UNIVERSITY

OF PITTSBURGH

LIBRARY

OF

& « ^

MM^

Ko. xM ■*

J 7 8^

E211

P9h6ob

THIS BOOK PRESENTED BY

Buhl Foundation

»

Digitized by the Internet Archive

in 2010 with funding from

University of Pittsburgh Library System

http://www.archive.org/details/observationsonimOOinpric

OBSER VAT IONS

ON THE

IMPORTANCE

OF THE

AMERICAN REVOLUTION,

AND

The Means of making it a Benefit to the World.

By RICHARD PRICE, D.D. L.L.D.

And Fellow of the Royal Society of London, and of the Academy of Arts and Sciences in New- England.

Printed in London in 1784.

T O

The Free andUnited States of America,

THE FOLLOWING OBSERVATIONS

ARE HUMBLY OFFERED,

A s

A LAST TESTIMONY

O F

THE GOOD-WILL

O F

The Author. July 6. 1784.

OBSER

G

yr

l

7 - -l

Dr. Price's obfervatio tion are fo replete with i

Worthy the perutal of ei 5 have its dictates imprinl narks are (acred, and to ■

Vf,

v

T O

The Free and United States of America,

THE FOLLOWING OBSERVATIONS

ARE HUMBLY OFFERED,

a s

A LAST TESTIMONY

O F

THE GOOD-WILL

O F

The Author. July 6. 1784»

OBSER

fpè ]L<VO /-jn>w~trt y/-e*J^ Let* OAJLUTfl^ fi* Al

ifj- 60 Ati- On J y-yix^j A^Aj^tA Û *Â*

Dr. Price's obfervations on the American revo- tion are fo replete with theoretic reaibning, that it

tion are io repi.--

vvorthy the perut'al of every American, who ought I have its muâtes imprinted on his mirid, as the re- ;. ,l s are faered, and to us interefting truths.

*

? ft ***** • Wd¥ ****** ^<5** ****** $ 1

OBSERVATIONS, &c.

Of -the Importance of the Revolution -t. which has ejlablified the Independence of the United States,

T TA VIN G , from pure conviction, taken JLji a warm part in favour of the Britifh colonies (now the United States of Ameri- ca) during the late war ; and been expofed, in confequence of this, to much abufe and fome danger; it mil ft be fuppofed that I have been waiting for the iffue with an- xiety 1 am thankful that my anxiety

is removed ; and that I have been fpared to

be a witnefs to that very iffue of the war

which has been all along the object of my

B vvifhes

[ 2 J

willies. With heart-felt fatisfaclion, I fee the revolution in favour of univerfal liberty which has taken place in America ; — a revo- lution which opens a new profpecl in hu- man affairs, and begins a new sera in the hif-

tory of mankind j a revolution by which

Britons themfelves will be the greater!: gainers, if wife enough to improve properly the check that has been given to the defpo- tifm of their miniilers, and to catch the flame of virtuous liberty which has faved their American brethren,

The late war, in its commencement aitd progrejs, did great good by diiïeminating juft fentiments of the rights of mankind, and the nature of legitimate government ; by ex- citing a fpirit of refiftance to tyranny, which has emancipated one European country, and is likely to emancipate others; and by occaiioning the eftablifhment in America of forms of government more equitable and more liberal than any that the world has yet known. But, in its termination, the war has done flill greater good by preferv- ing the new governments from that de- ftrudtion in which they mufl have been in- volved, had Britain conquered ; by provid- ing,

[ 3 1

ing, in a fequeftered continent poffeffed of many lingular advantages, a place of refuge for oppreft men in every region of the world ; and by laying the foundation there of an empire which may be the feat of li- berty, fcience and virtue, and from whence there is reafon to hope thefe facred bleffings will fpread, till they become univerfal and the time arrives when kings and priefts (hall have no more power to opprefs, and that ignominious flavery which has hitherto de- bafed the world is exterminated. I there-r fore, think I fee the hand of Providence in the late war working for the general good; and can fcarcely avoid crying out, // was the Lord' s doing.

Reafon, as well as tradition and revela- tion, lead us to expect that a more improv- ed and happy ftate of human affairs will take place before theconfummation of all things. The world has hitherto been gradually improving. Light and knowledge have been gaining ground, and human life at prefent, compared with what it once was, is much the fame that a youth approaching to manhood is compared with an infant.

B 2 Such

[ 4 ]

Such are the natures of things that this progrefs mufl continue. During particular intervals it may be interrupted, but it can- not be deftroy'd. Every prefent advance prepares the way for farther advances -, and a fingle experiment or difcovery may fome- times give rife to fo many more as fuddenly to raife the fpecies higher, and to refemble the effects of opening a new fenfe, or of the fall of a fpark on a train that fprings a mine. For this reafon, mankind may at laft arrive at degrees of improvement which we can- not now even fufpect to be poffible. A dark age may follow an enlightened age; but, in this cafe, the light, after being fmothered for a time, will break out again with a brighter luftre. The prefent age of increafed light, confidered as fucceeding the ages of Greece and Rome and an interme- diate period of thick darknefs, furnifhes a proof of the truth of this obfervation. There are certain kinds of improvement which, when once made, cannot be entire- ly loft. During the dark ages, the im- provements made in the ages that preceded them remained fo far as to be recovered im- mediately at the refurredtion of letters, and to produce afterwards that more rapid pro- } gref§

[ 5 ]

grefs in improvement which has diflinguifh- ed modern times.

There can fcarcely be a more pleafing and encouraging object of reflection than this. An accidental obfervation of the effects of gravity in a garden has been the means of difcovering the laws that govern the folar fyftem*, and of enabling us to look down with pity on the ignorance of the moft enlightened times among the antients. What new dignity has been given to man, and what additions have been made to his powers, by the invention of optical glaiTes, printing, gun-powder, &c. and by the late difcoveries in navigation, mathematics, na- tural philofophy, &c. ?

But among the events in modern times tending to the elevation of mankind, there are none probably of fo much confequence as the recent one which occafions thefe ob- fervations. Perhaps, I do not go too far when I fay that, next to the introduction of Chriftianity among mankind, the Ame-

* This refers to an account given of Sir Ifaac New- ton in the Preface to Dr. Pemberton's View of his philofophy.

rican

[ 6 ]

rican revolution may prove the irioft im- portant ftep in the progreffive courfe of human improvement. It is an event which may produce a general diffufion of the principles of humanity, and become the means of fetting free mankind from the fhackles of fuperftition and tyranny, by lead- ing them to fee and know " that nothing " is fundamental but impartial enquiry, an " honeft mind, and virtuous practice—— " that date policy ought not to be applied ** to the fupport of fpeculative opinions

" and formularies of faith." ff That the

" members of a civil community ar.e con- "federates, not fubjetts ; and their rulers, " fervants, not majiers. — <— And that all " legitimate government confifts in the do- " minion of equal laws made with com- " mon confentj that is, in the dominion " of men over themfehes ; and not in. the " dominion of communities over commu- " nities, or of any men over other men."

Happy will the world be when thefe truths mail be every where acknowledged and practifed upon. Religious bigotry, that cruel demon, will be then laid afleep. Slavifh governments and flavifh Hierarchies will then fink; and the old prophecies be

verified,

[ 7 3

verified, " that the laft univerfal empire " upon earth (hall be the empire of reafon " and virtue, under which the gofpel of " peace (better underflood) ft all have free " courfe a?id be glorified, many will run to " and fro and knowledge bh increafed, the " wolf dwell with the lamb and the leopard " with the kid y and nation no more lift up " a fword againjl nation."

It is a conviction I cannot refill, that the independence of the Englif/j colonies in America is one of the fteps ordained by Providence to introduce thefe times -, and I can fcarcely be deceived in this convic- tion, if the United States mould efcape fome dangers which threaten them, and will take proper care to throw themfelves open to future improvements, and to make the moft of the advantages of their prefent fituation. Should this happen, it will be true of them as it was of the people of the Jews, that in them all the families of the earth Jh all be blefjed. It is fcarcely poffible they mould think too highly of their own confequence. Perhaps, there never ex- ited a people on whofe wifdom and virtue more depended ; or to whom a ftation of more importance in the plan of Providence

has

[ 8 ]

has been aflïgnech They have begun nobly* They have fought with fuccefs for them- felves and for the world -y and, in the midft of invafion and carnage, eflablifhed forms of government favourable in the highefl

degree to the rights of mankind. But

they have much more to do ; more indeed than it is poflible properly to reprefent. In this addrefs, my defign is only to take notice of a few great points which feem particularly to require their attention, in order to render them permanently happy in themfelves and ufeful to mankind. On thefe points, I mail deliver my fentiments with freedom, confcious I mean well ; but, at the fame time, with real diffidence, con- fcious of my own liablenefs to error.

Of

[ 9 3

Of the Means of promoting human Improve* ment a?id Happinefs in the United States. — And firft, of Public Debts.

T T feems evident, that what firft requires the attention of the United States is the redemption of their debts, and making compenfation to that army which has car- ried them through the war. They have an infant credit to cherifh and rear., which, if this is not done, mud perim, and with it their character and honour for ever. Nor is it conceivable they fhould meet with any great difficulties in doing this. They have a vafl refource peculiar to themfelves, in a continent of unlocated lands poiTefiing every advantage of foil and climate. The fettlement of thefe lands will be rapid, the confequence of which muft be a rapid in- creafe of their value. By difpofing of them to the army and to emigrants, the greateft part of the debts of the United States may probably be funk immediate/^. But had they no fuch refource, they are very capable of bearing taxes fufficient for the purpofe of a gradual redemption. Sup-

[ 10 ]

pofîng their debts to amount to nine millions fterling, carrying intereft at 5 J per cent, taxes producing a revenue of a million per ann* would pay the intereft, and at the fame time leave a fur plus of half a million per ann. for a finking fundi which would difcharge the principal in thirteen years. A furplus of a quarter of a million would do the fame in 2of years. After difcharging the principal, the appropriated revenue being no longer wanted, might be abolifhed, and the States eafed of the burthen of it. But it would be imprudent to abolifh it en- tirely. 100,000/. per ann. referved, and faithfully laid out in clearing unlocated lands and other improvements, would in a fhort time increafe to a treafure (or con- tinental patrimony) which would defray the whole expenditure of the union, and keep the States free from debts and taxes for ever f , Such a referve would (fup-

* The lands, forefts, imports, &c. &c. which once formed the patrimony of the crown in England, bore moil: of the expences of government. It is well for this kingdom that the extravagance of the crown has been the means of alienating this patrimony, for the confequence has been making the crown dependent on the people. But in America fuch a patrimony would be continental property, capaple of being applied only to public purpofes, in the way which the public (or its delegates) fhould approve,

? pofing

[ ii ]

pofing it improved fo as to produce a profit of 5 per cent.) increafe to a capital of three millions in 19 years, 30 millions in 57 years, 100 millions in 81 years, and 261 millions in 100 years. But fuppoiing it capable of being improved fo as to produce a profit of 10 per cent, it would increafe to five millions in 19 years, 100 millions in 49 years, and 10,000 millions in 97 years ;

It is wonderful that no ftate has yet thought of takine this method to make itfelf great and rich. The fmalleft appro- priation in a finking fund, never diverted, operates in cancelling debts, jufl as money increafes at compound intereft.; and is5 therefore, omnipotent *. But, if diverted, it lofes all its power. Britain affords a ftriking proof of this. Its finking fund (once the hope of the kingdom) has, by

* One penny put out at our Saviour's birth to 5 per cent, compound intereft would, before this time, have increafed to a greater fum than would be contained irt

TWO HUNDRED MILLIONS of EARTHS all folid gold.

But, if put out to fimple intereft, it would have amount- ed to no more than feven /hillings and fix-pence. All governments which alienate funds deftined for reim- burfements, chufe to improve money in the lajl rather than the firji of thefe ways.

C 2 the

[ M ]

the practice of alienating it, been rendered impotent and ufelefs. Had it been in- violably applied to the purpofe for which it was intended, there would, in the year 1775, have been a fur plu s in the revenue of more than five millions per atin. But inftead of this, we were then encumbered with a debt of 137 millions, carrying an intereft of near 4! millions, and leaving no furplus of any confequence. This debt has been fince increafed to 280 millions, carrying an intereft (including expences of management) .-of nine millions and a half. — A monftrous bubble; — and as no effectual meafures are likely to be taken (or perhaps can now be taken) for reducing it within the limits of fafety, it muft, fome time or other, produce a dreadful convulfion. Let the United States take warning — Their debts at prefent are moderate. A Sinking fund, guarded * againft mifapplication, may foon extinguifh them, and prove a refource in all events of the greateft im- portance. Let fuch a fund be eftablifhed. Could a facrednefs be given it like that of

* When not thus guarded, public funds become the woift evils, by giving to the rulers of ftates a command of revenue for the purpofes of corruption.

the

[ 13 1

the ark of God among the jews, it would do the fame fervice.

I mufl not, however, forget that there is one of their debts on which no finking fund can have any effect ; and which it is

impoflible for them to difcharge :

A debt, greater, perhaps, than has beea ever due from any country ; and which will be deeply felt by their lateft pofterity. — But it is a debt of gratitude only — Of gratitude to that General, who has been ra'ifed up by Providence to make them free and independent, and whofe name muft mine among the firft in the fu- ture annals of the benefactors of mankind.

