les lautre & demanda li uns a lautre de son estre -*— ' & tant que li rois li demanda comment il auoit non. & il dist lance- lot du lac. or me dites fait il. li preudom qui mourut de doeuil que on apiela le roi ban ne fu il uostre peres. oil fait lancelot. dont sui iou tous
5 seurs fait li preudom que [col. d] par vous ou par ce que de uous istera sera cis pais deliures des auentures qui iauienent iour & nuit. T ors vint auant vne dame de moult grant eage si apiela le roi si li dist •— maintenant. sire iou uoeil parler a uous. li rois se part tout main- tenant de lancelot & commanda a ses cheualiers quil li fachent com-
10 paignie. & il dient que si feront il mout uolentiers. lors sen uait li rois en vne chambre auoec la dame. & quant il fu assis si li dist la uielle. sire que porrons nous faire de cest cheualier que diex nous a chi amene. iou ne sai fait li rois que ien doiue faire fors quil auera ma fille afaire sa vo- lente. enondieu fait la vielle iou sai bien quil ne la prendra mie quant on
15 li offerra. car il aime tant la roine genieure que il ne uauroit en nule maniere autre auoir. & pour cou couuient il que iou le face si sagement que il ne sen apercoiue. ore en esploities fait li rois con vous uolres. mais il couuient que ce soit tost or ne vous en entremetes onques fait la roine car ie enuerrai mout bien achief . lors entra li rois maintenant el palais si
20 sen vint seoir iouste lancelot por lui faire compaignie si parolent li vns al autre & sentracointent au plus bielement que il porent. T ors demande lancelot au roi comment il auoit non. & il dist quil auoit -" non pelles de la tere foraine si com il parloient ensi si se regarde lancelot. & vit laiens entrer parmi vne fenestre le coulon que me sire
25 Gauaine auoit ueu autre fois si portoit en son bee .i. encensier dor mout riche. & si tost comme il fu laiens entres si fu tous li palais raemplis de toutes boines odours du monde. lors se taisent par laiens quil ni ot celui qui desist mot ains se ienoillent quant il uoient le coulon uenir. lors entra en vne cambre. & maintenant saillent .ii. seriant1 qui metent les
30 tables par les dois si sasieent li un & li autre sauf cheque nus ne deist
mot ne nus ni parloit de cesti cose si sen esmerueille mont lancelot. si
fait autel comme li autre & sasiet deuant le roi & uoit quil sont tout
en proieres & en orisons.
A pres che ne demora gaires quil virrent dune cambre issir la damoisele
35 -£•*• qui me sire Gauaine auoit tant esgardee. si fu si biele & si auenant que lancelot dist quil onques mais si biele ne uit se che ne fu la roine genieure. & dist que uoirement li disoit uoir cele qui laiens lauoit amene. il regarda .i. uaisiel que la damoisele tenoit entre ses mains qui estoit li plus rices qui onques mais fust ueus par home mortel a son ensient. &
40 fais estoit en samblance de [fol. 145, col. a] galice. & si li est auis que che soit sainte cose & digne. lors commenca les mains atendre contre lui & aplourer piteusement. si com la damoisele passoit parmi les dois cas- cuns saienoille deuant le saint uaissiel. & maintenant furent les tables
1 MS " serant. " 09
GALAHAD AND PERCEVAL 9
raemplies de tons les biaus mangiers que on peust deuiser & li palais enpli maintenant de si boines odours que il sambloit que toutes les espesses du monde ifuiissent espandues.
Quant la damoisele fu alee par les dois si sen torne tout maintenant en la chambre dont ele estoit issue. & quant ele sen fu alee li rois 5 pelles dist a lancelot. si mait diex iou auoie moult grant paor que la grace de dieu ne fausist endroit uous si comme ele fist auant ier a mon seignour Gauain quant il fu chaiens. biaus sire fait lancelot. il nest mie mestiers que nostre sire soit tous iors courechies a ses pecheors. quant il orent mangiet tout par loisir il osterent les napes. & li rois demand a1 lance- 10 lot quil li sambloit du rice uaisiel que la damoisele aporta & de la damoisele. il me semble que si bele damoisele ne ui iou onques mais. mais de dame ne di ie mie.
Quant li rois oi ceste parole il dist maintenant a soi meesme que cestoit uoirs que ou li auoit dit. Iors uint a brisane le maistresse sa fille celui 15 qui deuant lot aparle de lancelot. si li dist ce que lancelot li ot dit 2 de sa fille. sire fait ele ie le disoie bien. ore arestes chi vn poi & iou irai a lui parler. & cele vint a lancelot. & li commence maintenant a demander nouuieles du roi & il dist tout maintenant quil nen set nules & ele dist que du roi ne sauoit ele nules noueles. de la roine fait ele ne di iou mie. car il na gaires que iou la vi moult lie & moultioieuse & il tresaut tout 20 maintenant & li demande ou ele la vit. sire fait ele chi pres a .ii. lieues ou ele girra anuit. dame fait il vous me gabes. simait diex fait ele que non fai. & pur cou uous mencrees miex uenes auoec moi ie le uous mousterrai. certes dame fait il uolentiers.