The meafure now propofed may prefervc America for ever from too great an accu- mulation of debts; and, confequently, of taxes — an evil which is likely to be the ruin not only of Britain, but of other Eu- ropean States. — But there are meaiures of yet greater confequence, which I wifh ar- dently to recommend and inculcate.

For the fake of mankind, I wifh to fee every meafure adopted that can have a ten- dency to preferve peace in America; and to make it an open and fairflage for difcuf- fion, and the feat of perfect liberty.

Of

[ H ]

Of Peace, And the Means of perpetuating it.

/^IVIL Government is an expedient for ^^ collecting the wifdom and the force of a community or confederacy, to preferve its. peace and liberty againft every hoftile invaiion, whether from within or from without. — In the latter of thefe refpedts, the United States are happily fecured ; but they are far from being equally happy in the former refpect. Having now, in con- fequence of their fuccefsful refinance of the invaiion of Britain, united to their remotenefs from Europe, no external enemy to fear, they are in danger of fighting with one another. — This is their greateji danger; and providing fecurities againft it is their bardeft work. Should they fail in this, America may fome time or other be turned into a fcene of blood ; and inflead of being the hope and refuge of the world, may become a terror to it.

When a difpute arifes among individuals in a State, an appeal is made to a court of

law ;

[ 15 ]

law; that is, to the wifdom and juflice of the State. The court decides. The lofing party acquiefces ; or, if he does not, the power of the State forces him to fubmiffion; and thus the effects of contention are fuppreft, and peace is main- tained.— Tn a way fimilar to this, peace may be maintained between any number of confederated States ; and I can almofl imagine, that it is not impoffible but that by fome fuch means univerfal peace may fome time or other be produced, and all war excluded from the world. — Wiiy may we not hope to fee this begun in America? The articles of confedera- tion make çonfiderable advances towards it, When a difpute arifes between any of the States, they order an appeal to Congrefs, — an enquiry by Congrefs, — a hearing,— and a decifion. — But here they flop. — What is mofl of all neceffary is omitted. No provifion is made for enforcing the déci- dons of Congrefs ; and this renders them inefficient and futile. I am by no means qualified to point out the befl method of removing this defect. Much mufl be given up for this purpofe, nor is it eafy to give up too much. Without all doubt the

powers

[ i6 ]

powers of Congrefs mud: be enlarged. la particular, a power nmft be given it to colled, on certain emergencies, the force of the confederacy, and to employ it in carrying its decifions into execution. A State againft which a decifion is made, will yield of courfe when it knows that fuch a force exifts, and that it allows no hope from reii Ranee.

By this force I do not mean a standing army. God forbid, that {landing armies mould ever find an eftablifhment in Ame- rica. They are every where the grand fupports of arbitrary power, and the chief caufes of the depreffion of mankind. No wife people will truft their defence out of their own hands, or confent to hold their rights at the mercy of armed Jlaves. Free States ought to be bodies of armed citizens, well regulated, and well difciplined, and always ready to turn out, when properly called upon, to execute the laws, to quell riots, and to keep the peace. Such, if I am rightly informed, are the citizens of America. Why then may not Congress be furnifhed with a power of calling out from the confederated States, quotas of militia fufficient to force at once the com- pliance

t 17 ]

pliance of any State which may fhew an inclination to break the union by refifting its decifions ?

I am very fenfible that it will be diffi- cult to guard fuch a power againft abufe; and, perhaps, better means of anfwering this end are difcoverable. In human af- fairs, however, the choice generally offered us is " of two evils to take the leaft." We chufe the reflraint of civil govern- ment, becaufe a lefs evil than anarchy; and, in like manner, in the prefent in- stance, the danger of the abufe of power, and of its being employed fometimes to enforce wrong decifions, muft be fubmitted to, becaufe a lefs evil than the mifery of inteftine wars. Much, however, may be done to lefTen this danger. Such regula- tions as thofe in the ninth of the articles of confederation will, in a great meafure, pre- vent hafty and partial decifions. The ro- tation eflablifhed by the fifth article will prevent that corruption of character which feldom fails to be produced by the long poffeffion of power ; and the right referved to every State of recalling its Delegates when difTatisfied with them, will keep them conftantly refponfibie and cautious.

D The

[ iS 1

The obfervations now made mu ft be ex- tended to money tranfactions. Congrefs muft be trufted with a power of procuring fupplies for defraying the expences of the confederation ; of contracting debts, and providing funds for difcharging them : and this power muft not be capable of being defeated by the oppofition of any minority in the States.

In fhort, the credit of the United States, their ftrength, their refpe£tablenefs abroad, their liberty at home, and even their ex- iftence, depend on the prefervation of a firm political union ; and fuch an union cannot be preferved, without giving all poffible weight and energy to the authority of that delegation which conftitutes the union.

Would it not be proper to take perio- dical furveys of the different ftates, their numbers of both fexes in every ftage of life, their condition, occupations, proper- ty, &c. ? Would not fuch furveys, in

conjunction with accurate regifters of births, marriages and deaths at all ages, afford much important inftrudlion by mew- ing

u

[ 19 ]

ing what laws govern human mortality, and what Situations, employments, and civil inftitutions, are moft favourable to the

health and happinefs of mankind ?

Would they not keep constantly in view the progrefs of population in the ftates, and the increafe or decline of their refources ? But more efpecially, are they not the only means of procuring the neceffary informa- tion for determining accurately and equita- bly the proportions of men and money to be contributed by each ftate for fupporting and Strengthening the confederation ?

D2 Of

[ 26

Of Liber ty.

^pHE next point I would infift on, as an object of fupreme importance, is the eftablimment of fuch a fyftem of per- fect liberty, religious as well as civil, in America, as (hall render it a country where truth and reafon (hall have fair play, and the human powers find full fcope for exerting themfelves, and for (hewing how far they can carry human improvement.

The faculties of man have hitherto, in all countries, been more or lefs cramped by the interference of civil authority in matters of fpeculation, by tyrannical laws againft herefy and fchifm, and by flavifli hierarchies and religious eftablimments. It is above all things defirable that no fuch fetters on reafon mould be admitted into America. I obferve, with inexpreffible fatis faction, that at prefent they have no exiftence there. In this refpect the govern- ments of the United States are liberal to a degree that is unparalleled. They have the diftinguiflied honour ' of being the firft

ftates

[ 21 ]

fiâtes under heaven in which forms of go- vernment have been eftablifhed favourable to univerfal liberty. They have been thus diflinguimed in their infancy. What then will they be in a more advaned flate ; when time and experience, and the concur- ring afïiftance of the wife and virtuous, in every part of the earth, mall have intro- duced into the new governments, correc- tions and amendments which will render them ftill more friendly to liberty, and more the means of promoting human hap-

pinefs and dignity? May we not fee

there the dawning of brighter days on earth, and a new creation riling. But I muft check myfelf. I am in danger of be- ing carried too far by the ardor of my hopes.

The liberty I mean includes in it liberty of conduct in all civil matters — liberty of difcuffion in z\\ fpeculative matters — and liberty of confcience in all religious mat- ters And it is then perfect, when un- der no reftraint except when ufed to injure any one in his perfon, property, or good name ; that is, except when ufed to deflroy itfelf.

Ir*

[ 22 ]

In liberty of difcuffion, I include thé liberty of examining all public meafures, and the conduct of all public men ; and of writing and publifhing on all fpeculative and doctrinal points.

0/ Liberty ^/ Discussion^

Y T is a common opinion* that there are A fome doctrines fo facred, and others of fa bad a tendency, that no public difcuffion of them ought to be allowed. Were this a right opinion, all the perfecution that has been ever practifed would be juftified. For, if it is a part of the duty of civil magiftrates to prevent the difcuffion of fuch doctrines* they muft, in doing this, act on their own judgments of the nature and tendency of doctrines ; and, confequently, they muft have a right to prevent the difcuffion of all doctrines which they think to be too fa- cred for difcuffion or too dangerous in their tendency ; and this right they muft exer- cife in the only way in which civil power is capable of exercifing it, " by inflicting

" penal^es

[ 23 ]

" penalties on all who oppofe facred doc- *' trines, or who maintain pernicious opi-

" nions." In Mahometan countries,

therefore, civil magiftrates have a right to filence and punifh all who oppofe the di- vine miffion of Mahomet, a doctrine there reckoned of the moil facred nature. TJ*e- like is true of the doctrines of tranfubftan- tiation, worfhip of the Virgin Mary, &c. in PopiJJj countries ; and of the doctrines of the Trinity, faasfaction, &c. in Proiejiant countries; In England itfelf, this prin- ciple has been acted upon, and produced the laws which fubject to fevere penalties all who write or fpeak againft the Su- preme Divinity of Chrift, the Book of Common Prayer, and the Church Articles of Faith. All fuch laws are right, if the opinion I have mentioned is right. But in reality, civil power has nothing to do with any fuch matters ; and civil gover- nors go miferably out of their proper pro- vince, whenever they take upon them the care of truth, or the fupport of any doc- trinal points. They are not judges of truth ; and if they pretend to decide about it, they will decide wrong. This all the countries under heaven think of the ap-

plica*

1 24 ] plication of civil power to do&rinal points in every country but their own. It is, in- deed, fuperftition, idolatry, and nonfenfe, that civil power at prefent fupports almoft every v/here, under the idea of fupporting facred truth, and oppofing dangerous error. Would not, therefore, its perfect neutrality be the greater!: blefling ? Would not the intereft of truth gain unfpeakably, were all the rulers of States to aim at nothing but keeping the peace ; or did they confider themfelves as bound to take care, not of the future, but the prefent in te reft of men; — not of their fouls and their faithy but of their perfons and property j-^-not of any ec- clefafticaly but fecular matters only ?

All the experience of paft time proves that the confequence of allowing civil power to judge of the nature and tendency of doctrines, mud be making it a hindrance to the progrefs of truth, and an enemy to the improvement of the world.

Anaxagoras was tried and condemned in Greece for teaching that the fun and ftars were not Deities, but mafles of corruptible matter. Accufations of a like kind con- tributed to the death of Socrates. The threats of bigots and the fear of perfecu- j tion?

[ 25 ]

tion, prevented Copernicus from publifli- ing, during his whole life time, his difeo- very of the true fyftem of the world. Ga- lileo was obliged to renounce the doctrine of the motion of the earth, and fuffered a year's imprifonment for having afferted it. And fo lately as the year 1742, the befl commentary on the firft production of hu- man genius (Newton's Principia) was not allowed to be printed at Rome, becaufe it afferted this doctrine; and the learned commentators were obliged to prefix to their work a declaration, that on this point they fubmitted to the decifions of the fu- preme Pontiffs. Such have been, and fuch (while men continue blind and ignorant) will always be the confequences of the in- terpofition of civil governments in matters of fpeculation.

When men affociate for the purpofe of civil government, they do it not to defend truth, or to fupport formularies of faith and fpeculative opinions; but to defend their civil rights, and to protect one ano- ther in the free exercife of their mental and corporeal powers. The interference, therefore, of civil authority in fuch cafes

E is

[ 26 ]

is directly contrary to the end of its in- ftitution. The way in which it can befl promote the intereft and dignity of man- kind, (as far as they can be promoted by the difcovery of truth) is, by encou- raging them to fearch for truth where- ever they can find it ; and by protecting them in doing this againft the attacks of malevolence and bigotry. Should any at- tempt be made by contending feds to in- jure one another, its power will come in properly to crufh the attempt, and to main- tain for all feels equal liberty, by punifliing every encroachment upon it. The con- duel: of a civil magiftrate, on fuch an oc- cafion, mould be that of Gallio the wife Roman proconful, who, on receiving an accufation of the apoflle Paul, would not liften to it, but drove from his prefence the accufers who had laid violent hands upon him, after giving them the following ad- monition : — If it were a matter of wrong pr wicked lewdnefs, reofon would require that I Jhould bear with you. But if it be a quef tion of words and names and the law, look you to it. For I will be no judge of fuch matters. Ads xviii. 12. &c. How much happier would the world have been, had all magiftrates adted in this manner ? Let I Ame-

[ 27 ]

America learn this important leffon, and profit by the experience of pad times. A diffent from ejiablijhed opinions and doctrines has indeed often miferably di- sturbed fociety, and produced mifchief and bloodshed. But it mould be remembered, that this has been owing to the ejiablifh- ment of the points diffented from, and the ufe of civil power to enforce the reception of them. Had civil government done its duty, left all free, and employed it- felf in procuring in (lead of retraining fair difcuflion, all mifchief would have been avoided, and mankind would have been raifed higher than they are in knowledge and improvement.