T ors enuoia querre ses armes & cele uint entrementes au roi qui laten- 25 "" doit en sa chambre & li demanda comment il auoit esploitiet. faites tost fait ele uo fille monter & lenuoies au plus procain castiel que vous aues de chi. puis le faites couchier el plus rice lit que on li porroit faire. & ie li ferai entendant que chou est la roine genieure. & ie li donrai encore .i. itel boire que iou ne dout mieque il ne face ma uolente puis que so il li sera montes el ceruel ensi poera auenir che que nous uolons. li rois la fist monter puis li bailla .xv. cheualiers qui li feront com[col. 6]paignie iusquel castiel de la quasse. & quant il ivirrent si estoit ia la nuit oscure. cil qui la damoisele auoient amenee fisent faire .i. lit. & la fisent couchier au plus richement quil porent. & lancelot a prises ses armes & monta 35 sour son cheual & se part de corbenic & ilaissa celi qui li auoit amene si cheuaucent tant entre lui & brisane quil virrent au castel de la quasse. quant il i furent uenu il estoit mout tart ne la lune nestoit mie encore leuee. & brisane len maine en .i. castiel qui estoit mout biaus. quant il fu descendus il entra en vne chambre ou li cheualier estoient. & quant il le 40 uoient uenir il se lieuent encontre lui & li dient que bien soit il uenus si
i MS " deman a." 2 MS " dist."
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10 H. OSKAR SOMMER
le desarment laiens amout grant ioie & a mout grant clarte. car bien iauoit iusca .xx. chiergres alumes. & brisane si a avne pucele dit ce que ele uoloit faire & li ot baillie les puisons & li dist. quant tu orras que iou demanderai aboiure si en aporte a lancelot plaine demie coupe ne nule 5 autre ne li doine tant comme il en voille boiure & ele dist que si fera ele mout uolentiers.
Quant lancelot fu desarmes il ot talent de boiure a che quil ot eu chaut au uenir si demanda main tenant ou estoit sa dame la roine. sire en cele chambre ou ele est ia endormie au mien ensiant. & il de-
10 mande le vin & le damoisele a qui on le commanda li aporte le boire tel que nus ne uit meillour & auoit coulour de vin. la coupe estoit bien grande si fu ele pres que plaine. il auoit grant talent de boiure & la damoisele li dist beues car ia ne vous fera se bien non. & si quit que onques mais itel ne beustes. il la boit maintenant tout 'hors & troeue la poison douce &
15 amoureuse si en demande encore autant & cele len aporta & il la boit toute. lors est plus enuoisies que deuant si demande nouuieles de sa dame la roine. & cele lesgarde & uoit quil est ia tous mues. car il ne set mie comment il li est ne comment il vint en la maison ains quide que il soit en la cite de camaaloth si li est auis uraiement quil parauta sa dame
20 la roine qui toudis estoit auoec lui puis que la dame de maloant fu morte. & quant ele le uoit si asote que il porra legierement estre deceus si li dist. sire ma dame la roine puet ia estre endormie que demores uous tant que vous nales parler alui. T^Vame fait il pour chou quele ne me mande mie ni uoeil iou mie aler
25 -*-^ mais se ele me [col. c] mandoit iou iroie a lui. enon dieu fait ele uous en ires alui sil uous plaist car uous en orres par tans nouuieles. lors entra en la chambre & fait samblant quele aut parler a la roine. puis vint a lancelot & li dist. sire ma dame vous atent & uous mande ^que uous viegnies parler a li. & il se fait maintenant descauchier puis entra
so en la chambre en chemise & en braies si uint au lit & se coucha auoec la damoisele. & cele qui ne desiroit autant rien comme lui a auoir de cui terriene cheualerie est enluminee le recoit lie & ioieuse & li fist autel feste con la roine li faisoit. T^nsi sont mis ensamble li mieudres cheualiers & li plus biax qui
35 -*-^ adont fust auoec la plus biele damoisele qui adont fust si se desirent par diuerses entensions. ele ne le fait mie tant seulement pour la biaute de lui ne pour luxure ains le fait ele & si ami pour le fruit recheuoir dont tous li biens deuoit uenir el pais que par le coup de lespee as estranges renges auoit este ferus si en auoit este gastes. & essillies. si con
40 li contes du saint graal deuise. & cil la desiroit en autre maniere pour sa biaute nel couuoitoit il mie. mais il quidoit que che fust sa dame la roine. & par che fu il si escaufes quil la counut ausi con adans nos premiers peres fist euain sa moillier mais ne mie en tel maniere. car adans connut
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GALAHAD AND PERCEVAL 11
sa feme loiaument & par le commandement de nostre seignour. & cist counut ceste en peciet & en adultere centre sainte eglise & ne pourquant chil en qui toute bontes & toute pities habite & qui ne iuge mie son droit selonc les mesfais as peceours ne selonc les mesfais & le peril aceuls du pais comme cil qui ne uoloit mie quil finissent tous iours en peril ne en 5 escil. si lor dona tel fruit a engenrer & a conceuoir par le flour de uirgi- nite qui illeuc f u corrumpue & uiolee fu illeuc conceue vne autre fleurs de qui bien & de qui doucour maintes teres furent peries & rasasiies. car si com lestoire del saint graal uous raconte de ceste flor perdue f u restores Galaad li uirgenes cil qui les auentures du saint graal mist afin & sasist 10 el siege perilleus de la table reonde v onques cheualiers ne sasist qui ne mourust & tout ausi comme li nons de galaad deuoit estre perdus en lancelot. par escaufement de luxure tout ensi fu recouures en cestui par abstinence de char car il f u uirgenes en volente & en oeures iusca [col. d] la mort si con li estoires le deuise. 16
si fu recouuree fleur par fleur. car en sa naisance fu flors de pucelage estrainte & mal mise il fu flours de cheualerie & de perte restoree par le communal assentement & se uirginites en fu empirie bien en fu li mesfais amendes en sa vie por sa virginite que il rendi sa vie & entiere a son sauueour quanti 1 trespassa de cest sieucle. & por les biens que il fist 20 en sa vie fu li pechies & li conceuemens estains. si se taist ore li contes de lui. & retourne a parler de lancelot qui se iut od la damoisele toute nuit. si li toli le non a coi ele ne pot onques puis recouurer. car son lapie- loit au soir pucele a lendemain lapiela on damoisele.
Or dist li contes que quant lancelot uit que li iours aparut il 25 sesueilla mais point ne uit entour lui de clarte car toutes les fenestres de laiens estoient estoupees si que solaus ni pot entrer ne poi ne grant, lors sesmerueilla mout durement ou il estoit. il tasta entor lui & tasta la damoisele & li demande dont ele estoit & il estoit ia remis en son memoire la forche des puisons iert ia so faillie des icele heure quil ot coneue la damoisele carneument. & ele li dist tout maintenant. sire iou sui une damoisele qui sui fille au roi de la terre foraine. quant il entent ceste parole il se pourpense comment il auoit este decheus si en est tant dolant que il quide bien issir du sens, lors saut du lit tant courechies que nus plus, si viest sa chemise & ses braies 85 puis se cauche. & quant il fu tous apareillies & armes il vint en la chambre ou il auoit ieu & oeure les fenestres. & quant il uoit cheli par * qui il auoit este decheus il en est tans courechies que il quide bien mourir sans confession, lors pense quil sen vengera sans plus atendre. il trait maintenant lespee du fuerre & vint uers la damoisele mout iries & 40 li dist. damoisele uous maues mort si conuient que uous moures autresi. car iou ne uoeil que vous iamais decheues home si com vous maues decheu.
65
12 H. OSKAK SOMMER
LOTS dreche lancelot lespee contremont & ele qui grant paour ot de mourir li commence a crier merci a iointes mains. & dist ha" frans cheualiers pour dieu ne mochies mie pour icele pitie que diex ot de la uirgene marie & lors saresta maintenant tous trespenses si la uit la plus
5 biele quil l eust onques mais ueue. lors se pense sil locirra ou sil le laira viure & cele li crie toutesuois merchi & sestoit mise toute nue deuant lui a ienous & il esgarde sa [fol. 146, col. a] biaute & son uis si la uit tant biele quil en fu tous esbahis. lors met sespee el fuerre & li dist tout maintenant. damoisele iou men irai si uencus & si recreans comme chil
10 qui ne sose de uous uengier car iou seroie trop desloiaus se iou si grant biaute destruisoie comme il a en vous. si uous pri que vous me pardones chou que iou ai traite mespee sour uous. car ire & mautalens le me fist faire. sire fait ele uolentiers par si que vous me pardounes uo mautalent & il li otroie tout maintenant puis que a faire li conuient ensi pardoune
15 li uns alautre son mautalent & sentrebaisent puis se commandent a dieu.
Quant il vint aual il trocue son cheual tout ensele si lauoit fait brisane apareillier pour ce que il le trouast tout prest quant il reuenroit aual. car ele sauoit bien quil ne remanroit mie laiens. ains senpartiroit si tost comme il saperceuroit de la deceuanche. quant il fu montes il prent
20 son escu & son glaiue quil trouua a vn arbre apoiet si senua dolans & courechies. il entra en son chemin mout pensis. & li rois pelles se fu matin leues & f u uenus au castiel de la quasse pour ueoir sa fille. car ou li auoit bien dit comment lancelot sen estoit ales, quant il uint la il la trouua moult durement malade pour la paour que lancelot li auoit faite
25 si conta a son pere comment il li estoit auenu quant li rois sot lestre de lui & de lanchelot il le fist garder moult soigneusement & plus la fist honorer que deuant. si ne demora mie granment que il sot bien que ele estoit enchainte par uisitiens2 qui li disent & par la pucele meesme qui li dist que cou estoit uoirs si enfurent si liet que nus plus & chil du pais
30 en fisent trop grant ioie. mais atant laist ore li contes a parler du roi pelles & de sa fille & de lancelot. & retourne a parler de boort de gaunes & de Galaad.
dist li contes que quant che auint que Galaad ot pres dun an si auint que mesire bohors de Gaunes vint .i. mardi au
35 V — / soir al castiel de corbenic & quant il vint alentree du pont si trouua desous .i. arbre .i. cheualier arme de toutes armes qui li dist de si loing comme il le peut oir. sire cheualiers se uous estes de la maison le roi artu si retournes car parchi ne passeres vous mie. por coi ni passeroie iou fait cil bohors. pour che fait il que iou le uous desfent. & nus qui de
40 lostel [col. b] le roi artu soit ni passera tant com iou i soie neni passa plus a de demi an. & pour coi fait bohors ne uoles uous que nus qui soit de eel ostel i past, pour chou fait il que iou les he tous pour .i. cheualier
1 " quil " is repeated. 2 MS " uisitieus."