When Chriftianity, that firft and beft of all the means of human improvement, was firft preached, it was charged with turning the world upfide down. The leaders of Jewifh and Pagan eftablifhments were alarmed, and by oppofing the propagation of it, converted a religion of peace and love into an oçcafion of violence and flaughter ; and thus verified our Lord's prophecy, that he was come not to fend peace, but afford on earth. All this was the effect of the mifapplication

E a qî

[ 28 ]

of the powers of government. In (lead of creating, they mould have been employed in preventing fuch mifchief, and been a5live only in caufing the Chriftian caufe to re- ceive a fair hearing, and guarding the pro- pagators of it againfl infult. — The like ©bfervation may be made concerning the firtt reformers. — What we all fee would have been right in Pagan and Popi/h go- vernments with refpecl: to Chriftianity and the Reformation > would it not be now right in Cbrijiian or Protejlant govern- ments,, were any attempts made to pro- pagate a new religion, or any doctrines advanced oppofite to thofe now held facred ? Such attempts, if unfupported by reafon and evidence, would foon come to nothing. An impoflure cannot ftand the tell: of fair and open examination. On the contrary, the caufe of truth will certainly be ferved by it. Mahometanifm would have funk as foon as it rofe, had no other force than that of evidence been employed to propagate it ; and it is an unfpeakable recommendation of Chrijlianity, that it made its way till it became the religion of the world in one of its moft enlightened periods, by evidence only, in oppolition to the itrongeft exer- tions

C 29 ]

tions of civil power. There cannot be a more ftriking proof, that nothing but fair difcuflion is neceflary to fupprefs error and to propagate truth. I am grieved, indeed, whenever I find any Chriftians fhewing a diipofition to call in the aid of civil power to defend their religion. Nothing can be more difgraceful to it. If it wants fuch aid, it cannot be of God. Its corruption and debafement took place from the mo- ment that civil power took it under its- patronage $ and this corruption and de- bafement increafed, till at laft it was con- verted into a fyftem of abfurdity and fuper- ftition more grofs and more barbarous than

Paganifm itfelf. The religion of Chrift

difclaims all connexion with the civil efta- blifhments of the world. It bas fuffered infinitely by their friendjhip. In (lead of filencing its opponents, let them be encou- raged to produce their ftrongeft arguments againfl: it. The experience of Britain ha3 lately fhewn that this will only caufe it to be better understood and more firmly- believed.

I would extend thefe obfervations to all points of faith, however facred they may

be

[ 3° ]

be deemed. Nothing reafonable can fuffer by difcuffion. All doctrines really facred muft be clear and incapable of being op- pofed with fuccefs. If civil authority in- terpofes, it will be to iupport fome mif* conception or abufe of them,

That immoral tendency of doctrines which has been urged as a reafon againft allowing the public difcuffion of them, may be either avowed and direct, or only a confe- quence with which they are charged. If it is avowed and direcl9 fuch doctrines certainly will not fpread. The principles rooted in human nature will refift them -, and the advocates of them will be foon difgraced. If, on the contrary, it is only a confequence with which a doctrine is charged, it fhould be confidered how apt all parties are to charge the doctrines they oppofe with bad tendencies. It is well known, that Calvinifls and Arminians, Trinitarians and Socinians, Fatalijls and Free-willers> are continually exclaiming againft one ano- ther's opinions as dangerous and licentious. Even Christianity itfelf could not, at its firft introduction, efcape this accufation. The profeflbrs of it were confidered as Atheijls, becaufe they oppofed Pagan idolatry -, and

their

t 31 ]

their religion was on this account reckoned a deftructive and pernicious enthufiafm. If, therefore, the rulers of a State are to prohibit the propagation of all doctrines in which they apprehend immoral tendencies, an opening will be made, as I have before obferved, for every fpecies of perfecution. There will be no doctrine, however true or important, the avowal of which will not in fome country or other be fubjected to civil penalties. — Undoubtedly, there are doc- trines which have fuch tendencies. But the tendencies of fpeculative opinions have often very little effect on practice. The Author of nature has planted in the human mind principles and feelings which will operate in oppofition to any theories that may feem to contradict them. Every feet, whatever may be its tenets, has {omzfaho for the neceffity of virtue. The philofo- phers who hold that matter and motion have no exiftence except in our own ideas, are capable of believing this only in their clofets. The fame is true of the philofo- phers who hold that nothing exifls but matter and motion ; and at the fame time teach, that man has no felf determining

power j

[ 3* ]

power i that an unalterable fate governs all things; and that no one is any thing that he can avoid being) or does any thing

that he can avoid doing. Thefe philo-

fophers when they come out into the world ajjS as other men do, Common fenfe never fails to get the better of their theories -, and I know that many of them are fome of the beft men in the world, and the warmeft friends to the true in- térêts of fociety. Though their doc- trine may feem to furnifli an apology for vice, their practice is an exhibition of virtue ; and a government which would

filence them would greatly injure xtfelf.

Only overt acts of injuftice, violence or der famation, come properly under the cogni- zance of civil power. Were a perfon now to go about London, teaching that " pro- " perty is founded in grace," I mould, were I a magiftrate, let him alone while he did nothing but teach, without being under any other apprehenfion than that he would foon find a lodging in Bedlam. But were he to attempt to carry his doctrine into its confequences by actually Jiea/ing, under the pretence of his right as a faint to the property of his neighbours, I fhould

think

[ 33 ]

think it my duty to lay hold of him as a felon, without regarding the opinion from which he acted.

I am perfuaded, that few or no incon- veniencies would arife from fuch a liberty. If magiftrates will do their duty as foon as violence begins, or any overt a&s which break the peace are committed, no great harm will arife from their keep- ing themfelves neutral till then. Let, how- ever, the contrary be fuppofed. Let it be granted that civil authority will in this cafe often be too late in its exertions ; the juft inference will be, not that the liberty I plead for ought not to be allowed; but that there will be two evils, between which an option muft be made, and the leaft of

which muft be preferred. One is, the

evil juft mentioned. The other includes

in it every evil which can arife from mak- ing the rulers of States judges of the ten- dency of doctrines, fubjedting freedom of enquiry to the controul of their ignorance, and perpetuating darknefs, intolerance and flavery. I need not fay which of thefe evils is the leaft.

Of

[ 34 î

Of Liberty 0/* Conscience, and Civ it

Establishments ^Religion.

TN Liberty of Conscience I include much more than Toleration. Jefus Chrift has eftablifhed a perfect equality among his followers. His command is, that they mall aflame no jurifdiclion over one ano- ther, and acknowledge no mafter bed des

bimfelf It vzy therefore, prefumption in

any of them to claim a right to any fupe- riority or pre-eminence over their brethren. Such a claim is implied, whenever any of them pretend to tolerate the reft. — — Not only all Cbrijlians, but all men of all reli- gions ought to be confidered by a State as equally entitled to its protection as far as they demean themfelves honeftly and peace- ably. Toleration can take place only where there is a civil eftablithment of a particu- lar mode of religion ; that is, .where a pre- dominant feci: enjoys exclufrce advantages, and makes the encouragement of its own mode of faith and worfhip a part of the conftitution of the State ; but at the fame

time

[ 35 } time thinks fit to suffer the exercife of other modes of faith and worfhip. Thanks be to God, the new American States are at prefent ftrangers to fuch eftablifhments. In this refpecl, as well as many others, they have (hewn, in framing their confuta- tions, a degree of wifdom and liberality which is above all praife.

Civil eftablifhments of formularies of faith and worfhip are inconfiftent with the rights of private judgment— They ingender ftrife — Thev turn religion into a trade — They (hoar up error — They produce hy- pocrify and prevarication — They lay an undue byafs on the human mind in its enquiries, and obftrudl the progrefs of

truth. Genuine religion is a concern

that lies entirely between God and our own fouls. It is incapable of receiving any aid from human laws. It is contaminated as foon as worldly motives and fanclions mix their influence with it, Statefmen mould countenance it only by exhibiting in their own example a confcientious re- gard to it in thofe forms which are moil: agreeable to their own judgments, and by encouraging their fellow-citizens in doing the fame. They cannot as public men give F 2 it

[ 36 ]

it any other afTiftance. All be fides that has been called a public leading in religion, has done it an effential injury, and pro- duced fome of the word confequences.

The Church Eftabliihment in England is one of the mildeft fort. But even here what a fnare has it been to integrity ? And what a check to free enquiry ? What difpofitions favourable to defpotifrn has it foftered ? What a turn to pride and narrownefs and domination has it eiven the clerical character ? What ftrusr- gles has it produced in its members to accommodate their opinions to the fub- fcriptions and tefts which it impofes ? What a perverfion of learning has it occasioned to defend obielete creeds and abfurdities ? What a burthen is it on the confeiences of fome of its beii clergy, who, in confe- quence of being bound down to a fyftem they go not approve, and having no flip- port except that which they derive from conforming to it, find themfelves under the hard neceffity of either prevaricating

or Jiarving ?> -No one doubts but that

the Englilh clergy in general could with more truth declare that they do not, than that they do give their unfeigned affent to

all

[ 37 3

all and every thing contained in the thirty- nine Articles and the Book of Common- Prayer ; and yet, with a folemn declaration to this purpoie, are they obliged to enter upon an office which above all offices re- quires thofe who exercife it to be examples of fimplicity and fincerity. — Who can help execrating the caufe of fuch an evil ?

But what I vvifli moll to urge is the ten- dency of religious eftablifTiments to im- pede the improvement of the world. They are boundaries prefcribed by human folly to human invefligaticn ; and inclofures which intercept the light and confine the exertions of reafon. Let any one imagine to himfelf what effects fimilar eftabliih- ments would have in Philcfophy, Naviga- tion, Metaphyficks, Medicine or Mathe- maticks. Something like this took place in Logick and Philcfophy ; while the ipse dixit of Ariftotle and the nonfenfe of the fchools maintained an authority like that of the creeds of churchmen : And the effect was a longer continuance of the world in the ignorance and barbarity of the dark ages. But civil eftablifhments of religion are more pernicious. So apt are mankind to mifreprefent the character of

the

[ 38 ]

the Deity, and to conned: his favour with particular modes of faith, that it muft be expected, that a religion fo fettled will be what it has hitherto been — a gloomy and cruel fuperftition bearing the name of re- ligion.

It has been long a fubject of difpute, which is worft in its effects on fociety, fuch a religion or fpeculative Atheifm. For my own part, I could almoft give the pre- ference to the latter. Atheism is fo re- pugnant to every principle of common fenfe, that it is not poflible it fhould ever gain much ground, or become very preva- lent. On the contrary ; there is a par- ticular pronenefs in the human mind to Superstition, and nothing is more

likely to become prevalent. Atheism

leaves us to the full influence of mod of our natural feelings and focial prin- ciples ; and thefe are fo flrong in their operation, that in general they are a fuf- cient guard to the order of fociety. But Superstition counteracts thefe prin- ciples, by holding forth men to one another as objects of divine hatred; and by putting them on harraffing, filencing, imprifoning and burning one another in order to do God fervice. — Atheism is a fanctuary for

5 vice

[ 39 -.]

vice by taking away the motives to virtue anting from the will of God and the fear of a future judgment. But Superstition is more a fandïuary for vice, by teaching men ways of pleafing God without moral virtue, and by leading them even to com- pound for wicked nefs by ritual fervices, by bodily penances and mortifications, by adorning fhrines, going pilgrimages, faying many prayers, receiving abfolution from the pried:, exterminating heretics, &c. — Athe- ism deftroys the facrednefs and obligation of an oath. But is there not alfo a religion (fo called) which does this, by teaching that there is a power which can difpenfe with the obligation of oaths, that pious frauds are right, and that faith is not to be kept with heretics ?

It is indeed only a rational and liberal religion ; a religion founded on juft no- tions of the Deity as a being who regards equally every fincere worfhipper, and by whom all are alike favoured as far as they act up to the light they enjoy; a religion which contifts in the imitation of the moral perfections of an almighty but benevolent governor of nature who directs for the beft all events, in confidence in the care

of

i 40 ]

of his providence, in refignation to hi$ will, and in the faithful dilcharge of every duty of piety and morality from a regard to his authority and the apprehenfion of a

future righteous retribution.- It is only

this religion (the infpiring principle of every thing fair and worthy and joyful, and which in truth is nothing but the love of God and man and virtue warming the heart and directing the conduct.) — It is only this kind of religion that can blefs the world, or be an advantage to fociety.— This is the religion that every enlightened friend to mankind will be zealous to pro- mote. But it is a religion that the powers of the world know little of, and which will always be beft promoted by being left free and open.

I cannot help adding here, that this is

in particular the Chrijlian religion.

Chriftianity teaches us that there is none good but one, that is, God ; that he willeth all men to be faved, and will punifh nothing but wickednefs ; that he defires mercy and not facrifice (benevolence rather than rituals) ; that loving him with all our hearts, and loving our neighbour as ourfelves, is the whole of our duty ; and that in every

nation

[ 4f ]

nation he that feareth him and worketh righteoufnefs is accepted of him. It refis its authority on the power of God, not of man ; refers itfelf entirely to the under- (landings of men ; makes us the fubjects of a kingdom that is not of this world; and requires us to elevate our minds above tem- poral emoluments, and to look forwards to a flate beyond the grave, where a govern- ment of perfect virtue will be erected under that Mefiiah who has tajled death for every man, — What have the powers of the world to do with fuch a religion ? — It difclaims all connexion with them ; it made its way at firft in oppofition to them ; and, as far as it is now upheld by them, it is disho- noured and vilified.

The injury which civil eftabli foments do to Chriilianity may be learnt from the fol- lowing confiderations,

Firft. The fpirit of religious eflablifh- ments is oppofite to the fpirit of Chriili- anity. It is a fpirit of pride and tyranny in oppofition to the Chriftian lowly fpirit ; a contracted and felfifh fpirit, in oppofi- tion to the Chriftian enlarged and benevo- G lent

[ 42 ]

lent fpirit -> the fpirit of the world in op- poiition to the Chriftian heavenly fpirit.