66
pelles & (
o
GALAHAD AND PEBCEVAL 13
qui irepaire & a non lancelot du lac. comment fait boors haes uous done lancelot du lac. oil fait il plus que nul home del monde. dont ne perries uous estre acordes a moi fait bohors. car celui que uous haes tant aim iou plus que nul home del monde car il est me sires & mes cousins ger- mains. or uous gardes dont de moi fait chil iou uous desfi & uous asseur 5 que pour lamour de lui mourres ains que uous mescapes. T ors laissent courre li uns alautre & sentrefierent grans cous es aleures -" des cheuaus si durement que il font les glaiues uoler en pieces & sentrehurtent descors & des escus si durement quil ni a celui qui ne soit estroues & il sont ambedoi mout estoune. li cheualiers uole a terre par 10 desus la crupe du cheual tous debrisies & bors hen passe outre tout a cheual si esbahis quil ne set que faire. mais il reuint tost en sa forche & en son pooir & prise moult le cheualier a qui il auoit iouste car mout est de grant force, li cheuliers fu releues moult honteus de cou quil ot ensi este abatuss it raist lespee & dist a boort qui encore estoit a ceual que est !5 che cheualiers ies tu dont si couars que tu noses descendre ains masauras a cheual & iou sui a pie. certes se tu mochioies en tel maniere li cheuaus en aroit le pris ne mie tu. dans cheualiers fait boors naies paour de chou si mait diex iou ne vous asaurai mie a cheual tant com vous soies a pie. car iou iaroie plus honte que honor, il descent erranment de son cheual & 20 la tache a vn arbre qui estoit au chief dun pont puis trait lespee & en brace lescu & sen irait uers celui qui point ne laime.
ors commencent a issir hors du chastiel cheualier & dames & damoi- seles pour ueoir la bataille & cil orent les espees traites si sentre- dounent grans cols la ou il sentrepeuent ataindre si depechent les 25 escus & les hiaumes & desmaillent les haubers sor les bras & sour les espaules. mais boors gete vns cols si pesans que chil na armes qui toutes ne depechent deuant lespee & tant a boors mene le cheualier quil ne le puet mais soufrir en nule maniere car trop a perdu du sane. & si se desfent il de tout son pooir car bien quide mourir sans merchi auoir. 30 [col. c] mais tant sest conbatus que plus ne se puet desfendre si le inaine boors si comme il vieut vne heure auant & autre arriere & chil gueh- chist quan quil puet qui moult doute lespee. car en plus de .x. lieus la sentue iuscal sane, mais toutesuois boors le coite durement car il ne le uaura mie laissier atant & cil recule iuscal pont. car il a tant perdu du 35 sane quil a grant paour de mourir & pert le sens & le memore & la force & a tant recule que apoi quil nest cheus en liaue.
Quant boors qui moult lauoit trouue preu & hardi uoit quil est en peril de mort si en a moult grant pitie & pense que si preudom comme il est ne mourra ia de ses mains se dieu plaist. car trop seroit 40 grans damages & il estoit sour le bort du pont & pres de cheoir en liauwe quant boors le uoit il li escrie maintenant retourne cheualiers ou tu cherras en liaue. & chil regarde & uoit que cest grant merueille que il ne
67
14 H. OSKAB SOMMEK
est piecha cheus. lors connoist la deboinairete & la frankise de boort & set quil nen eust mie tant fait sil 1 fust en sen point, il dist tout main- tenant a boort ha~ frans cheualiers ne mochies mie mais laissies me viure par si que iou me mete del tout en uostre merchi a faire quanque 5 vous uolres & uees chi mespee que iou uous rent. & bors la prent tout maintenant. & quant chil du castiel uoient que la bataille est finee il sen uont el castiel & maintenant ua bohors uers le cheualier & li demande comment il a a non. sire fait il on mapiele brunor du plaissie. or me dites biau sire por coi haes uous lancelot du lac. en non dieu fait il ce uous 10 dirai iou uolentiers.
II est uoirs que chaiens a la plus biele damoisele2 du monde que iam & ai amee pour sa biaute si auint que iou li dis3 plus a de demi an que iou lamoie & li proiai que ele me dounast samor & ele me dist tout maintenant que non feroit. car ele amoit si comme ele me dist .i. 15 cheualier qui asses mieudres cheualiers estoit de moi & plus uaillans. & me dist que cou estoit me sire lancelot du lac & ie li dis tout maintenant que lancelot nauoit onques este mieudres cheualiers de moi & bien li mousterroie. car iamais ne fineroie deuant chou que iou auroie trouue lancelot. & quant trouue lauroie. iou me conbatroie a lui & sil me con- 20 queroit par armes iamais ne requerroie samour. & se iou le conqueroie iou uauroie samour auoir & ele me dist que si aueroie ie
Quant ele mot fait tel promesse iou me parti du castiel moult lies si men aloie a la court le [col. d] roi artu ou ie quidoie trouer lancelot. & se iou leusse troue la me fuisse ie combatus a lui. mais chil de laiens 25 me disent quil ne lauoient ueu plus a de demi an. & quant iou oi che iou men ving cha & enpris a garder cest pont en tel maniere que pour cou que iou ne lauoie trouue dis iou que iou me conbatroie tous iours mais a tous chiaus de la maison le roi artu & por lui haoie iou tous les autres si uous est ore si avenu que diex vous a done pooir sor moi de moi con- so querre. ia soit ce que onques mais ne trouuai home qui me menast a outranche. or vous ai iou conte pour coi ie haoie lancelot. si est en vous del parfiner ou del ochirre. mais pour ce que ie me tieng pour outre & que en ma mort ne porries rien gaaignier voeil iou que vous me pardones le mesfait de ce que iou me sui a vous combatus. volentiers fait boors 35 mais il conuient que vous soies au ior de pentecouste a la court le roi artu si uous rendes a lancelot du lac de par boort de Gaunes son cousin & vous metes en sa merci a faire son commandement. & il li fianche ausi a faire si remonta boors sour son cheual & a ceulli sa voie parmi le pont & parmi la maistre rue de corbenic.
40 /^~\uant il vint droitement ala maistre porte si descendi tout maintenant ^J deuant le palais qui auoit autrefois ueu. & uallet saillent maintenant qui li dient bien uiegnies & il lor rent lor* salu si prent li vns son escu &
iMS"fil." 2 MS "damoise." 3 MS has "dist." *MS "son."
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GALAHAD AND PERCEVAL 15
li autre le mainent el palais lors li vienent alencontre cheualier dames & damoiseles. qui li demandent qui il est & il dist quil est l de la maison le roi artu. & a anon boors de gaunes. & quant chil de laiens loent il dient que bien soit il uenus si li font mout grant ioie & portent par laiens nouieles de lui & dist li uns alautre ueeschi le cousin de mon seignor 5 lancelot qui chaiens est uenus. apres che ne demoura gaires que li rois pelles issi dune chambre & fu mout ricement uestus de cote & de mantel de samit. si amena od lui mout grant compaignie de cheualiers & boors le connut tantost comme il le uit car autre fois lauoit ueu si li vint a len- contre si li dist. sire bien viegnies. biaus sire fait li rois diex vous doinst 10 boine auenture lors sasieent andoi sour vne kieute pointe de cendal. si commencha li vns a parler a lautre. tant que li rois li demanda comment il lauoit fait puis. & il dist bien dieu merchi. car iou sui tous sains & tous haities graces dieu. & li rois li demande par amors or me dites & que fait lancelot. il a mout lone tans que iou ne la vi & par lamor de lui 15 ai iou enuoiet a court, certes sire fait boors, lancelot est tous sains & tous haities. [fol. 147, col. a] dieu merchi. si na mie encore, viii. iours que iou le ui a .i. tournoiement quil uenqui deuant le castiel del pingue v il ot des meillours cheualiers del monde & tant ia demoure quil ne uint a court ne ne nous vint veoir plus a de demi an & a este en la prison morgain la fee 20 lone tans si comme il me dist. si se departi auant ier de moi mais il sera le iour de pentecouste a court se diex li done vie.
TDuis quil est sains & haities fait li rois moi nencaut de sa demouree. -•- mais diex ensoit adures quil est hors de prison, si mait diex fait li rois toute rien en doit auoir ioie. car au mien ensiant cest li mieudres 25 cheualiers du monde. pleust adieu quil fust ore chi & fust ausi sains & ausi haities comme uous estes. si mait diex iou en seroie plus lies que qui me donroit . cent, mars dor. si comme il parloient issi2 dune chambre la fille au roi pelles si ricement atournee que che fu merueille de sa ves- teure. & ele estoit mout bele damoisele si quil nauoit plus biele el monde. so si auint tantost con chil de laiens la virrent uenir il se lieuent centre lui. & ele ne fu mie esbahie ains sala tantost seoir de les bohort & li dist que bien fust il uenus & il li rent son salu au plus biel quil puet. & ele sasiet les lui comme cele qui mout le desiroit aueoir. si parlerent moult entraus .ii. dunes coses & dautres. si comme il parloient ensi il virrent venir vn 35 cheualier mout viel qui portoit vn petit enfant en son geron qui estoit de mout petit eage & nauoit mie encore .i. an ains sen failli .ii. mois & li enfes estoit tant biaus durement que estoit merueille & estoit enuolepes de dras de soie. si le moustra li cheualiers a boort. & li dist. sire cest uostre petit parent nel ueistes uous onques mais. sachies quil est estrais 40 del plus haut lignage qui soit en crestiente & est uos cousins de che soies tous cher tains.
i Not in MS. 2 MS " issi ischi dune."
16 H. OSKAR SOMMER
Quant boors uoit lenfant il li est auis que il uoie lancelot & sans faille il le resambloit si bien comme figure dome pooit resambler autre. si demanda boors tout maintenant qui il estoit. or me dites fait li cheualiers counissies uous nule ame en uostre lignage qui il resamble. or lauises 5 bien & iou mesmerueillerai moult se vous ne le recounissies tantost. & boors le regarde si nen ose mie dire son penser. car bien li est auis quil resambloie lancelot mais pour che que [col. b] il set la uerite de lui & de la roine nen ose il mie dire son pense. ne pour chou pour che que il li couuient respondre a chou que li cheualiers demande dist. si mait diex 10 fait il. il me samble que il resamble miex lancelot que nul autre home, en non dieu fait li preudom il le doit bien resambler . car il issi de lui tout vraiement le sacies.