Secondly. Religious eflablifliments are founded on a claim of authority in the Chriftian church which overthrows ChrifVs authority. He has in the fcriptures given his followers a code of laws, to which he requires them to adhere as their only guide. But the language of the framers of church eflablimments is — We have authority in con- 16 troverfiesoffaith and power to decree rites " and ceremonies. We are the deputies of ** Chrift upon earth, who have been com- " miffioned by him to interpret his laws, ** and to rule his church. You mull: there- •* fore follow us. The fcriptures are infuf- ** ftcient. Our interpretations you mull " receive as Ghrift's laws ; our creeds as " his doctrine; our inventions as his in- " ftitutions."

It is evident, as the excellent Hoadly has fhewn, that thefe claims turn Chrifi out of the government of his own king- dom, and place ufnrpers on his throne. — They are therefore derogatory to his ho- nour ; and a fubmiffion to them is a breach

of

[ 43 I

of the allegiance due to him. They have been almoft fatal to true Chriftianity ; and attempts to enforce them by civil penalties, have watered the Chriftian world with the blood of faints and martyrs.

Thirdly. The difficulty of introducing alterations into church eftablifhments after they have been once formed, is another objection to them. Hence it happens, that they remain always the fame amidft all changes of public manners and opinions*; and that a kingdom may go on for ages in idolatrous worfhip, after a general convic- tion has taken place, that there is but one object of religious worfhip, namely, the God and Father of our Lord Jefus Chrift. What a fad fcene of religious hypocrify muft fuch a difcordance between public conviction and the public forms produce ?

* This is an inconvenience attending civil as well as ecclefiaftical eftablifhments, which has been with great wifdom guarded againff. in the new American confHtu- tions, by appointing that there fhall be a revifal of them at the end of certain terms. This will leave them always open to improvement, without any danger of thofe convulfîons which have ufually attended the cor- rections of abufes when they have acquired a facrednefs by time.

G 2 At

[ 44 ] At this day, in fome European countries, the abfurdity and flavifhnefs of their hie- rarchies are ieen and acknowledged j but being incorporated with the ftate, it is fcarcely poffible to get rid of them.

What can be more ftriking than the State of England in this refpecl ? — The fyflem of faith and worfhip eftablifhed in it was formed above two hundred years ago, when Europe was juft emerging from darknefs and barbarity. The times have ever fince been growing more enlightened } but with- out any effect on the eflablifhment. Not a ray of the increafing light has penetrated it. Not one imperfection, however grofs, has been removed. The fame articles of faith are fubfcribed. The fame ritual of devo- tion is pradtiied. — There is reafon to fear that the abfolution of the fick which forms a part of this ritual, is often reforted to as a paflport to heaven after a wicked life ; and yet it is continued. — Perhaps nothing more mocking to reafon and humanity ever made a part of a religious fyflem than the damning claufes in the Athanafian creed ; and yet the obligation of the clergy to declare affent to this creed, and to read it as a part of the public devotion, re- mains.

The

[ 45 ■]

The necefiary confequence of fuch a ftate of things is, that,

Fourthly, Chriftianity itfelf is difgraced, and that all religion comes to be confidered as a ftate trick, and a barbarous mummery. It is well known, that in fome Popifh countries there are few Chriftians among the higher ranks of men, the religion of the State being in thofe countries miftaken for the religion of the Gofpel. This in- deed fhews a criminal inattention in thofe who fall into fuch a miftakej for they ought to confider that Chriftianity has been grievoufly corrupted, and that their ideas of it mould be taken from the New Tefta- ment only. It is, however, fo natural to reckon Chriftiany to be that which it is held out to be in all the eftablifhments of it, that it cannot but happen that fuch an error will take place and produce fome of the worft confequences. There is pro- bably a greater number of rational Chrift- ians (that is, of Chriftians upon enquiry) in England, than in all Popifh countries. The reafon is, that the religious eftablifh- ment here is Popery reformed ; and that a confiderable body diffent from it, and are often inculcating the neceffity of diftin-

guifhing

[ 46 ]

guifhing between the Christianity eftablifh- ed by law and that which is taught in the

Bible. Certain it is, that till this di-

itinction is made, Chriftianity can never recover its juft credit and ufefulnefs.

Such then are the effects of civil efta- bliihments of religion. May heaven foon put an end to them. The world will never be generally wife or virtuous or happy, till thefe enemies to its peace and improvement are demolished. Thanks be to God, they are giving way before in- creafmg light. Let them never fhew them- felves in America. Let no fuch monder be known there as human authority in matters of religion. Let every honefl and peaceable man, whatever is his faith, be protected there ; and find an effectual defence againft the attacks of' bi- gotry and intolerance. — In the united States may Religion fiourifh. They cannot be very great and happy if it does not. But let it be a better religion than moft of thofe which have been hitherto profeffed in the world. Let it be a religion which enforces moral obligations; not a religion which re- laxes and evades them. — A tolerant and Ca- tholic

[ 47 ] tholic religion ; not a rage for profelitifm.— A religion of peace and charity ; not a religion that perfect! tes, curfes and damns. —In a word, let it be the genuine Gof- pel of peace lifting above the world, warm- ing the heart with the love of God and his creatures, and fuftaining the fortitude of good men by the allured hope of a future deliverance from death, and an in- finite reward in the everlafling kingdom of our Lord and Saviour.

From the preceding obfervations it may be concluded, that it is impoilible I mould not admire the following article in the de- claration of rights which forms the foun- dation of the Mafjachafetf s conftitution.— * " In this State every denomination of " Chriftians demeaning themfelves peace- <c ably and as good fubjecls of the com- " monwealth, ihall be equally under the " protection of the law ; and no fubordi- " nation of any one feci: or denomination " to another ihall ever be eftablifhed by « law*."

* The North Carolina constitution alfo orders that there fhall be no eftabliihment of any one religious church or denomination in that State in preference to any other*

This

[ 48 ]

This is liberal beyond all example. — I mould, however, have admired it more had it been more liberal, and the words

ALL MEN OF ALL RELIGIONS been fub-

ftituted for the words every denomination of Chrijiians.

It appears farther from the preceding obfervations, that I cannot but diflike the religious tefts which make a part of feveral of the America?! conftitutions.— — In the MaJJachufetf s conflitution it is ordered, that all who take feats in the Houfe of Re- prefentatives or Senate mall declare " their " firm perfuafion of the truth of the *' Chriftian religion." The fame is re- quired by the Maryland conflitution, as a condition of being admitted into any places of profit or trurt. In Penfylvania every member of the Houfe of Reprefentatives is required to declare, that he " acknow- " ledges the Scriptures of the Old and " New Teftament to be given by divine " infpiration." In the State of Delaware, that " he believes in God the Father, and <c in Jefus Chrift his only Son, and in the Kt Holy Ghoft, one God blefled for ever- " more/' All this is more than is re- quired even in England, where, though 5 every

[ 49 ]

every perfon however debauched or athe- iftical is required to receive the facrament as a qualification for inferior places, no other religious teft is impofed on members of parliament than a declaration againft Popery* —It is an obfervation no lefs juft than com- mon, that fuch tefts exclude only bonefi men. The ^/j-honefl: never fcruple them.

Montes qjj ieu probably was not a Chriftian. Newton and Locke were not Trinitarians > and therefore not Chrijlians according to the commonly received ideas of ChrifUanity. Would the united States, for this reafon, deny fuch men, were they living, all places of truft and power among them ?

H Of

[ 5° î

Of Education.

QUCH is the ftate of things which I with to take place in the united American States. — In order to introduce and perpe- tuate it, and at the fame time to give it the greateft effect on the improvement of the world, nothing is more necelTary than the eftabliihment of a wife and liberal plan of Education. It is impoffible properly to reprefent the importance of this. So much is left by the author of nature to depend on the turn given to the mind in early life and the impreiiions then made, that I have often thought there may be a fecret remaining to be difcovered in educa- tion, which will caufe future generations to grow up virtuous and happy, and acce- lerate human improvement to a greater de- gree than can at prefent be imagined.

The end of education is to direct the powers of the mind in unfolding them- felves ; and to affift them in gaining their juft bent and force. And, in order to this,

its

[ 5* ]

its bufinefs mould be to teach how to think, rather than what to think -, or to lead into the beft way of fearching for truth, rather than to inflrucl: in truth itfelf. — As for the latter, who is qualified for it ? There are many indeed who are eager to undertake this office. All parties and feds think they have difcovered truth, and that they alone are its advocates and friends. But the very dif- ferent and in confident accounts they give of it demonftrate they are utter Grangers to it; and that it is better to teach nothing, than to teach what they hold out for truth. The greater their confidence, the greater is the reafon for diftrufiing them. We generally fee the warmeft zeal, where the object of it is the greateft nonfenfe.

Such obiervations have a particular ten- dency to fhew that education ought to be an initiation into candour, rather than into any fyftems of faith ; and that it mould form a habit of cool and patient inveftiga- tion, rather than an attachment to any opinions.

But hitherto education has been con- dueled on a contrary plan. It has been a contraction, not an enlargement of the II 2 in-

[ * 1

intellectual faculties ; an injeflion of falie principles hardening them in error, not a difcipline enlightening and improving them. Inftead of opening and ftrengthen- ing them, and teaching to think freely, it hath cramped and enflaved them, and qualified for thinking only in one track. Inftead of inftilling humility, charity, and liberality, and thus preparing for an eafier difcovery and a readier admiffion of truth ; it has in- flated with conceit, and fluffed the human mind with wretched prejudices.

The more has been learnt fcomfuch edu- cation, the more it becomes neceffary to z/wlearn. The more has been taught in this way, of fo much the more muft the mind be emptied before true wifdom can enter. — Such was education in the time of the firft teachers of chriftianity. By fur- nifhing with fkill in the arts of difputation and fophiflry, and producing an attachment to eftablifhed fyftems, it turned the minds of men from truth, and rendered them more determined to refill: evidence, and more capable of evading it. Hence it happened, that this heavenly inftru&ion, when firft

com-»

t 53 ]

communicated, was to the Jews a ftumbling block, and to the Greeks fooliftmefs ; and that, in fpite of ?7iiracles them/elves, the perfons who rejected it with moft difdain, and who oppofed it with moft violence, were thofe who had been educated in colleges, and were beft verfed in the falfe learning of the times : And had it taught the true philofophy inftead of the true religion, the eifecT: would have been the fame. The doctrine " that the fun ftood ftill and that " the earth moved round it," would have been reckoned no lefs abfurd and incredible, than the doctrine of a crucified Mejfiah. And the men who would have treated fuch an inftruction with moft contempt, would have been the wife and the prudent ; that is, the proud fophifts and learned doctors of the times, who had ftudied the Ptole- maick fyftem of the world, and learnt, by cycles and epicycles, to account for all the motions of the heavenly bodies.

In like manner, when the improvement of Logick in Mr. Locke's EJfay on the Human Under ft anding was firft published in Britain, the perfons readieft to attend to it and to receive it were thofe who had

never

[ 54 ]

never been trained in colleges ; and whofe minds, therefore, had never been per- verted by an inftruction in the jargon of the ichools. To the deep profeflbrs of the time, it appeared (like the doctrine taught in his book on the reafonablenefs of chriftianity) to be a dangerous novelty and herefy ; and the Univerfity of Ox- ford, in particular, condemned and repro- bated the author. The like happened

when Sir Isaac Newton's difcoveries were firft published. A romance (that is, the Philofophy of Descartes) was then in pofleffion of the philofophical world. Education had rivetted it in the minds of the learned; and it was twenty-feven years before Newton's Principia could gain fuliicient credit to bring it to a fécond edition. — Such are the prejudices which have generally prevailed againft new lights. Such the impediments which have been thrown in the way of improvement by a narrow plan of education. — Even now the principal object of education (efpecially in divinity) is to teach eftabliflied fyftems as certain truths, and to qualify for luccefs- fully defending them againft opponents;

and

t ss 1

and thus to arm the mind againft convic- tion, and render it impenetrable to farther light. Indeed, were it offered to my op- tion which I would have, the plain fenfe of a common and untutored man, or the deep erudition of the proud fcholars and profeffors in moil: univerfities, I fhould eagerly prefer the former, from a per- fuafion that it would leave me at a lefs diftance from real wifdom. An unoccupied and fimple mind I think infinitely prefer- able to a mind warped by fyftems; and the entire want of learning better than a learn- ing, fuch as moft of that is which hitherto has been fought and admired — A learning which puffs up, while in reality it is no- thing but profounder ignorance and more inveterate prejudice.

It may be worth adding here, that a nar- row education (mould it ever happen not to produce the evils now mentioned) will probably produce equal evils of a contrary nature. I mean, that there will be danger, when perfons fo educated come to fee the abfurdity of fome of the opinions in which they have been educated, that they will become prejudiced againft them all, and, confequently, throw them all away, and. 5 rul>

[ 56 ]

run wild into fcepticifm and infidelity. — • At prefent, in this part of the world this is a very common event.

I am by no means qualified to give a juft account of the particular method in which education ought to be conducted, fo as to avoid thefe evils : That is, fo as to render the mind free and unfettered ; quick in difcerning evidence, and prepared to follow it from whatever quarter and in whatever manner it may offer itfelf. But certain it is, that the beft mode of education is that which does this mofl effectually; which guards beft againft filly prejudices ; which enflâmes mofl with the love of truth ; which difpofes mofl: to ingenuity and fairnefs, and leaves the mind mofl: fenfible of its own need of farther information. — Had this been always the aim of education, mankind would now have been farther advanced.—- It fuppofes, however, an improved ftate of mankind; and when once it has taken place, it will quicken the progrefs of im- provement.