Quant boors ot chou il en est moult lies, si demande tout maintenant comment il auoit non & li preudom li dist quil auoit non galaad. &
15 quant boors loi. il en ot moult grant ioie. & maintenant le prist entre ses bras & le commenche a regarder & a baisier & a plourer de ioie & de pitie moult tenrement. si dist al enfant biaus dous sire bien soies vous uenus & buer fuissies uous nes. car vous seres encore pilers & estendars de tout nostre lignage & beneois soit diex qui chi ma amene car iou ne
20 fuisse mie si lies se iou eusse conquis par armes le meillour cheualier du monde. entrementres quil parloient ensi entra laiens li coulons qui por- toit en son bee .i. encensier dor & entra en la cambre ou il entroit acoustumeement maintenant fu li palais enplis de toutes les boines ondeurs du monde. lors misent maintenant les tables & les napes. & puis
25 sasient au mangier sauf che que rius qui fu laiens ni fu apieles. si nauoit laiens home qui mot desist, ains estoient tout enproieres & en orisons aussi bien li viel comme li iouene.
A pres che ne demoura gaires que de la chambre issi la damoisele qui -^- entre ses mains portoit le saint graal. & si tost comme ele entra en
so la sale si sagenoillent en centre lui tout chil de laiens & disoient tuit basset beneois soit diex qui de sa grase nous raenplist. ensi comme la damoisele passoit parmi les dois si sen rentra maintenant en la chambre dont ele estoit issue, maintenant commenchierent a parler parmi le palais des auentures del saint graal. & quant il orent mangie si furent
35 maintenant les napes ostees. si sala li rois pelles apoiier a vne fenestre iouste boort si commenchierent entrex a parler dunes coses & dautres tant que boors demanda au roi la uerite de lenfant. si li conta li rois comment il estoit auenu & comment lancelot fu deceus par coi il connut la damoisele si com horn doit connoistre sa feme, car onques mais
40 de nul engien [col. c] nauint ausi bien comme il auint de cestui. car sans faille de nostre lignage & du uostre doit issir li urais cheualiers par qui les auentures du saint graal seront menees a fin. & uous di uraiement quil serra ou siege pereilleus de la table reonde & iou uous di uraiement
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GALAHAD AND PERCEVAL 17
se chou nest chil enfes iou ne sai qui che sera, car de tous les cheualiers du monde est ses peres li mieudres cheualiers. certes boort fait li rois iou sai bien que che sera chis enfes car li prophete & li hermite de cest pais lont afferme par verite.
Sire fait boors cis palais ou nous somes a non li palais auentureus. 5 enondieu fait li rois uous dites uoir . car vous iaues ia ueues bieles auentures puis que vous iuenistes nest che mie merueilleuse auenture quant li sains graaus uous raemplist de viandes. certes fait boors uoire- ment est chou mout biele auenture. si mait diex puis que iou i sui uenus iou ne men partirai deuant chou que iouiau rai geu une nuit. si verrai les 10 merueilleuses auentures que me sire Gauaine uit quant il i iut. ha~ sire pour dieu fait li rois nel dites iamais . car par la foi que iou doi dieu uous ni girres mie a nuit. car iou quit bien que vous nen escaperies ia sans honte ou sans damage. & iou ne vauroie pour la moitie de ma tere que maus vous auenist dont iou vous peusse garder car iou enseroie 15 blasmes de maintes gens, sire fait boors quant iou ving primes iou nen apris rien si que puis enf ui blasmes de maintes gens en tel lieu ving iou puis. pour che vous di iou que iamais a nul iour de ma vie de cest ostel ne partirai deuant che que iou ensarai plus que iou nen sai ore endroit. me dites vous uoir fait li rois. oil uoir fait il. enondieu fait li rois de cest 20 serrement uous destournerai iou au mains anuit. mais demain enfaites quanquil vous plaira puis quensi le uoles faire. & demain souferrai iou bien que vous iremaignies atele heure que diex vous enlaist partir sans honte. & pour coi fait boors ne soufres uous mie que iou i remaingne huimais. soufres vous fait li rois iou le vous dirai ains que vous partes 25 de chaiens. la nuit iut boors en vne chambre qui estoit desous la tour si li fist li rois tant donor comme il pot faire
A u matin vint li rois a boort si li dist. biaus amis il est ensi que uos •"• deues anuit gesir el palais auentureus. sire fait il vous dites voir [col. d] or vous pri iou fait li rois que vous ales parler a .i. de nos capelains si so. vous feres confes auant que vous aillies deuant le saint graal. car puis que vous seres nes & espurgies de tous visces iou ne quit mie que il vous meschie tant que se vous venies deuant lui vies & ort. quant boors oi che si cret maintenant chel conseil & le tint aboin & a loial. si tost comme il ot oie messe issi hors du moustier & apiela .i. des capelains de laiens si 35 se fist confes de tous ses pechies dont il se sentoit coupables uers dieu si li conta tout maintenant son estre conques .i. seul mot ne len cela. si la trouua chil de si boine vie que il sen esmerueilla. & bien uit quil nauoit onques pechie fors en vne seule feme che fu la fille au roi bran- goire de cele auoit il eu alain le blanc. 40
Quant boors fu confessez de cuer & de bouche. il rechut maintenant corpus domini car il nestoit mie bien asseur pour les auentures qui auienent el palais quant il ot che fait il issi hors du moustier ioians &
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lies ne onques ne uaut mangier dautre viande que la sainte ouulee quil auoit vsee. au soir remest el palais tous seus & li autre sen departirent tuit. si le laissierent illeuc. au soir quant il fu anuitiet que li iours fu oscurchis pour la uenue de la nuit sala seoir el lit qui estoit el chief del 5 palais. & si tost comme il fu asis commencha laiens la plus grant noise del monde. car .i. uens i leua si grans que cou estoit une merueille car tout maintenant. commenchierent les fenestres de laiens a flatir les vnes encontre les autres. si estoit uraiement auis a celui qui les ooit que li palais doiue fondre del dehoisement que les fenestres faisoient. & quant
10 tout che fu remes si issi de la chambre vne lanche qui estoit grande & longhe dont li fers flamboioit comme vns chierges enbrases si senvint vers boort ausi comme vns effoudres si li feri si durement que parmi lespaule senestre li enbati bien plaine paume enparfont. et quant il se sent ensi naure il en est tous esbahis car il ne uoit mie celui qui la
15 lanche tenoit dont il auoit este ferus. & nepourquant il sent que on li oste mais il ne set qui. & quant il fu desferres si senrala la lance en la chambre dont ele estoit uenue. & il remaint el lit si malades comme chil qui bien quide mourir. mais il ne se remue del lit ains ibee aremanoir y toute la nuit comme chil qui ne li caut li auiegne.
20 -Ltors ne demora gaires que il uit issir dune chambre .i. cheualier mout ricement arme de toutes armes [fol. 148, col. a] si fu moult grans de cors & moult furnis. & la ou il uit boort il li dist sire cheualiers leues uous de eel lit si uous ales reposer en autre lieu, car chi ne poes uous mie longement demourer. & il dist quil ne se mouueroit pour lui ne pour
25 autre. enondieu fait li cheualiers se vous faites tant que io ume combate a uous uous ni gaaigneres nient. car auous me conuerra combatre se uous ne uous mouues. & boorsd ist quil ne lenchaut. enondieu dist li cheua- liers or soies dont tout asseur que tant com iou puise tenir mespee uous ne seres en repos.
30 /^Vuant boors uoit quil est uenus a la mellee il se drece en estant. & ^\> nepourquant il estoit si durement naures que uns autres horn en mourust sil fust ensi naures comme il estoit. mais il estoit si preus & si hardis quil aime miex a mourir a honor que a honte uiure lors trait maintenant lespee & court sus au cheualier & li done si grant coup
35 parmi le hiaume & chil qui estoit de grant forche se desfent moult vigereusement. mais tout fust boors naures si estoit il fors & uistes & isniaus si le maine en tel maniere a eel premier asaut si durement que chil nel pot soufrir en nule maniere. ains uait tant guencissant comme qui tant sauoit de mal quil vint en la chambre ou li sains graaus estoit •
40 & si tost comme il en reuint hors si fu il ausi haities comme il estoit deuant. & ot maintenant recouure forche & alaine. car sil ot este las & traueillies il est ore endroit mout haligres. si recourt sus a boort si viste- ment que boors en est tous esbahis. si dist a soi meesme iou uoi
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merueilles de cest cheualier car iou disoie maintenant quil estoit uencus ne quil ne se pooit mais aidier. & puis quil entra en la chambre a si grant forche recouuree que iou quit quil nen ait mie mains quil auoit deuant au commencement de la bataille iou croi quil soit uenus de dieu ou del diable. T^nsi dist boors celeement & li cheualiers li vint lespee drechie contre- 5 -" mont si li done mout grant coup la ou il le peut ataindre. & boors se desfent bien & biel comme chil qui ne puet mie legierement estre greues par lesfors dun cheualier sil ne fust moult preus si fait tant par sa forche & par sa legierete que il vint audeseure de la bataille. si vous di chertainement que quant il dut entrer en la chambre ou li sains graals estoit que boors 10 li vint audeuant si li dist. sire cheualiers chaiens nenterres uous huimais. lors lahiert au hiaume & li esrache de la teste. lors li saut sour le cors & li abat la uentaille. si li dist quil loccirra [col. &] tout maintenant sil ne se rent ou sil ne se tient pour outre ou sil ne li fianche a tenir prison ou il uaura. lors hauce lespee & fait samblant quil li uoeille la teste couper. is & on ueoit laiens moult cler. car toutes les fenestres de laiens estoient ouuertes si que la lune i luisoit & li cheualiers uoit tout maintenant lespee si set bien quil est en peril de mort sil ne se tient pour outre, si crie merchi acelui qui conquis lauoit. & boors li dist iou ne sai qui uous estes car onques mais ne vous vi a mon ensiant. si couuient que vous me 20 fianchies com loiaus cheualiers que vous le iour de la pentecouste seres a la court le roi artu . ou que il le tiengne. a eel iour iseront tout li preu- dome del monde au mien ensiant. & chil li otroie maintenant. car bien uoit que faire lesteut. iou te dirai fait boors que tu feras. tu te rendras a lui de par boort de gaunes & chil li creante. lors prent maintenant son 25 escu & son glaiue & sen reuait maintenant la dont il estoit issus & boors sen reua seoir ou lit. si comme il se fu assis lors commencha abescochier de cascune fenestre ou saiete ou quarriaus qui commenchierent a ferir sour lui si quil sen sent feru quen son escu quen son hauberch enplus de cent lieus dont il fu mout durement naures & nepourquant il ne se remue so ains se tint ausi fermement & ausi seurement con sil neust nul mal si atent en tel maniere les auentures de laiens. car il pense bien quil en i auenra encore.