I have in thefe obfervations exprefled a diflike of fyftems; but I have meant only

to

r 57 ]

to condemn that attachment to them as ftandards of truth which has been too pre- valent. It may be neceflary in education to make ufe of them; or of books explain- ing them. But they mould be ufed only as guides and helps to enquiry. Inftruclion in them mould be attended with a fair ex- hibition of the evidence on both fides of every queftion ; and care mould be taken to induce, as far as pofîible, a habit of be- lieving only on an overbalance of evidence; and of proportioning affent in every cafe to the degree of that overbalance, without regarding authority, antiquity, Angularity, novelty, or any of the prejudices which too

commonly influence affent. Nothing is

fo well fitted to produce this habit as the flaidy of -mathematics. In thefe fciences no one ever thinks of giving his affent to a proposition till he can clearly underftand it, and fee it proved by a fair deduction from propofitions previoufly underftood and prov- ed. In thefe fciences the mind is inured to clofe and patient attention; fhewn the nature of juft reafoning; and taught to form diftind ideas, and to expect: clear evidence in all cafes before belief. They furnifh, therefore, the bed exercife for the intellec- I tual

[ 58 3

tuai powers, and the bell defence againft that credulity and precipitation and confu- sion of ideas which are the common fources of error.

There is, however, a danger to be avoid- ed here. Mathematical ftudies may abforb the attention too much -y and when they dp, they contract the mind by rendering it incapable of thinking at large ; by difqua- lifying it for judging of any evidence ex- cept mathematical; and, confequently, dif- pofing it to an unreasonable fcepticifm on all fubjecls which admit not of fuch evi- dence. There have been many inftances

cf this narrownefs in mathematicians.

But to return from this digrefîion, — I cannot help obferving on this occafion, with refpect to Christianity in particular, that education ought to lead to a habit of judg- ing of it as it is in the code itfelf of Chriftianity ; that the doctrines it reveals fhould be learnt only from a critical and fair enquiry into the fenfe of this code -, and that all inftruclion in it fhould be a preparation for making this enquiry and a communication of affiflance in examin- ing into the proofs of its divine original, and in determining to what degree of

evidence

[ S9 ] evidence thefe proofs amount, after allow- ing every difficulty its juft weight. a

This has never yet been the practice among Chriftians. The New Teftament has been reckoned hitherto an infujjicient ftandard of Chriftian Divinity; and, therefore, formu- laries of human invention pretending to explain and define it (but in reality mifre- prefenting and difhonouring it) have been fubftituted in its room ; and teaching thefe has been called teaching Ghrijlianity* And it is very remarkable, that in the Englifh Univerfities no Lectures on the New Tefta- ment are ever read, or even fuffered to be read ; and that, through all Chriftendom, it is much lefs an object of attention than the fyjlems and creeds which have been fathered upon it*

I will only add on this fubject, that it is above all things necefTary, while inftructiori is conveyed, to convey with it a fenfe of the imbecility of the human mind, and of its great proneneis to error ; and alfo a difpofition, even on points which feem the moil clear, to liiten to objections, and to confider nothing as involving in it our final intereft but an honest heart.

ï 2 Nature

t 60 ]

Nature has fo made us, that an attach- ment muft take place within us to opinions once formed -, and it was proper that we mould be fo made, in order to prevent that levity and defultorinefs of mind which muft have been the confequence had we been ready to give up our opinions too eafily and haftily. But this natural tendency, how- ever wifely given us, is apt to exceed its proper limits, and to render us unreafon- ably tenacious. It ought, therefore, like all cur other natural propenfities, to be carefully watched and guarded ; and edu- cation mould put us upon doing this. An* obfervation before made mould, in parti- cular, be inculcated, " that all mankind " have hitherto been mod tenacious when *' moll in the wrong, and reckoned them- ** felves moil enlightened when moft in the '* dark/' This is, indeed, a very morti- fying fact ;. but attention to it is neceffary to cure that miferable pride and dogmati- calnefs which are fome of the worft ene- mies to improvement. Who is there

that does not remember the time when he was entirely fatisfied about points which deeper reflexion has fhewn to be above his eomprehenlion ? Who, for inftance, does- 3 not

[ 61 3

not remember a time when he would have wondered at the queftion, " why does " water run down hill ? " What igno- rant man is there who is not perfuaded that he underftands this perfectly ? But every improved man knows it to be a ques- tion he cannot anfwer; and what difhin- guifhes him in this inftance from the lefs improved part of mankind is his know- ing this. The like is true in numberlefs other inftances. One of the beft proofs of wifdom is a fenfe of our want of wifdom -? and he who knows moil: poffefifes moft of this fenfe.

In thinking of myfelf I derive fome en-, couragement from this reflexion. I now fee, that I do not underftand many points which once appeared to me very clear. The more I have inquired, the more fen- fible I have been growing of my own dark- nefs ; and a part of the hiftory of my life is that which follows.

In early life I was ftruck with Bifliop Butler's Analogy of religion natural and revealed to the conjlitution and courfe of na- ture. I reckon it happy for me that this

book

[ 6à ]

book was one of the firft that fell into ipy hands. It taught me the proper mode of reafoning on moral and religions fub- je&s, and particularly the importance of paying a due regard to the imperfection of human knowledge. His fermons alfo, I then thought, and do flill think, excellent. Next to his works, I have always been an admirer of the writings of Dr. Clark* And I cannot help adding, however ftrange it may feem, that I owe much to the phi- lofophical writings of Mr. Hume, which I likewife ftudied early in life. Though an enemy to his Scepticifm, I have profited by it. By attacking, with great ability, every principle of truth and reafon, he put me upon examining the ground upon which I flood, and taught me not haftily

to take any thing for granted. The firft

fruits of my reading and ftudies were laid before the public in a Treatife entitled A Review of the principal 'Quejlions and Diffi- culties in Morals. This publication has been followed by many others on various fubjeds. — And now, in the evening of a life devoted to enquiry and fpent in en- deavours (weak indeed and feeble) to ferve

the

[ 63 ]

the beft interefts, prefent and future, of mankind, I am waiting for the great teacher, convinced that the order of nature is perfect ; that infinite wifdom and goodnefs govern all things ; and that Chriftianity comes from God: But at the fame time puzzled by many difficulties, anxious for more light, and refting with full and confiant aiTurance only on this

one truth -That the pradice of virtue

is the duty and dignity of man ; and, in all events, his wifeft and fafeft courfe.

Of

[ H ]

Of the Dangers to which the American States are expofed.

IN the preceding obfervations, I have aimed at pointing out the means of pro- moting the progrefs of improvement in the united States of America. I have infifted, particularly, on the importance of a juft fettlement of the federal union, and the eftablifhment of a well-guarded and perfect liberty in Speculation, in govern- ment, in education, and in religion.

The united States are now Setting out, and all depends on the care and forefight with which a plan is begun, which hereafter will require only to be flrengthened and ripened. This is, therefore, the time for giving them advice -, and mean advice (like the prefent) may fuggeft fome ufeful hints. . -In this country, when any improve- ments are propofed, or any corrections are attempted, of abufes fo grofs as to make our boafts of liberty ridiculous*, a

clamour

* The majority of the British Houfe of Com- mons is chofen by a few thoufands of the dregs of the

people, who are conftantly paid for their votes.

Is

t 65 J

clamour immediately arifes againft inno- vation, and an alarm fpreads, left the at- tempt to repair mould dejiroy. — — In Ame- rica no fuch prejudices can operate. "There abufcs have not yet gained facrednefs by time. 'There the way is open to focial dig- nity and happinefs j and reafon may utter her voice with confidence and fuccefs.

Is it not ridiculous to call a country fo governed free ? - — See a ftriking account of the State of the Britifli Parliamentary Reprefentation, in Mr. Burgh's Political Difquifitions, Vol, I. p. 39, &c.

K Of

[ 66 ]

Of Debts and Internal Wars.

T HAVE obferved in the introduction to this Addrefs, that the American States have many dangers to fhun. In what follows I mall give a brief recital of fome of the chief of thefe dangers.

The danger from an endlefs increafe of public debts has been already fuffici- ently noticed.

Particular notice has been likewife taken of the danger from internal wars. — - Again and again, I would urge the necef- fity of purfuing every meaiure and ufing every precaution which can guard againft this danger. It will be mocking to fee in the new world a repetition of all the evils which have hitherto laid wafte the old world — War raging where peace and liberty were thought to have taken their abodes — The points of bayonets and the mouths of can- non fettling difputes, inftead of the collected wifdom of the confederation — and perhaps one refllefs and ambitious State rifing by

bloody

f 67 ]

bloody conqueft above the reft, and becom- ing 'àfovereign State, claiming impioufly (as Britain once did) " full authority to make " laws that mall bind its fifter States in all " cafes whatever," and drawing to itfelf all advantages at their expence. I de- precate this calamity. I ihudder when I confider how poffible it is; and hope thofe perfons are miftaken who think that fuch are the jealoufies which govern human nature, and fuch the imperfections of the bell: human arrangements, that it is not within the reach of any wifdom to difcover any effectual means of preventing it, with- out encroaching too much on the liberty and independence of the States, I have mentioned an enlargement of the powers of Congress. Others have propofed a confolidation of the powers of government in one Parliament reprefenting all the States, and fuperfeding the particular par- liaments by which they are now feparately governed. But it is obvious, that this will be attended with greater inconveniencies, and encroach more on the liberty of the States, than the enlargement I have pro- pofed of the powers of Congress. If

K z fuch

[ 68 ]

fuch a parliament is not to fuperfedc any of the other parliaments, it will be the lame with Congress as at prefent conftituted.

Of an unequal Distribution of Property.

|T is a trite obfervation, that " dominion " is founded on property/' M oft free States have manifefted their {cniQ of the truth of this obfervation, by ftudying to find out means of preventing too great an inequality in the diftribution of property. What tu- mults were occafioned at Rome in its beft times by attempts to carry into execution the Agrarian law ? Among the people of Ifrael, by the direction of heaven, all eftates which had been alienated during the co.urfe of fifty years, returned to their original owners at the end of that term. One of the circumftances that has been moil fa- vourable to the American States in forming their new conftitutions of government has been the equality which fubfifts among them.

The

[ 69 ]

The happieft ftate of man is the middle ftate between the Jhvage and the refined, or between the wild and the luxurious ftate. Such is the ftate of lociety in Connec- ticut, and fome others of the American provinces ; where the inhabitants con lift, if I am rightly informed, of an independent and hardy Yeomanry, all nearly on a level — trained to arms, — inftrucred in their rights— cloathed in home-fpun — of fimple manners — ftrangers to luxury — drawing plenty from the ground — and that plenty, gathered eafily by the hand of induftry; and giving rife to early marriages, a nume- rous progeny, length of days, and a rapid increafe- — the rich and the poor, the haughty grandee and the creeping fycophant, equally unknown — protected by laws, which (be- ing their own will) cannot opprefs; and by an equal government, which wanting lucrative places, cannot create corrupt can-

vafiings f and ambitious intrigue.- O dir

ftinguiihed people ! May you continue

* In this State, and alio the State of MaJJachufetts, Nezv Jeiyrey, &c. any attempt to canva% or even the ex- prefiion of a wi(h to be chofen, will exclude a candi- date from a feat in the Houfe of Reprefentatives. The fame is true of any ftain en his moral character.

long

t 7° ]

long thus happy ; and may the happinefs you enjoy fpread over the face of the whole earth ! — But I am forgetting myfelf. There is danger that a ftate of fociety fo happy will not be of long duration ; that fimplicity and virtue will give way to depravity -, that equa- lity will in time be loft, the curfed luft of do- mineering mew itfelf, liberty languish, and civil government gradually degenerate into an infiniment in the hands of the few to opprefs and plunder the many. — Such has hitherto been the prog re fs of evil in human affairs. In order to give them a better turn, fome great men [Plato, Sir Thomas More, Mr. Wallis, &c.) have propofed plans, which, by eftablifhing a community of goods and annihilating property, would make it impoffible for any one member of a State to think of enflaving the reft, or to confider himfelf as having any intereft diftin£t from that of his fellow-citizens. Such theories are in fpeculation pleafing; nor perhaps are they wholly impracticable. Some approaches to them may hereafter be made \ and fchemes of government may take place, which {hall leave fo little, beiîdes perfonal merit, to be a means of diftinclion,

as

[ 7* ] as to exclude from fociety moft of the caufes of evil. But be this as it will; it is out of doubt that there is an equality in fociety which is effential to liberty, and which every State that would continue virtuous and happy ought as far as poffible to main- tain.— It is not in my power to defcribe the beft method of doing this. — I will only o'bferve, that there are three enemies to equality again ft which America ought to guard.

Firft; " Granting hereditary honours and titles of nobility. Perfons thus diftin- guifhed, though perhaps meaner than the meaner! of their dependents, are apt to con- fider themfelves as belonging to a higher order of beings, and made for power and government. Their birth and rank necef- farily difpofe them to be hoftile to general liberty ; and when they are not fo, and difcover a juft zeal for the rights of man- kind, it is always a triumph of good fenfe and virtue over the temptations of their fituation. It is, therefore, with peculiar fatisfa&ion that I have found in the articles of confederation an order that no titles of nobility mall be ever granted by the united States. Let

there

[ 72 ]

there be honours to encourage merit ; but let thern die with the men who have earned them. Let them not defcend to pofterity to fofter a fpirit of domination, and to produce a proud and tyrannical ariftocracy. — In a word; let the united States continue for ever what it is now their glory to be — a confederation of States profperous and happy, without Lords — without Bishops* — and without Kings.