Quant li quarriel orent laissie auenir tout maintenant reclosent les fenestres si fisent tel noise au reclorre comme se tous li pauemens 35 dust cheir adont rot laiens1 mout grant clarte. quant li palais fu racoisies si issi dune chambre de laiens vns lyons qui vint uers boort les menus saus la geule baee. & quant boors le uoit uenir il saut sus tout maintenant si prent son escu & le tourne deuant lui. si hauce lespee pour lui ferir parmi la teste. & chil iete maintenant les dens & les ongles 40 encontre comme chil qui se uoloit desfendre si ataint lescu boors par desous si enporta tout deuant lui ausi comme vn pan de samit. si sen- failli mout petit quil nabati boort. mais boors se tint bien comme chil
i Repeated in MS. -73
20 H. OSKAB SOMMER
qui asses auoit pooir & forche puis le fiert mout durement parmi les oreilles si quil li coupa tot en trauers si quil chei mors seur le pauement. puis se rasiet el lit si se repose apres che ne demoura [col. c, verso} gaires que il uit issir dune chambre qui estoit el palais le serpent que me sire
5 Gauaine ot ueu si estoit si grans & si espeuentables que nus ne le ueist qui grant paour nen eust. car il nestoit nule si diuerse colours que on ne peust sour lui trouuer. si auoit les iex ausi rouges comme feu & ausi enbrases comme se che f uissent estoiles & quant il fu issus de la chambre el palais il commencha a aler parmi le palais le petit pas ietant feu &
10 flambe. mais che nestoit mie granment & uous di quil saloit iuant a sa keue ausi comme uns enfes. & boors uit lettres en son front escrites au rai de la* lune qui laiens entroit qui disoient que cestoit la senefianche du roi artu.
Quant li serpens fu uenus en mi le palais si vit boors uenir encontre lui. i. lupart grant & merueillex mais il ne se puet aperceuoir dont il est issus. si court tout maintenant sus au serpent qui getoit fu & flambe & font entraus .ii. si grant bataille que cest merueilles aueoir. si se desfent si bien li lupars que il uait ades tere conquerant sour le serpent, boors regarde mout longement cele bataille si sesmerueilla moult
20 durement que che pooit estre. car il uoit entraus si grant cruaute conques mais si grant cruaute ne uit entre. ii. bestes si pensa tout maintenant que chou estoit aucune senefianche. & quant la bataille a tant dure que li .i. ne li autres ne pot plus soufrir si se traist arriere li serpens & li lupars sesuanuist en tel maniere que boors ne set quil est deuenus. & si
25 tost con li serpens uint alentree de la chambre ou li sains graaus estoit si le commencha amostrer ausi comme beste qui a angoisse de faouner quant ele est en grant destrece.
r I ^out ensi se demena li serpens une grant pieche & puis commencha a -•- ieter de sa bouce serpentiaus iusqua cent, si vous di que tantost que
so li serpentel furent hors que il uoloient lor mere mangier, mais ele se des- fendi bien. si dura tant la bataille contre aus que li serpentel furent tout ochis & li grans serpens mors. de ceste cose sesmerueilla moult boors plus que de nule rien que il ueist. car il set bien que cest aucune senefianche mais il ne puet mie sauoir bien que chest, lors uit boors issir
35 dune cham-[coZ. d]bre un home qui estoit pales & maigres & miex sam- bloit mors que uis. cil auoit a son col pendu .ii. culeuures trop poignans. , si disoit sire diex ou fourfis iou onques a auoir la grant dolour que iai & que iou seufre. ha~ doux diex uerra iamais cil qui de ceste maleurte me doit oster. ensi se dementoit chil & se clamoit caitif maleureus si portoit
40 deuant lui vne harpe mout riche. car il iauoit tant dor & de pierres precieuses que cestoit merueilles aueir.
Quant li horn uint enmi la sale il sasist en vne chaiere dor qui estoit en mi le palais & par ior & par nuit. il prist son peletron & com-
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menche a ateniprer sa harpe au miex que il pot si commenche anoter .i. lai si notoit & plouroit mout durement. si notoit vn lai de ioseph dabari- macie ensi comme il vint en bertaigne quant nostre sire le fist ariuer a son uoloir. boors imet mout durement son auis. si entent que cest la des- putison dorfeu lencanteor & de ioseph dabarimachie qui fonda le castel 5 en la mer descoche. quant il ot son lai fine il se drecha en estant. & dist a boort. sire cheualiers pour noient estes demoures en cest castiel & en cest palais. car bien sachies chertainement que les auentures de chaiens ne remanront 1 par vous ne par autre deuant che que li boins cheualiers ivenra qui les auentures du saint graal metra a fin. chil achieuera toutes 10 les auentures que uous aues anuit ueues. & si me deliuerra de ceste paine ou iou sui. si vous di que vous vous en porres aler quant il vous plaira car vous ni feres plus que vous iaues fait, or me dites fait boors comment soufres vous ces culeuures entour uostre col qui tel mal vous font si comme il mest