Secondly ; The right of primogeniture. The tendency of this to produce an im- proper inequality is very obvious. The difpofition to raife a name, by accumu- lating property in one branch of a family, is a vanity no lefs unjuit and cruel, than

* I do not mean by Bifliops any officers among Chrif- tians merely fpiriiual ; but Lords fpiritual, as diftin- guimed from Lords temporal, or Clergymen raifed to pre- eminence, and invc&ed with civil honours and authority by a State eftablifhment.

I muft add, that by what is here faid I do not mean to cxprefs a. general preference of a republican conftitution of government. There is a degree of political dege- neracy which unfits for fuch a conftitution. Britain7, in particular, confifts too much of the high and the low, (of J "cum and dregs) to admit of it. Nor will it fuit Ame- rica^ fhould it ever become equally corrupt.

dangerous 6

t. 73 ]

dangerous to the intereft of liberty ; and no wife State will encourage or tolerate it.

Thirdly; Foreign Trade is another of the enemies againfl which I wifh to caution the united States. But this ope- rates unfavourably to a State in fo many more ways than by deftroying that equa- lity which is the bafis of liberty, that it will be proper to take more particular notice of it,

Of

[ 74 ]

Of Trade, Banks, and Paper Credit.

T7 0REIGN trade has, in fome refpedts, the mod: ufefuî tendency, By creating an intercourfe between diftant kingdoms, it extends benevolence, removes local pre- judices, leads every man to confider him- felf more as a citizen of the world than of any particular State, and, confequently, checks the exceffes of that Love of our Country* which has been applauded as

one

* The love of our country is then only a noble paf- fion when it engages us to promote the internal hap- pinefs of our country, and to defend its rights and liber- tics againft domeftic and foreign invafion, maintaining at the fame time an equal regard to the rights and liber- ties of other countries. But this has not been its mofl common effects. On the contrary, it has in general been nothing but a fpirit of rivalfhip between different communities, producing contention and a third: for con- queft and dominion. — What is his country to zRujftan, a Turk, a Spaniard, &c. but a fpot where he enjoys no rights, and is difpofed of by owners as if he was a beaft f And what is his love to his country but an attachment to degradation and flavery ? — What was the love of their country among the jfews but a wretched partiality for themfélves and a proud contempt for other nations ?

Among

[ 75 ]

one of the nobleft, but which, really, is one of the mofl: deftruBive principles in human

nature. -Trade alio, by enabling every

country to draw from other countries con- veniences and advantages which it cannot find within itfelf, produces among nations a fenfe of mutual dependence, and promotes the general improvement. — But there is no part of mankind to which thefe ufes of trade are of lefs confequence than the American States. They are fpread over a great continent, and make a world within themielves. The country they inhabit includes foils and climates of all forts, producing not only every nece£ary9 but every convenience of life. And the vaft rivers and wide-fpread lakes which inter- feet it, create fuch an inland communica- tion between its different parts, as is un- known in any other region of the earth, They poffefs then within themfelves the

Among the Romans alfo what was it, however great in many of its exertions, but a principle holding together a band of robbers in their attempts to crufh all liberty but their own? — Chriilianity has wifely omitted to re- commend this principle. Had it done this, it would have countenanced a vice among mankind.— -It has done what is infinitely better — It has recommended uni- versal BENEVOLENCE.

L 2 beft

[ 76 ] beft means of the m oft profitable internal traffic, and the ampleft' fcope for it. Why mould they look much farther ? What occaiion can they have for being anxious about pufhing foreign trade -, or even about raifing a great naval force ? — Britain, in- deed, confifting as it does of unarmed in- habitants, and threatened as it is by am- bitious and powerful neighhours, cannot hope to maintain its exiftence long after becoming open to invafion by lofing its

naval fuperiority. But this is not the

cafe with the American States. They have no powerful neighbours to dread. The vaft Atlantic muft be croffed before they can be attacked. They are all a well- trained militia -, and the fuccefsful refiftance which, in their infancy and without a naval force, they have made to the invafion of the firft European power, will probably difcourage and prevent all future invafions. Thus Angularly happy, why fhould they feek connexions with Europe, and expofe themfelves to the danger of being involved in its quarrels ? — What have they to do with its politics ? — Is there any thing very important to them which they can draw from thence — except Infection ? In- deed,

[ 77 ] deed, I tremble when I think of that rage for trade which is likely to prevail among them. It may do them infinite mifchief. All na- tions are fpreading fnares for them, and courting them to a dangerous intercourfe. Their befr. intereft requires them to guard themfelves by all proper means -, and, parti- cularly, by laying heavy duties on impor- tations. But in no cafe will any means fucceed unlefs aided by Manners. In this inftance, particularly, there is reafon to fear that an increafing paflion for foreign frip- pery will render all the befr. regulations ineffectual. And mould this happen, that fimplicity of character, that manlinefs of fpirit, that difdain of tinfel in which true dignity confifls, will difappear. Effemi- nacy, fervility and venality will enter 3 and liberty and virtue be fwallowed up in the gulph of corruption. Such may be the courfe of events in the American States. Better infinitely will it be for them to confift of bodies of plain and honefi; farmers, rather than opulent and fplendid merchants. Where in thefe

M^^^r>msLj^^is prevail ?

Wf,e VfifttUBfflWtfre moft on

an equality, and moil at their eaie'h*^

it

[ 73 J

it not in thofe inland parts where agri- culture gives health and plenty, and trade is fcarcely known ? Where, on the con- trary, are the inhabitants moil: felfifh, lux- urious, loofe, and vicious; and at the fame time moil unhappy ? Is it not along the fea coafts, and in the great towns, where

trade nourishes and merchants abound ?

So ftriking is the effect of thefe different lituations on the vigour and happinefs of human life, that in the one population would languiih did it receive no aid from emigrations ; while in the other it increafes to a degree fcarcely ever before known.

But to proceed to fome obfervations of a different nature-

The united States have, I think, par- ticular reafon to dread the following effects of foreign trade.

By increafing importation to feed luxury and gratify prodigality, it will carry out their coin, and occafion the fubftitution of a delufive paper currency , the confequence of which will be, that ideal wealth will take place of real, and their fecurity come

/ 0Wlf(on tne ftrengt1a anc* duration of a

7 Bubble, I am very fenfible that paper

/i ( et* riU. P^&corU^ crh firrxXau^ credit

filSca J _ . 0

[ 79 ]

credit is'one of the greateft of all conve- niences ; but this makes it likewife one of the greateft of all temptations. A public Bank, (while it can circulate its bills) faci- liates commerce, and affifts the exertions of a State in proportion to its credit. But when it is not carefully reftricred and watched ; when its emiffions exceed the coin it can command, and are carried near the utmoft length that the confidence of the public will allow ; and when, in con- fequence of this, its permanence comes to depend on the permanence of public cre- dulity— în thefe circumftances, a Bank, though it may for a time (that is, while a balance of trade too unfavourable does not occafion a run, and no events arife which produce alarms) anfwer all the ends of a mine from which millions may be drawn in a minute ; and, by filling a king- dom with cafh, render it capable of fuf- taining any debts, and give it a kind of Omnipotence. — In fuch circumftances, I fay, notwithstanding thefe temporary ad- vantages, a public Bank rnuft at lajl prove a great calamity ; and a kingdom fo f up- ported, at the very time of its greateft

exer-

[ So ]

exertions, will be only driving more vio- lently to increafe the horror of an ap- proaching convulfion.

The united States have already verified fome of thefe obfervations, and felt in fome degree the confequences to which I have alluded. They have been carried through the war by an emiffion of paper which had no folid fupport, and which now has loft all value. It is indeed furpriiing that, being fecured on no fund and incapable of being exchanged for coin, it fhould ever have obtained a currency, or anfwered any important purpofe.

Unhappily for Britain, it has ufed the means of giving more inability to its paper- credit, and been enabled by it to fupport expences greater than any that have been yet known, and to contract a debt which now ajlonifies, and may hereafter produce a cataftrophe that will terrify the world. — A longer duration of the late war would have brought on this cataftrophe immedi- ately. The Peace has put it off for the prefent. God grant if ftill poflible, that mealures may be adopted which mall put it off for ever.

Of

[ 8i ]

Of Oaths.

AATHS are expedients to which all ^^^ States have had recourfe in order to obtain true information and afcertain facts by fecuring the veracity of witnefTes. But I know not how to relifh that imprecation which always makes a part of an oath. Perhaps,- there is no fuch neceffity for it as is commonly imagined. An Affir- mation folemnly made, with laws in- flicting fevere penalties on falfhood when detected, would probably anfwer all the ends of oaths. — I am, therefore, difpofed to wifh, that in the united States impre- catory oaths may be aboliihed, and the fame indulgence in this refpect granted to all which is now granted to the Quakers. But I am afraid they will think this too dangerous an experiment; and what is of mofl confequence is to avoid,

Firft, Such a multiplicity of oaths as will render them too familiar.

And, Secondly, A flight manner of ad- miniftering them. England, in this re-

M fpect,

[ 82 ]

fpect, feems to be funk to the loweft pof- Jible degree of degeneracy. Oaths among us are required on fo many occafions, and ib carelefsly adminiftered, as to have loft almoft all their ufe and efficacy. It has been afferted, that, including oaths of office, oaths at elections, cuftom-houfe oaths, &c. &c. there are about a million of perjuries committed in this kingdom annu- ally. This is one of the moll: atrocious

of our national iniquities; and it is a wonder if we are not to be vifited for it with fome of the fevered of God's judg- ments.

Of

Of the Negro Trade and Slavery.

T

HE Negro Trade cannot be cen- fured in language too fevere. It is a traffick which, as it has been hitherto car- ried on, is mocking to humanity, cruel, wicked, and diabolical. I am happy to find that the united States are entering into meaiures . for diicountenancing it, and for abolishing the odious ilavery which it has introduced. 'Till they have done this, it will not appear they deferve the liberty for which they have been contending. For it is felf-evident, that if there are any men whom they have a right to hold in Ilavery, there may be others who have had a right

to hold them in ilavery. I am fen fi hie,

however, that this is a work which they cannot accomplish at once. The emanci- pation of the Negroes muft, I fuppofe, be left in fome meafure to be the effect of time and of manners. But nothing can excufe the united States if it is not done with as much fpeed, and at the fame time with as much effect, as their particular M 2 cir-

[ 3+ j

circumftances and fituation will allow. I rejoice that on this occafion I can recom- mend to them the example of my own

country. In Britain, a Negro becomes a

freeman the moment he lets his foot on BritiJJj ground.

Conclusion.

OUCH is the advice which I would humbly (but earnejlly) offer to the united States

of America. Such are the means by

which they may become the feats of li- berty, fcience, peace, and virtue -, happy within themfelves, and a refuge to the world.

Often, while employed in writing thefe papers, have I widied for a warning voice of more power. The prefent moment, however aufpicious to the united States if wifely improved, is critical ; and, though apparently the end of all their dangers, may prove the time of their greater!: danger. I have, indeed, fince finifhing this Ad- drefs, been mortified more than I can ex-

prefs

[ §5 ]

p re is by accounts which have led me to fear that I have carried my ideas of them too high, and deceived myfelf with

vifionary expectations. And mould this

be true — Should the return of peace and the pride of independence lead them to fecurity and diffipation — Should they lofe thofe virtuous and fimple manners by which alone Republics can long fubfifl — Should falfe refinement, luxury, and im- piety, fpread among them ; exceffive jea- loufy diftracr. their governments -, and claming interefls, fubject to no ftrong

controul, break the federal union The

confequence will be, that the faireft ex- periment ever tried in human affairs will mifcarry ; and that a Revolution which had revived the hopes of good men and promifed an opening to better times, will become a difcouragement to all future ef- forts in favour of liberty, and prove only an opening to a new fcene of human de- generacy and mifery.

FINIS.

[ 89 ]

ADVERTISEMENT.

'T^HE following letter was written by the late M. Turgot, Comptroller General (in the years 1774, 1775, and 1776) of the finances of France. It contains obferva- tions in which the United States are deeply concerned ; and, for this reafon, I now convey it to them, not doubting but that the eminence of M. Turgors name and character will recommend it to their at- tention, and that it will do honour to his memory among all the friends of public liberty.

N

A Monjietar

»

t 90 1

A Monfieur Price,

A Londres.

A Paris, le 22 Mars, 1778.

/[R. FRANKLIN m'a remis, Monfieur, A de votre part, la nouvelle édition de vos obiervations fur la liberté civile, &c. Je vousdois un double remerciment; i° de votre ouvrage cent je connois depuis longtems le prix, et que j'avois lu avec avidité, malgré les occupations multipliées, dont j'etois af- failh, lorfc u'il a paru pour la premiere fois -, 2° de l'honnêteté que vous avez eue de re- trancher l'imputation de maladreffe * que vous aviez mêlée au bien que vous diriez d'ailleurs de moi dans vos obiervations addi- tionelles. J'aurois pu la mériter, fi vous n'aviez eu en vue d'autre maladreffe que ctlle de n'avoir pas fçu démêler les refforts

* VV hat is here faid refers to an account of M. Tur- cot's admin iilration in the fécond tract on Civil Liberty and the War with America, p. 15c, &c. In the fuit edi- tion of this tract I had mentioned improperly his want cf addrefs among the other caufes of his difmiiiion from power. This occafioned a letter from him to in- form me of the true reafons of his difmiiiion, and begun that correfpondence of which this letter is a part, and which continued till his death.

d'intrigues

[ 9i ]

d'intrigues que faifoient jouer contre moi des gens beaucoup plus adroits en ce genre .que je ne le fuis, que je ne le ferai jamais, et que je ne veux l'être. Mais il m'a paru que vous m'imputiez la maladreffe d'avoir choqué groffierement l'opinion générale de ma nation ; et à cet égard je crois que vous n'aviez rendu juftice ni à moi, ni à ma nation, où il y a beaucoup plus de lumières qu'on ne le croit généralement chez vous, et où peut-être il eft plus ailé que chez vous même de ramener le public à des idées rai- fonnables. J'en juge par l'infatuation de votre nation fur ce projet abfurde de lub- juguer l'Amérique, qui a duré jufqu'à ce que l'aventure de Burgoyne ait commencé à lui defliller les yeux. J'en juge par le fyftême de monopole et d'exclufion qui règne chez tous vos écrivains politiques fur le com- merce, (J'excepte Mr. Adam Smith et le Doyen Tucker) fyftême qui eft le véritable principe de votre féparation avec vos colo- nies. J'en juge par tous vos écrits polé- miques fur les queftions qui vous agitent depuis une vingtaine d'années, et dans lef- queîs avant que le vôtre eut paru, je ne me rappelle prefque pas d'en avoir lu un, où le vrai point de la queftion ait été faifi. Je n'ai pas conçu comment une nation qui a N 2 cultivé

[ 92 ]

cultivé avec tant de fuccès toutes les branches des fciences naturelles a pu refter fi fort au deffous d'elle même, dans la fcience la plus intereflante de toutes, celle du bonheur public ; dans une fcience où la liberté de la prefle, dont elle feule jouit, auroit dû lui donner fur toutes les autres nations de l'Europe un avantage prodi- gieux. Eft-ce l'orgueil national qui vous a empêchés de mettre à profit cet avantage ? Eft-ce parce que vous étiez un peu moins mal que les autres, que vous avez tourné toutes vos fpéculations à vous perfuader que vous étiez bien ? Eft-ce l'efprit de parti, et l'envie de fe faire un appui des opinions populaires qui a retardé vos progrès, en portant vos politiques à traiter de vaine * métaphyfique toutes les fpéculations qui tendent à établir des principes fixes fur les droits et les vrais intérêts des individus et des nations ? Comment fe fait-il que vous foyez prefque le premier parmi vos écrivains qui ayez donné des notions juftes de la liberté, et qui ayez fait fentir la faurTeté de cette notion rebattue par pref- que tous les écrivains les plus républicains,

* See Mr. Burke's letter to the Sheriffs of Briflol

que

[ n ]

que la liberté confiftp à n'être fournis qu'aux loix, comme "fi un homme opprimé par une loi injufte êtoit libre. Cela ne feroit pas même vrai quand on fuppoferoit que toutes les loix font l'ouvrage de la nation affemblée; car enfin l'individu a auffi des droits que la nation ne peut lui ôter, que par la violence et par un ufage illégitime de la force générale. Quoique vous ayez eu égard à cette vérité, et que vous vous en foyez expliqué, . peut-être méritoit-elle que vous la dévelopaffiez avec plus d'étendue, vu le peu d'attention qu'y ont donnée même les plus zélés partifans de la liberté.

C'eft encore une chofe étrange que ce ne fût pas en Angleterre une vérité triviale de dire qu'une nation ne peut jamais avoir droit de gouverner une autre nation -, et qu'un pareil gouvernement ne peut avoir d'autre fondement que la force, qui eft auffi le fondement du brigandage et de la ty- rannie; que la tyrannie d'un peuple eft de toutes les tyrannies connues la plus cruelle et la plus intolérable, celle qui laifle le moins de reflource à l'opprimé ; car enfin un defpote eft arrêté par ion propre intérêt, il a le frein du remords, ou celui de l'ooi-

nion

[ 94 ]

nion publique, mais une multitude ne cal- cule rien, n'a jamais de remords et fe de- cerne à elle même la gloire lors qu'elle mérite le plus de honte.

Les événemens font pour la nation Angloife un terrible commentaire de votre livre. Depuis quelques mois ils fe précipitent avec une rapidité très ac- célérée. Le dénouement eft arrivé par rap- port à l'Amérique. La voila indépendante fans retour. Sera-t'elle libre et heureufe ? Ce peuple nouveau fitué fi avantageufe- ment pour donner au monde l'exemple d'une conftitution où l'homme jouiffe de tous fes droits, exerce librement toutes fes facultés, et ne foit gouverné que par la nature, la raifon et la juftice, faura-t'il former une pareille conftitution ? faura-t'il l'affermir fur des fondemens éternels, prévenir toutes les caufes de diviiion et de corruption qui peuvent la miner peu-à-peu et la détruire ?

Je ne fuis point content je l'avoue des conftitutions qui ont été rédigées jufqu'à- préfent par les différens Etats Américains. Vous reprochez avec raifon à celle de la Penfylvanie le ferment religieux exigé pour

avoir

t 95 3

avoir entrée dans le corps des repréfentans. C'eft bien pis dans les autres ; il y en a une, je crois que c'eft celle des Jerfeis qui exige ("j") #****##********■& Je vois dans le plus grand nombre l'imi- tation fans objet des ufages de l'Angleterre. Au lieu de ramener toutes les autorités à une feule, celle de la nation, l'on établit des corps différens, un corps des repréfentans, un confeil, un gouverneur, parce que l'An- gleterre a une chambre des communes, une chambre haute et un Roi. On s'occupe a balancer ces différens pouvoirs; comme fi cet équilibre de forces, qu'on a pu croire neceffaire pour balancer l'énorme prépon- dérance de la Royauté, pouvoit être de quelque ufage dans des Républiques fondées fur l'égalité de tous les citoyens; et comme fi tout ce qui établit différens corps n'êtoit pas une fource de divifions. En voulant prévenir des dangers chimériques, on en fait naitre de réels ; on veut n'avoir rien à

(f) It is the conftitution of Delaware that impofes the teft here meant. That of the Jerjies, with a noble iibe- raiity, orders that there ihall never in that province be any efrablifhment of any one religious feci: in preference to another, and that all Proteftants of all perfuafions ihall enjoy equal rights and privileges.

craindre

[ 90 ]

craindre du clergé, on le réunit fous là barrière d'une profcription commune. En l'excluant du droit d'éligibilité, on en fait un corps, et un corps étranger à l'Etat. Pourquoi un citoyen, qui a le même in- térêt que les autres à la defenfe commune de fa liberté et de fes propriétés, eft-il exclus d'y contribuer de fes lumières et de fes vertus, parce qu'il eft d'une profeffion qui exige des lumières et des vertus ? Le clergé n'eft dangereux que quand il exifte en corps dans l'Etat; que quand il croit avoir en corps des droits et des intérêts, que quand on a imaginé d'avoir une religion établie pat la loi, comme fi les hommes pouvoient avoir quelque droit, ou quelque intérêt à régler la confcience les uns des autres -, comme fi l'individu pouvoit facri- fier aux avantages de la focieté civile les opinions auxquelles il croit fon falut éter- nel attaché ; comme fi l'on fe fa u voit, ou fe damnoit, en commun. Là où la vraye tolé- rance, c'eft-à-dire l'incompétence abfolue du gouvernement fur la confcience des in- dividus, eft établie, l'eccleiiaftique au milieu de l'aflemblée nationale n'eft qu'un ci- toyen, lorfqu'il y eft admis ; il redevient eçcleiiaftique lorfqu'on l'en exclut.

Je

[ 97 J

Je ne vois pas qu'on fe foit affez occupé de réduire au plus petit nombre poffible, les genres d'affaires dont le gouvernement de chaque Etat fera chargé; ni à féparer les objets de légiflation, de ceux d'adminiftra- tion générale et de ceux d'adminiftration particulière et locale ; à constituer des af- femblées locales fubfiftantes, qui rem- pliffant prefque toutes les fondions de detail du gouvernement difpenfent les affemblées générales de s'en occuper, et ôtent aux membres de celles-ci tout moyen, et peut-être tout défir d'abufer d'une autorité qui ne peut s'appliquer qu'à des objets généraux et par là même étrangers aux petites pallions qui agitent les hommes.

Je ne vois pas qu'on ait fait attention à la grande diftindtion la feule fondée fur la nature entre deux claffes d'hommes, celle des propriétaires de terres, et celle des non- propriétaires ; à leurs intérêts et par confé- quent à leurs droits différens, relativement à la légiflation, à i'adminiitration de la juf- tice et de la police, à la contribution aux dépenfes publiques et à leur emploi,

O Nul

[ 98 J

Nul principe fixe établi fur l'impôt; on fuppofe que chaque province peut fe taxer à fa fantaifie, établir des taxes perfonnelles, do ixes iur ics con fom mations, fur les importations, c'eft-à-dire fe donner un intérêt contraire à l'intérêt des autres provinces.

On fuppofe par tout le droit de régler le commerce; on autoriie même les corps exe- cutifs, ou les gouverneurs à prohiber l'ex- portation de certaines denrées dans certaines occurrences ; tant on eft loin d'avoir fenti que la loi de la liberté entière de tout com- merce eft un corollaire du droit de pro- priété ; tant on eft encore plongé dans le brouillard des illufions Européennes.

Dans l'union générale des provinces en- tre elles, je ne vois point une coalition, une fuiion de toutes les parties, qui n'en fafle qu'un corps im, et homogène. Ce n'eft qu'une aggregation de parties, toujours trop féparées, et qui confervent toujours une tendance à fe divifer, par la diverfité de leurs loix, de leurs mœurs, de leurs opinions; par l'inégalité de leurs forces actuelles; plus encore par l'inégalité de leurs progrès ulté- rieurs.

[ 99 ]

rieurs. Ce n'eft qu'une copie de la Ré- publique Hollandoife ; et celle-ci même n'avoit pas à craindre comme la Répub- lique Américaine les accroifTemens pof- fibles de quelques unes de fes provinces. Tout cet édifice efl: appuyé jufqu'à pré- fent fur la bâfe fauffe de la très ancienne et très vulgaire politique; fur le préjugé que les nations, les provinces, peuvent avoir des intérêts, en corps de province et de nation, autres que celui qu'ont les individus d'être libres et de défendre leurs propriétés contre les brigan et les conquerans : intérêt pré- tendu de faire plus de commerce que les autres, dene point acheter les marchandifes de l'étranger, de forcer l'étranger à con- fommer leurs productions et les ouvrages de leurs manufactures : intérêt prétendu d'avoir un territoire plus vafte, d'acquérir telle ou telle province, telle ou telle ifle, tel ou tel village: intérêt d'infpirer la crainte aux autres nations: intérêt de l'emporter fur elles par la gloire des armes, par celle des arts et des fciences.

Quelques-uns de ces préjugés font fo- mentés en Europe, parce que la rivalité ancienne des nations et l'ambition des O 2 princes

[ xoo ]

princes oblige tous les Etats à fe tenir armés pour fe défendre contre leurs voiiins armés, et à regarder la force militaire comme l'objet principal du gouvernement. L'Amérique a le bonheur de ne pouvoir avoir d'ici à bien longtems d'ennemi extérieur à craindre, fi elle ne fe divife elle même; ainfi elle peut et doit apprécier à leur jufte valeur ces pré- tendus intérêts, ces fujets de difeorde qui feuls font à redouter pour fa liberté. Avec le principe -facré de la liberté du commerce regardé comme une fuite du droit de la propriété, tous les prétendus intérêts de commerce difparoifTent. Les prétendus in- térêts de poffeder plus ou moins de terri- toires s'évanouiffent par le principe que le territoire n'appartient point aux nations, mais aux individus propriétaires des terres ; que la queftion de favoir fi tel canton, tel village, doit appartenir à telle province, g, tel Etat ne doit point être décidée par' le prétendu intérêt de cette province ou de cet Etat, mais par celui qu'ont les habitans de tel canton ou de tel village de fe raflembler pour leurs affaires dans le lieu où il leur eft le plus commode d'aller; que cet intérêt étant mefuré par le plus ou moins de

chemin

[ »oi ]

chemin qu'un homme peut faire loin de fon domicile pour traiter quelques affaires plus importantes fans trop nuire à fes af- faires journalières, devient une mefure na- turelle et phyfique de l'étendue des jurif- dictions et des Etats, et établit entre tous un équilibre * d'étendue et de forces, qui écarte tout danger d'inégalité, et toute prétention à la fupériorité.

L'intérêt d'etre craint eft nul quand on ne demande rien à perfonne, et quand on eit dans une pofition où l'on ne peut être at- taqué par des forces confidérables avec quelque efpérance de fuccès.

La gloire des armes ne vaut pas le bon- heur de vivre en paix. La gloire des arts, des feiences appartient à quiconque veut s'en faifir ^ il y a dans ce genre à moiïïbnner pour tout le monde; le champ des découvertes

* This feems to be a particular of much confequence. The great inequality now exifting, and which is likely to increafe, between the different otates, is a very un- favourable circumftance ; and the embaraflment and danger to which it expofes the union ought to be guarded againft as far as poflible in laying out future States.

eft

t *02 3

eft inépuifable, et tous profitent des décou- vertes de tous.

J'imagine que les Américains n'en font pas encore à fentir toutes ces vérités, comme il faut qu'ils les fentent pour affurer le bonheur de leur poftérité. Je ne blâme pas leurs chefs. Il a fallu pourvoir au befoin du moment par une union telle quelle, contre un ennemi préfent et redou- table -, on n'avoit pas le tems de fonger à corriger les vices des conftitutions et de la compofition des différens états. Mais ils doivent craindre de les éternifer, et s'oc- cuper des moyens de réunir les opinions et les intérêts et de les ramener à des prin- cipes uniformes dans toutes leurs pro- vinces.

Ils ont à cet égard de grands obftacles à vaincre.

En Canada, la conftitution du clergé Ro- main, et l'exiftence d'un corps de noblefle.

Dans la Nouvelle Angleterre, l'efprit en- core fubfiflant du Puritanilme rigide, et toujours, dit on, un peu * intolérant.

* This has been once true of the inhabitants of New- England^ but it is not fo now. See p. 47.

Dans

[ *?3 ]

Dans la Penfylvanie, un très grand nom- bre de citoyens établiflant en principe reli- gieux que la profeffion des armes eft illicite, et fe refufant par conféquent aux arrange- mens néceffaires pour que le fondement de la force militaire de l'Etat, foit la réunion de la qualité de citoyen avec celle d'homme de guerre et de milicien ; ce qui oblige à faire du métier de la guerre un métier de mer- cenaires.

Dans les colonies méridionales, une trop grande inégalité de fortunes, et fur tout le grand nombre d'efclaves noirs dont l'efcla- vage eft incompatible avec une bonne con- ftitution politique, et qui même en leur rendant la liberté embarrafferont encore en formant deux nations dans le même Etat.

Dans toutes, les préjugés, l'attachement aux formes établies, l'habitude de certaines taxes, la crainte de celles qu'il faudroit y fubftituer, la vanité des colonies qui fe font cru les plus puiffantes, et un malheureux commencement d'orgueil national. Je crois les Américains forcés à s'agrandir, non pas

par

[ io4 ]

par la guerre, mais par la culture. S'ils laiffoient derrière eux les délerts immenfes qui s'étendent jufqu'à la mer de l'Oued: il s'y etabliroit du mélange de leurs bannis, et des mauvais fujets échappés à la féverité des loix, avec les fauvages : des peuplades de brigands qui ravageroient l'Amérique, comme les barbares du nord ont ravagé l'empire Romain ; de là un autre danger, la néceffité de fe tenir en armes fur la fron- tière et d'être dans un état de guerre con- tinuelle. Les colonies voifines de la fron- tière feroient en conféquence plus aguerries que les autres, et cette inégalité dans la force militaire feroit un aiguillon terrible pour l'ambition. Le remède à cette inéga- lité feroit d'entretenir une force militaire fubfiftante à laquelle toutes les provinces contribueroient en raifon de leur population -, et les Américains qui ont encore toutes les craintes que doivent avoir les Anglois re- doutent plus que toute chofe une armée per- manente. Ils ont tort. Rien n'eft plus aifé quedelierlaconftitutiond'unearméeperma- nente avec la milice, de façon que la milice en devienne meilleure, et que la liberté n'en foit que plus affermie. Mais il eft mal aifé de calmer fur cela leurs allarmes.

Voila

[ i°5 J Voila bien des difficultés, et peut-être les intérêts fecrets des particuliers puiffans fe joindront-ils aux préjugés de la multi- tude pour arrêter les efforts des vrais fages et des vrais citoyens.

Il eft impoffible de ne pas faire des vœux pour que ce peuple parvienne à toute la profpérité dont il eft fufceptible. Il eft l'efpérance du genre humain. Il peut en devenir le modèle. Il doit prouver au monde, par le fait, que les hommes peuvent être libres et tranquilles, et peuvent fe païfer des chaînes de toute efpece que les tyrans et les charlatans de toute robe ont prétendu leur impôfer fous le prétexte du bien public. Il doit donner l'exemple de la liberté politique, de la liberté religieufe, de la liberté du commerce et de l'induftrie. L'afyle qu'il ouvre à tous les opprimés de toutes les nations doit con- foler la terre. La facilité d'en profiter pour fe dérober aux fuites d'un mauvais gou- vernement forcera les gouvernemens d'être juftes, et de s'éclairer ; le refte du monde ouvrira peu-à-peu les yeux fur le néant des illufions dont les politiques fe font bercés. Mais il faut pour cela que l'Amérique s'en P garanti lie,

[ io6 ]

garantiiTe, et qu'elle ne redevienne pas comme l'ont tant répété vos écrivains mi- nifteriels une image de notre Europe, un amas de puiffances divifées, fe difputant des territoires ou des profits de commerce, et cimentant continuellement l'efclavage des peuples par leur propre fang.

Tous les hommes éclairés, tous les amis de l'humanité devroient en ce moment ré- unir leurs lumières et joindre leurs réfle- xions à celles des fages Américains pour concourir au grand ouvrage de leur legis- lation. Cela feroit digne de vous, Mon- fïeur ; je voudrois pouvoir échauffer votre zèle ; et fi dans cette lettre je me fuis livré plus que je ne l'aurois dû peut-être à l'effu- fion de mes propres idées, ce dêfir a été mon unique motif, et m'exeufera à ce que j'efpere de l'ennui que je vous aurai caufé. Je voudrois que le fang qui a coulé, qui coulera encore dans cette querelle ne fût pas inutile au bonheur du genre humain.

Nos deux nations vont fe faire récipro- quement bien du mal, probablement fans qu'aucune d'elles en retire un profit réel.

L'ac-

[ io7 ]

L'accroiflement des dettes et des charges, •$• "sjf ^ % ^ ^ ^ ^f "^ v v v "H? e t 1 a ruine d'un grand nombre de citoyens en feront peut-être Tunique refultat. L'Angleterre m'en paroit plus près encore que la France. Si au lieu de cette guerre vous aviez pu vous exécuter de bonne grace dès le premier moment, s'il êtoit donné à la politique de faire d'avance ce qu'elle fera infailliblement forcée de faire plus tard, fi l'opinion na- tionale avoit pu permettre à votre gou- vernement de prévenir les evenemens, en fuppofant qu'il les eut prévus, s'il eût pu confentir d'abord à l'indépendance de l'Amérique fans faire la guerre à perfonne, je crois fermement que votre nation n'au- roit rien perdu à ce changement. Elle y perdra aujourd'hui ce qu'elle a dépenfé, ce qu'elle dépenfera encore ; elle éprouvera^ une grande diminution pour quelque teins dans fon commerce, de grands boulever- femens intérieurs fi elle eft forcée à la ban- queroute ; et quoiqu'il arrive une grande diminution dans l'influence politique au dehors, mais ce dernier article eft d'une bien petite importance pour le bonheur réel d'un peuple, et je ne fuis point du tout de l'avis de l'Abbé Rainai dans votre èpi- P 2 graphe.

[ io8 ]

graphe. Je ne crois point que ceci vous mené à devenir une nation meprifable, et vous jette dans l'efclavage.

Vos malheurs feront peut-être au con- traire l'effet d'une amputation néceffaire ; ils font peut-être le feul moyen de vous fauver de la cangrene du luxe et de la corruption. Si dans vos agitations vous pouviez corriger votre conftitution en ren- dant les elections annuelles, en repartiffant le droit de repréfentation d'une manière plus égale et plus proportionnée aux in- térêts des repréfentés, vous gagneriez peut-être autant que l'Amérique à cette révolution ; car votre liberté vous refteroit, et vos autres pertes fe rêpareroient bien vite avec elle et par elle.

Vous devez juger, Monfieur, par la fran- chife avec laquelle je m'ouvre à vous fur ces points délicats, de l'eftime que vous m'avez infpirêe, et de la fatisfaclion que j'éprouve à penfer qu'il y a quelque reffemblance entre nos manières de voir. Je compte bien que cette * confidence n'eft que pour vous.

Je

* In compliance with Mr. Turgors defire, this let- ter was kept private during his life. Since his death I

have

[ io9 ]

Je vous prie même de ne point me répondre en détail par la porte, car votre rêponfe feroit infailliblement ouverte dans nos bureaux de pofte, et Ton me trouveroit beaucoup trop ami de la liberté pour un miniftre, même pour un miniftre difgracié !

J'ai l'honneur d'etre, Monfïeur, avec toute la confideration poffible,

Votre très humble, et très obeifTant ferviteur,

TURGOT.

have thought the publication of it a duty which I owe to his memory, as well as to the United States and the world. I can add, with much fatisfaclion, that my venerable friend whofe name introduces this letter; and alfo, that fome intimate friends of Mr. Turgct's, who have been confulted on this fubject, concur with me in this fentiment.

Note

Note for Page 5th.

Who could have thought, in the firft ages of the world, that mankind would acquire the power of determining the diftances and magnitudes of the fun and planets ?

-Who, even at the beginning of this century, would

have thought that in a few years they would acquire the power of fubjecling to their wills the dreadful force of

lightening, and of flying in areoftatic machines ?

The laft of thefe powers, though fo long undiscovered, is only an eafy application of a power always known and familiar. Many fimilar difcoveries may remain to be made, which will give new directions to human affairs ; and it may not perhaps be too extravagant to imagine that ((hould civil government throw no obftaclcs in the way) the progrefs of improvement will not ceafe till it has ex- cluded from the earth, not only vice and war, but even death itfelf, and reftored that paradifaical ftate, which, according to the Mo/aie hiftory, preceded our prefent . ftate.

Note for Page 53d.

The imperfection of real knowledge may often produce an unreafonable incredulity. Had the beft philofophers been told a few years ago " that there exifted fifties M which had the command of lightening, and always ufed " it to kill their prey," they would have thought the information abfurd and ridiculous.

Pubîijhed by Dr. Price,

And printed for T. Cadell, in the Strand;

I. /^OBSERVATIONS on Reversionary Pay- \^J ments ; on Schemes for providing Annuities for Widows, and for Peifons in Old Age ; on the Me- thod of calculating the Values of Assurances on Lives ; and on the National Debt. To which are added Four Essays on different Subjects in the Doctrine of Life-Annuities and Political Arithmetick. The Fourth Edition, enlarged into Two Volumes by Additional Notes and EiTays, a Collection of New Tables, a Hiftory of the Sinking Fund, a State of the Public Debts in January 1783, and a Postscript on the Popu- lation of the Kingdom. Price 15s. bound.

II. Two Tracts on Civil Liberty, the War with America, .and the Debts and Finances of the King- dom ; with a General Introduction and Supplement. Price 6s. bound.

III. A Review of the principal Queftions and Difficul- ties in Morals. Particularly, thofe relating to the Ori- ginal of our Ideas of Virtue, its Nature, Foundation, Re- ference to the Deity, Obligation, Subj ct-Matter, and Sanctions. The 2d Edition corrected. Price 6 s.

IV. Four Dissertations. — I. On Providence.— II. On Prayer. — III. On the Reafons for expecting that virtuous Men fhall meet after Death in a State of Happi- nefs. — IV. On the Importance of Chriflianity, the Nature of Historical Evidence, and Miracles. The 4th Edition. Price 6 s.

V. An Appeal to the Public, on the Subject of the National Debt. The 2d Editien ; with an Appendix, containing Explanatory Obfervations and Tables ; and an Account of the prefent State of Population in Norfolk. Price 2S.

VI. A Sermon delivered to a Congregation of Pro- teftant Diffenters at Hackney, on the 10th of Feb. 1779, being the Day appointed for a General Faft. The 2d Edi- tion. To which are added, Remarks on a Paflage in the Bifhop of London's Sermon on Afh-Wednefday, 1779. Price is.

VIL A

Publijhed by Dr. Price.

VII. A Discourse addrefled to a Congregation at Hackney, on February 21, 1781, being the Day appointed for a Public Faft. Price 1 s.

VIII. An Essay on the Population of England, from the Revolution to the prefent Time. With an Ap- pendix, containing Remarks on the Account of the Popu- lation, Trade, and Refources of the Kingdom, in Mr. Eden's Letters to Lord Carlifle. The Second Edition. Price 2s.

IX. The State of the Public Debts and Finances at figning the Preliminary Articles of Peace in Jan. 1783; with a Plan for raifing Money by Public Loans, and for redeeming the Public Debts. The Second Edition. Price is. 6d.

X. Postscript to the State of the Public Debts and Finances. Price 1 s.

XI. Correspondence between Dr. Prieftley and Dr. Price on the Subjects of Materialism and Ne- cessity. Octavo. Price 6 s. Printed for Mr. Johnfon, in St. Paul's Church-Yard.

Deacidified using the Bookkeeper process. Neutralizing agent: Magnesium Oxide Treatment Date: Dec. 2003

PreservationTechnologies

A WORLD LEADER IN PAPER PRESERVATION

1 1 1 Thomson Park Drive Cranberry Township, PA 16066 (724)779-2111

##'J

<?

*

*■&$£: ■

*gm